Institution Of Slavery Research Articles

THE M/OTHER STORY IN TONI MORRISON’S BELOVED: THE TRAUMA OF MOTHERHOOD/MOTHERLAND AND THE AFRICAN AMERICAN IDENTITY

Inspired by the story of Margaret Garner, Toni Morrison’s Beloved revolves around the story of Sethe, among those of other slave mothers, and her struggle to experience motherhood against the horrors and terrors of slavery and white exploitation. In light of Lacanian theory, this study deals with the traumatic nature of motherhood in the institution of slavery, while exploring the unconventional m(other) portrait drawn by Morrison in her novel. Connectedly, drawing on Stuart Hall’s insights about the issues of identity and belonging, this paper also investigates the role of the trauma resulting from lost motherhood in the loss of the African motherland and the molding of the African-American identity.

Truth and Reconciliation in Charleston, SC—Slavery Central

As a tourist destination dependent on its reputation for elegant architecture, fine dining, and good manners, Charleston, South Carolina regularly tops industry journal lists of “Best Cities” to visit both in the United States and internationally. The city’s place in atlases of world history is assured, however, not by virtue of its architecture, cuisine, or politeness but because it was the single most important port in continental North America for the importation of enslaved Africans. The paradoxical coexistence of these two factors illustrates Simon Gikandi’s thesis in Slavery and the Culture of Taste that “the institution of slavery and the culture of taste were fundamental in the shaping of modern identity, and that they did so not apart but as nonidentical twins.” Charleston’s recent—belated—attempts to address the racial violence that underlies the surface are confronted by another, closely associated paradox: that politeness can be its own form of violence. Current legislative moves to limit or flat-out outlaw teaching about race exemplify the kind of “authoritative discourse” that Pierre Bourdieu describes as “condemn[ing] the occupants of dominated positions either to silence or to shocking outspokenness” (191). This essay assesses work by three Black writers—Marcus Amaker, Kwame Dawes, and Nikky Finney—who, in writing about Charleston and South Carolina, have had to find ways to wrestle with the problem of how to make their voices heard without being dismissed as shockingly outspoken.

Race-Based Medicine Is Racist.

Race is a social construct and cannot be used as a biological proxy, inherently making race-based medicine racist. Given the history of slavery in the United States, there are deep-rooted racist laws and policies that have impacted the health of families and children of color for centuries. The American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) has come to acknowledge its racist past and promised a more equitable future for children and its organization. White physicians from the days of slavery created false myths regarding biological differences between races to strengthen their argument for keeping the institution of slavery - some of which are still in use today. It is vital to the health of future generations of this country that there be a shift to practicing race-conscious medicine and addressing the social determinants of health that are responsible for inequitable care. Pediatricians can play a significant role in ensuring health care equity for children now and in the future. [Pediatr Ann. 2023;52(10):e365-e367.].

Moda Negra, past and present

The institution of slavery had a profound and enduring influence on the culture of Brazil, particularly in fashion. The early trans-Atlantic slave trade was dominated by the Portuguese, beginning in the sixteenth century; the importation of enslaved Africans to Brazil continued well into the nineteenth century, contributing to Brazil’s large Black population. Enslaved individuals actively used fashion to express their African heritage and resist the hierarchy of slavery. Fashion also served as a tool for power and control, with clothing choices reflecting social status. During pre-Lenten Carnaval celebrations, social hierarchies were temporarily overturned. African cosmologies influenced dressing, with elements like jewellery and ceremonial colours conveying spiritual significance. Contemporary Afro-Brazilian designers continue to incorporate these elements, thereby highlighting the dynamic nature of Afro-Brazilian fashion.

Seeger Lecture, Society for Ethnomusicology Virtual Meeting 2021

Seeger Lecture, Society for Ethnomusicology Virtual Meeting 2021

Large Scale Slave Revolts in Ancient Greece: An Issue of Absence or an Absence of Issue

In the modern perception of the Ancient World the massive slave revolts loom largely. To the modern mind, infused, through education and mass media, with notions of sanctity of personal freedom and shamefulness of servitude, there is natural and immediate connection between the institution of slavery and armed, violent resistance to it. Ancient slaves were kept in obviously shameful and degrading state of bondage, therefore they revolted – they must have. In fact, however, large scale slave revolts are actually quite rare in world history and, in the case of Ancient Greece, all examples that one could point to are late and (at least superficially) marginal. If we limit our scope to Classical Greece (5th and 4th centuries BC), the slave revolt is virtually non-existent, unless we choose to widen the definition of slaves to include the helots of Sparta and the penests of Thessaly. This paper assumes that Messenian (helot) revolts are a separate (though perhaps related) phenomenon to slave revolts, and focus only on the latter. There are only three known cases of anything resembling a slave revolt (four, if we add the problematic case of the slave uprising of Drimacus, in the 3nd century BC Chios), and they seem rather minute in their scope and achievement, especially when compared to the contemporary massive slave wars of Roman Sicily and Italy. The paper argues that this absence is not an illusion, created, as one might argue, through a lack of interest or organized silence on the part of ancient authors, but the actual reflection of historical reality. Prospects of success for such endeavor were minimal, while the dangers involved were overwhelming. Specific conditions required for large scale slave uprisings were rarely met in Ancient Greece and consequently the phenomenon itself was rare.

Slavery in Ancient Rome

The institution of slavery was characteristic of all the civilizations from Mediterranean basin in ancient times. However, slavery had its widest application in the Roman state, for which it was of immense importance, since slaves were seen as the driving force of Roman social and economic system. Slaves (servus, puer) were treated as “speaking tools” (instrumentum vocale). The position of the individual in the Roman state was regulated in detail, and there were three special positions: status civitatis (Roman citizen or foreigner), status familiae (elder of the family or its member under the rule of pater familias) and status libertatis (slave or free man). Slaves had a special legal status in Roman law at the time. Unlike animals and things over which power was referred to as domicium, this was about power over man, so the term domicia potestas was used. In the initial stages of the development of state and the law, they were viewed exclusively as property, without any personal, property or other rights. Thus the puer could not be a party to the proceedings, and his union with the slave girl was treated as a de facto union (contubernium), not as a valid marriage. He could only improve the position of his master, and if the servus would cause some damage to a third party, the master was not obliged to eliminate it, but according to Aquilius law of damage from 287 AD there was a possibility of handing over the slave to the injured party according to the principles of noxal liability. An individual could find himself in the status of a slave in three ways: by falling into captivity in war, by being born to a slave mother (vernae) or by losing his freedom as a form of sanction. In addition to private and royal, there were also so-called public slaves (servi publici). Their owner was not a private person, but a wider social community, and power over them was officially exercised by the Roman people (populus Romanus), civilian authorities in municipalities or colonies in Italy and its provinces. Servi publici were most often employed by magistrates or priests, and they also worked as guardians of various Roman buildings: basilicas, temples, archives and libraries. Roman law also knew of other forms of subordination that were not a form of slavery but states similar to it. The first aspect referred to persons in mancipio who were handed over by the pater famillias through mancipation to another elder as labor or to avoid tortious liability. The second case concerned addictus. Under the old civil law (ius civile) the addictus was a debtor in a certain obligatory relationship where, in case of non-payment of his obligation, he would be assigned to the creditor. The creditor had to keep him in the so-called creditor’s imprisonment for 60 days, until a guarantor appeared or the debt was repaid. If this did not happen, the debtor could be killed or sold as a slave. Persons redeemed from captivity (redempti ab hostibus) could be held captive by the redeemer until the ransom is paid either in money or by the work of the redeemed person. During the period of the empire, the duration of captivity of this kind could last for a maximum of 5 years. Gai Institutiones also classified auctoratus in these states. These included men, women and minor children who undertook to work for a person for a certain period of time (iudicati). Liberation from slavery was done through a special legal procedure (manumissio). In the early epochs of the ius civile, it was of an extremely formal nature, and with later praetorian activity this formalism was abandoned and replaced by new, more efficient legal means.

Caryl Phillips's interstitial poetics

ABSTRACT The “spatial turn” in literary studies has challenged the perception that time is the fundamental organising principle of fiction and has drawn attention to the ways in which writers create literary cartographies. In a similar vein, postcolonial critics have foregrounded the role of “contact zones” and investigated the “third space” in between cultures as productive sites of interconnectedness, while also simultaneously laying bare the “labour of translation” that takes place in the territories reconfigured by the colonial domination. This article highlights the centrality of space in Caryl Phillips’s novels on transatlantic slavery and argues how, through a meticulous exploration of multiple spaces of transit and of the characters who inhabit them, the author suggestively lays out an interstitial poetics. Within Phillips’s composite oeuvre, the investigation of transatlantic slavery and its legacy is a pivotal, recurring theme. In his works, Phillips dwells on the liminal spaces that emerged in the context of the Middle Passage and the institution of slavery. As this article will argue, by reimagining the Black Atlantic as contiguous to the imperial centre, Phillips complicates the geography of colonial and imperial Britain.

Color capital: Examining the racialized nature of beauty via colorism and skin bleaching

AbstractColorism, like whiteness is capital, is rooted in the institution of slavery and has resulted in the preference of light skin. Because colorism is part of the historical construction of whiteness, the consumption of whiteness is commodified through various markets. Current manifestations of racialized beauty, that is, skin bleaching and photo editing apps such as FaceTune and Snap Chat reinforce colorism and impact conceptualizations of beauty. This literature review surveys how colorism and racialized beauty are reproduced to reinforce whiteness as a form of capital.

Pharmapolitics and the Early Roman Expansion: Gender, Slavery, and Ecology in 331 BCE

This article reinterprets an incident that Livy (8.18.4–11) and derivative later sources place in the year 331 BCE: a wave of poisonings whose perpetrators are brought to light after an enslaved woman contacts a Roman magistrate. Its main objectives are to show that the incident is best understood in connection with the transmission of novel—or perceived as novel—pharmacological knowledge, and in conjunction with shifts in the institution of slavery at Rome that were set in motion by the Republic’s expansion; that a key figure in the mythological encoding of this transmission was the legendary Circe; and that moving away from previous scholarship’s concern with the matronae alleged to have carried out the poisonings and focusing instead on “la servant délatrice” (Jean-Marie Pailler) opens up new corridors into the cultural history of this period.

An Examination of Slavery in Islamic Jurisprudence: Insights from the Hanafi School of Law

Abstract: This paper is a descriptive analysis of the idea of slavery, under the case study of Hanafi School of Islamic jurisprudence. Although world has moved on a lot from the slavery as an institution but slavery has transformed itself into new frames whether it is bonded labor or the human trafficking. In this new context the question about the place of slavery in Islam becomes more important and critical to be addressed. This paper argues that Islam as a religion was introduced in the Arab region where slavery was much abused and victimized but Islam upgraded the social status of salves and intensely focused on kind behavior with them. This research also maintains that Islam as a religion gradually developed a societal structure that can sustain without the institution of slavery. Qualitative methodology along with primary sources has been used in this research.

Should John Locke Institute Change Its Name?

John Locke, an English philosopher, faces increased scrutiny over his affiliation with slavery at the height of the Black Lives Matter movement. The educational organization, John Locke Institute, continues to honor the name of Locke, despite the rising controversy. The aim of this paper is to examine the principal legacy of Locke and assess his involvement in the institution of slavery. This paper concludes that the John Locke Institute should not change its name, providing insight into the principles of renaming and offering a comparison to other acts of renaming monuments and institutions in the status quo.

In the Blood of Our Brothers; Abolitionism and the End of the Slave Trade in Spain’s Atlantic Empire, 1800–1870 by Jesus Sanjurjo

Reviewed by: In the Blood of Our Brothers; Abolitionism and the End of the Slave Trade in Spain’s Atlantic Empire, 1800–1870 by Jesus Sanjurjo Ricardo Raùl Salazar Rey In the Blood of Our Brothers; Abolitionism and the End of the Slave Trade in Spain’s Atlantic Empire, 1800–1870. By Jesus Sanjurjo. Tuscaloosa: University Alabama Press, 2021. This economically crafted monograph recounts more of the history behind the shape and intensity of the Atlantic slave trade from the Age of Revolutions to its end. Jesús Sanjurjo centers the “ever loyal,” if widely entangled, island of Cuba, as the wealth of its plantocracy became the lodestar of the reduced nineteenth-century Spanish Empire. He weaves the words of the protagonists with his analysis into a compelling narrative that connects the sudden and seemingly unstoppable growth of the Atlantic slave trade into the Spanish Empire in the first half of the nineteenth century and its sudden and dramatic end in the 1860s. Focusing on the colonies that remained under the control of Spain, he illuminates what has been overshadowed by the drama of mainland IberoAmerican independence and its aftermath; Sanjurjo connects his work with the historiographies of imperialism, Atlantic slavery and Iberian history, creating links throughout the chapters. The book opens in 1811 with the Spanish metropolis occupied and the Empire buckling under the relentless pressure of Revolutionary and Napoleonic France. From the beginning of European hostilities in 1792, the Spanish government had moved between unwilling alliance with, and active resistance to, French demands. After fifteen years of continuous efforts, not the least of which resulted in the annihilation of the combined fleet at Trafalgar, the Spanish monarchy pushed against French power. With disdain and disappointment Napoleon gambled, invading Iberia and dethroning Ferdinand VII “el deseado,” setting off the Peninsular War (1807–1814) also known as his “Spanish ulcer.” The unfolding crisis rippled outwards, straining imperial bonds that had held for 300 years. Starting in the lead up to the Constitution of 1812, Sanjurjo recurrently features a young liberal deputy named Agustín de Argüelles (1776–1844) who, in alliance and admiration of British abolitionists, led the efforts to suppress the Atlantic slave trade through the Constitution of 1812. His failure to persuade the Cortes comes despite regulation of slavery being a core competency of the Spanish empire. During the centuries that Spain controlled vast mainland American provinces, slavery and the slave trade were taxed and regulated to throttle their full potential. Further strengthening Argüelles’ arguments, the bloody but triumphant rebellion of enslaved and freed people that consumed the murderous prosperity of Saint Domingue and gave birth to Haiti, stalked the nightmares of the powerful. Nevertheless, the Spanish Cortes chose to continue the unlimited Atlantic slave trade into what was left of the empire. Furthermore, in the Constitution they stripped the franchise from Afro-Iberians. Argüelles and the moderates failed despite the moving descriptions, quoted by Sanjurjo, of the evils they were committing and limiting their goal to ending the Atlantic slave trade, not the institution of slavery. The creative destruction of the Age of Revolutions in the Atlantic created glittering business opportunities that a preponderance of elites across the Spanish Empire chose to prioritize. In a telling echo of the current practice of multinationals moving wherever regulation is weakest, the British abolition of the Atlantic slave trade in 1807, followed by the USA in 1808, did not disarticulate the human, material or financial infrastructure that had developed over the last 350 years to enable the Atlantic slave trade to keep the plantation complex fed. Concurrently, Spain lost all of its mainland provinces and this caused a change of guard amidst Spanish imperial officials. Liberalism, including the right to dispose of property in the form of people without restraints from state or church, increasingly became the new ideal. Between 1800 and 1870 the Atlantic slave traders, blocked from their usual outlets, poured approximately 700,000 African people into Cuba. Ill prepared to rule and weakened by Napoleonic trauma, Ferdinand VII freed himself from the Constitution of 1812 while keeping the UK on side by capitulating to the anti-slave trade Treaty of 1817. This treaty...

Colossal Ambitions: Confederate Planning for a Post–Civil War World by Adrian Brettle

Reviewed by: Colossal Ambitions: Confederate Planning for a Post–Civil War World by Adrian Brettle Mark Grimsley Colossal Ambitions: Confederate Planning for a Post–Civil War World. By Adrian Brettle. A Nation Divided: Studies in the Civil War Era. (Charlottesville and London: University of Virginia Press, 2020. Pp. xiv, 313. $45.00, ISBN 978-0-8139-4437-1.) Because we know that the Confederacy died in 1865, it can be easy to miss the fact that not only did Confederates anticipate victory on the field of battle, [End Page 150] but also they had specific ideas about the society that the blood sacrifice of their solders would conjure into being. This lucidly written, historically imaginative, and deeply researched study by Adrian Brettle weaves these ideas into a valuable picture of the postwar world envisioned by Confederate policy makers and opinion makers. Confederate ambitions fell into four main categories. The first was territorial expansion, which would carry slavery into the New Mexico Territory and parts of Mexico, replace Spain as the overseer of Cuban slavery, and resurrect southern dreams of a Caribbean empire. In a quixotic corollary, some Confederate expansionists believed that both the border states and the states of the Old Northwest would exit the Union to join them. Second, Confederates recognized the importance of internal improvements and better technology. Third, they disregarded indications that slavery was on the wane throughout the world and expected to rely on the slavery-based, staple-exporting economy that, in their view, had served the South so well. Finally, they believed that, despite the war’s carnage, interwoven economic interests and a common foreign policy goal of maintaining the Monroe Doctrine would lead the Union and Confederacy to forge an informal or even formal confederation, perhaps extending to include Mexico and Canada. Underpinning the Confederate program as a whole was confidence in the institution of slavery; an exalted view of southern history, culture, and religious faith; and a desire to play a major role on the world stage. The book’s subtitle, which speaks of “planning” for a postwar Confederate society, is a bit extravagant, since the word implies meetings and concerted thought by specific groups, and Confederate policy makers and opinion makers did not do this. Nonetheless, Brettle teases out strands of ambition from the writings of these Confederates. Some of these thinkers made extended arguments, but many of their ideas appeared here and there in correspondence, speeches, and so on, suggesting that such thinking was not fully fleshed out. It is nonetheless notable that the same basic ideas cropped up repeatedly and depicted a coherent worldview. The extravagance of Confederate ambitions is striking. Even given a victorious war of independence, it is difficult to see how many of their goals could have been achieved. By mid-1863, the military manpower necessary for territorial expansion had been squandered on the war’s battlefields. Plans for an economy based on specie derived from the export of cotton failed to recognize that during the war, Great Britain discovered major cotton sources in Egypt and elsewhere. And a slaveholding society badly disarranged by the advance of Union armies, even if those armies were beaten back, could not be easily stabilized—although Confederate thinkers convinced themselves otherwise by fantasizing that “African Americans would have a better future in the Confederacy than anywhere else in the world, especially that to be had in the United States” (p. 181). As the war progressed, the declining fortunes of the Confederacy forced a reimagining of these ambitions, but not nearly to the degree one would expect. Confederate thinkers apparently overlooked key issues such as an overhaul of the financial system, which failed the Confederacy so miserably during the war, and the expansion of higher education, on which the construction of a [End Page 151] modern infrastructure depended. Indeed, based on the skillful portrait the author creates, one would not be far wrong to argue that Confederate thinkers looked backward to a perfected antebellum world rather than forward to a realistic postwar world. Mark Grimsley Ohio State University Copyright © 2023 The Southern Historical Association

Una historia de la emancipación negra: Esclavitud y abolición en la Argentina

The abolition of Latin American slavery has long been recognized as a complex and contentious process stretching over several decades. Historians who study that process face the challenge of incorporating into their stories multiple actors: state officials, lawyers, journalists, activists, and, not least, enslaved people actively seeking freedom. That approach has generated a rich historiography, ranging from early work by Emília Viotti da Costa, Robert Conrad, Rebecca Scott, and others up through recent books by scholars such as Jeffrey Needell, Angela Alonso, and Yesenia Barragan. Based on deep and meticulous research and clearly and effectively written, Magdalena Candioti's Una historia de la emancipación negra is a worthy addition to that literature.Candioti begins her story with the profoundly destabilizing impacts of national independence on the institution of slavery. Revolutionary rhetoric that compared Spanish rule to enslavement and that promised to strike off the chains of colonial rule inevitably raised the question of whether that promise included the chains of slavery. Since many, and probably most, independence leaders were themselves slave owners, this question struck uncomfortably close to home. The contradiction between national freedom and continuing enslavement produced first the abolition of the African slave trade in 1812 and then the Free Womb Law (Ley de Libertad de Vientres) the following year. The law decreed that children of enslaved mothers would continue to serve their mothers' enslavers until reaching the age of majority (16 for females, 20 for males), at which point they would achieve full freedom.One ambiguity of the new law was whether children of enslaved mothers were born free (and were therefore ingenuos) or whether they were born enslaved and then immediately freed (and were therefore libertos). The Reglamento de Libertos, approved a month after the initial law, settled that question and laid out the regulations governing this new class of persons. In 1840, a court in Tucumán found that “los derechos y obligaciones que tiene el patrono [enslaver of the child's mother] respecto del liberto son los mismos que tiene un amo respecto de un esclavo; . . . ambos tienen el derecho de servirse y sacar del liberto y esclavo una justa utilidad” (p. 88; emphasis in original). Patronos were also free to sell their libertos (after the age of two) to other owners, and Candioti finds many instances of slave parents going to the police to request assistance in getting their children back, “con suerte dispar” (p. 86).Meanwhile, those Africans and Afro-Argentines who had been enslaved at the time of the Free Womb Law's passage remained enslaved. They continued to pursue freedom in the same ways that they had pursued it under colonial rule, through negotiating with their enslavers and accumulating the savings with which to buy their freedom. Candioti finds that the same system of coartación (enslaver and enslaved person agreeing in advance on a fixed purchase price) that existed in Cuba, Peru, and other countries operated in Argentina as well, and that, as in other countries, women were clearly favored over men in grants of manumission (pp. 111–12).Independence further undermined slavery by opening another route to freedom, through military service. Several thousand slaves were conscripted into rebel armies and then into provincial forces during the civil wars that followed independence. Slaves could also volunteer for service, and many did so. Conscription was no guarantee of freedom, however, since many draftees died or returned from service broken in health.With no new slaves being born or imported from Africa, by the 1840s slavery's days in Argentina were clearly numbered. Reviewing the debates in the constitutional assembly of 1852–53, Candioti finds that Article 15, which abolished slavery, was approved with zero discussion, no voices speaking either for or against the measure. The constitution made no provision for compensation to former enslavers, but several provinces did institute programs that compensated owners for their liberated property.Throughout her book, Candioti stresses the tensions and disconnects between legal principles and daily lived reality, and the constant process of negotiation among enslaved persons, libertos, enslavers, and state officials. She has dug deep into administrative, judicial, and church archives and into nineteenth-century newspapers, and has made excellent use of the outpouring of research in recent years on Black and subaltern history in Argentina. Finally, rather than confining herself to Buenos Aires, she surveys conditions and practices throughout Argentina while simultaneously calling for further research on those provinces. All these aspects make the book a signal achievement and the obligatory reference for how slavery came to an end in Argentina.

Progressing from “mistress’ lap-dog to freeman”: Commemorating the Slavery Experience in the Hispanic World via the Narrative of Juan Francisco Manzano

The essay, I wish to compare Manzano’s account to selected examples of NorthAmerican slave narratives, especially that of Frederick Douglass, while exploring suchrelated issues as the question of authorship, the description of slavery both in theCaribbean and the American South, the role of women in the institution of slavery, andthe potential applicability of black stereotypes maintained in North American culture.

Teaching Difficult Stories: Trauma-Informed Teaching in the Classics Classroom

AbstractEvery textbook has its strengths, and each its own quirks and idiosyncrasies. Apart from any pedagogical concerns about the old Cambridge Latin Course textbook series, for example, was the question of how it represented problematic aspects of the ancient world, such as the role of women and the institution of slavery (see Hunt, 2016). The de Romanis Latin course (Radice et al., 2020a and 2020b), which we use at my school at Key Stage 3, takes a much more detached approach to the teaching of Roman culture, presenting its reading exercises as individual stories grouped around each chapter's centralised theme rather than as a narrative told from the perspective of one group of fictionalised characters. But difficult subjects still arise and need to be handled sensitively by the teacher – particularly given the age group (11–14) the textbook is aimed at. This paper shows one way in which this might be achieved.

Wicked Flesh: Black Women, Intimacy, and Freedom in the Atlantic World

Wicked Flesh: Black Women, Intimacy, and Freedom in the Atlantic World

Changes in informal society and slavery during the Chosun-Era in Korea

While slavery was unconventional in Northeast Asia in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, it has been documented in Korea from the Three Kingdoms period (BC 57–AD 668). In 1731, a new slavery regulation was introduced in Korea that stipulated that a child was a slave only if its mother was a slave, regardless of the status of the child’s father. This led to a dramatic decrease in the number of slaves. In addition, slaves also deserted more frequently after 1731 because the ‘not-freed’, remaining slaves tried various ways to secure their freedom amid the ensuing societal instability. The easiest way for slaves in Korea to achieve freedom was to flee their owners since they were of native descent. Slave desertions and entry into the informal economy may be attributed to the exclusion of slaves from social institution. Slaves attempted to escape from their current status to the informal sectors of society, where they could manage a subsistence-level existence without being caught. This study explores government registries of household tallies in three counties of Korea’s Kyungsang province and data on slave transaction. We consider the role of slave desertion in order to examine a relationship between the 1731 regulation change, the institution of slavery, and society. We find that the evidence indicates that the 1731 regulation change led to more desertions, and the costs of monitoring slaves increased; slaves were replaced with daily-wage workers on farmlands. This study contributes to the literature by tracing the causality of slave desertions to informal society that led to the collapse of slavery in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Korea.

The Evolution of Anti-Blackness in the American South: How Slavery and Segregation Perpetuates the Victimization of Black People

Objectives: Drawing on the “legacy effect” framework and the intergroup contact hypothesis, this study examines whether 1) slavery is associated with anti-Black hate crimes, 2) racial segregation is associated with anti-Black hate crimes, and 3) racial segregation moderates the relationship between slavery and anti-Black hate crimes. Methods: Using several data sources, including the 1860 and 2000 U.S. Census and the 2000-2016 Uniform Crime Report, negative binomial regressions are employed to explore these research questions. Results: In support of the “legacy effect” and intergroup contact hypothesis, the findings from the analyses reveal that both slavery and racial segregation are significantly associated with increases in anti-Black hate crimes. Moreover, the relationship between slavery and anti-Black hate crimes is amplified by racial segregation. Conclusions: The results from this research suggest that historical practices and institutions, such as slavery, can influence the contemporary maltreatment of Black citizens. Specifically, the racism and discrimination inherent in slavery has manifested in the form of modern-day anti-Black hate crimes. Additionally, the relationship between slavery and anti-Black hate crimes is amplified when racial segregation prevents racial and ethnic groups from building meaningful relationships that could demystify the culture of Black inferiority created by the institution of slavery.