Influence Of Political Parties Research Articles

Al-Quds Issues in The Media: A Comparative Study of Aqsa T.V. And Palestine T.V. Coverage During the American Embassy Relocating

This article examines the coverage of Al-Quds/Jerusalem issues by Palestinian political parties, FATAH and HAMAS, on their affiliated television channels, Palestine TV and Aqsa TV, respectively. The study aims to investigate the influence of political parties and religious perspectives on the coverage of Al-Quds and determine the significance of Al-Quds as a national issue for Palestinians. The study focuses on the period surrounding the relocation of the American embassy to Al-Quds, from 13 May to 19 May 2018, where 24 Arabic news broadcasts were collected. The study utilizes the Agenda Setting Theory to analyze the role of Aqsa TV in shaping public opinion and perceptions of Al-Quds. Through content analysis of prime-time news broadcasts from both channels during a specific week, the findings reveal differences in the prioritized topics, placement within the news, media formats employed, and duration of coverage. Palestine TV emphasizes the civil aspects of Al-Quds from a national perspective. At the same time, Aqsa TV highlights the religious significance of the Islamic-Jewish conflict. The study concludes that the news coverage of Al-Quds reflects the political agendas of FATAH and HAMAS and suggests further research on the contrasting portrayals of Al-Quds issues in Palestinian and Israeli media.

Panchayat System in Karnataka: Democracy, Representation and Political Parties

Abstract: As far as the Indian sub-continent is concerned local governance/panchayat has an elaborate history. The rural population have for long practiced this system of governing themselves through their representatives. The mode of working and the powers vested in the local bodies, have not been uniform throughout. The federation conferred constitutional status to the local governance bodies in 1993 and this system has progressed in an interesting way. Karnataka, a southern State in India has been ahead of time in enacting legislations dealing with local governance. Even before the amendment inserting provisions to the Constitution of India was passed, Karnataka had and was implementing extravagant laws pertaining to panchayats. Since democracy and decentralisation are closely associated with the panchayats, the idea of representation has a key role to play. The concerns with respect to involvement and influence of political parties in the local body elections are an important aspect as well. This paper ventures out to understand the panchayat system in Karnataka, pre and post the Constitutional amendment. The paper intends to throw light on the essence of the legislations relating to panchayats in Karnataka and understand the idea of democracy, representational factor and the concept of elections on a non-party basis. The researchers have keenly pondered upon the implementation of apolitical elections in Karnataka, the flaws in the proposed phenomenon. The paper also aims to look into hurdles in the way of these local bodies and propose suggestions to get over the same. Purpose: To Analyze the panchayat system in Karnataka, both before and after the 1993 constitutional amendment. Examine the essence of Karnataka's panchayat-related legislation. Explore the concepts of democracy, representation, and non-party elections in the context of panchayats. Evaluate the implementation of non-partisan elections in Karnataka and identify potential flaws. Analyze the challenges faced by panchayats and propose solutions. Theoretical Reference: Mainly Doctrinal research methodology. Relies on primary sources like the Indian Constitution, relevant statutes relating to panchayaths, and relevant data. Draws on secondary sources like articles and research papers. Method: Analyzes relevant legal documents and scholarly works. Analytical Method of Study Comparative Studies in relation to various factors pertaining to the research between the three levels of Panchayat (Gram Panchayat, Taluk Panchayat and Zilla Panchayat) Results and Conclusion: Non-partisan elections in Karnataka are largely theoretical; political parties influence local elections. Political interference hinders effective panchayat functioning. The paper likely proposes recommendations for strengthening panchayats and minimizing political influence. Implications of Research: Provides insights into the challenges and potential of decentralized governance in India. Informs policymakers and stakeholders about improving panchayat effectiveness. May contribute to debates on non-partisan elections and local democracy. Originality/Value: The study offers a focused analysis of Karnataka's panchayat system within a specific theoretical framework. Its findings on the limitations of non-partisan elections could be valuable for other regions considering similar approaches.

Pilkada Serentak di Masa Pendemi Covid-19

This study aims to explain the political marketing strategy used by the candidate pair Andreas Paru and Raymundus Bena or the AP-RB in winning the 2020 simultaneous regional elections in Ngada Regency. This research uses a qualitative approach with a descriptive type that aims to describe the winning strategy obtained during the covid-19 pandemic. The results showed that the political marketing strategy used by the AP-RB was to deliver political products offered directly to prospective voters (Push Political Marketing) by conducting limited socialization of 50 people according to health protocols, the use of social media (facebook) AP-RB group by the success team initiated by the supporting parties PKB and Golkar to deliver political products by printing brochures, pamphlets, and billboards containing the vision-mission and work programs offered. In addition, the success team conducted a segmentation strategy based on geography, psychography, behavior and socio-culture to determine the political map which was then used as the candidate's supporting vote base. Determining targeting and positioning to bring up a certain image to voters both through work programs (policies) about TANTA NELA PARIS, namely Farmers Livestock Fishermen and Tourism, candidate profiles (person). This study also found that the influence of political parties (price) has a very important role in creating a good image among the public.

Examining the Forms of Central Government’s Dominance over Local Governments in Liberia

In recent years, the government of Liberia and its stakeholders have developed several policies towards decentralization that have led to significant developments. However, challenges still remain, especially the dominance of the central government, political greed, etc. This study aims to identify the forms of central government’s dominance over local governments in Liberia and its impacts on local governance. This research applied a qualitative method with primary data obtained through interviews with relevant informants and secondary data obtained through analysis of previous studies, mass media, and policies regarding decentralization in Liberia, and analyzed using an interactive model in addition to the NVivo 12 Plus software. The findings reveal that the central government exerts dominance in three forms, including visible, hidden, and invisible forms. Visible forms include explicit regulations predominantly financial control and local officials' appointment, which allowed the central government to dictate local governance. Hidden forms mainly include intimidation and political party influence, which are not publicly acknowledged, allowing the central government to maintain its dominance and often devaluing local agendas. Invisible forms mainly include institutional capture and policy development, shaping the mindsets of local officials and citizens as well as viewing this dominance as natural, thus leading to a culture of silence. Hence, the research emphasizes the need for further reforms to ensure a balanced distribution of power and the independence of local governments to serve communities effectively and make decisions aligned with local needs.

Panchayat System in Karnataka: Democracy, Representation and Political Parties

Abstract: As far as the Indian sub-continent is concerned local governance/panchayat has an elaborate history. The rural population have for long practiced this system of governing themselves through their representatives. The mode of working and the powers vested in the local bodies, have not been uniform throughout. The federation conferred constitutional status to the local governance bodies in 1993 and this system has progressed in an interesting way. Karnataka, a southern State in India has been ahead of time in enacting legislations dealing with local governance. Even before the amendment inserting provisions to the Constitution of India was passed, Karnataka had and was implementing extravagant laws pertaining to panchayats. Since democracy and decentralisation are closely associated with the panchayats, the idea of representation has a key role to play. The concerns with respect to involvement and influence of political parties in the local body elections are an important aspect as well. This paper ventures out to understand the panchayat system in Karnataka, pre and post the Constitutional amendment. The paper intends to throw light on the essence of the legislations relating to panchayats in Karnataka and understand the idea of democracy, representational factor and the concept of elections on a non-party basis. The researchers have keenly pondered upon the implementation of apolitical elections in Karnataka, the flaws in the proposed phenomenon. The paper also aims to look into hurdles in the way of these local bodies and propose suggestions to get over the same. Methodology: The research is doctrinal in nature. The authors have depended on primary sources inclusive of the Constitution of India, 1950, relevant statutes, statistical data and secondary sources including articles and research papers. Results/Analysis: Apolitical elections to the local government bodies in Karnataka is a myth and it ceremoniously present on papers. Political parties, national and regional influence the electoral process at the grass root level. Interference of political parties in panchayat elections is detrimental to the working of panchayats.

Information policy as a resource for state management

This article examines the multifaceted nature of information policy and the key role played by various social institutions in its formation and implementation. It also explores the participation of political parties, movements and associations of citizens as key actors responsible for the formation and implementation of information policy. In addition, the authors analyze the significant influence of political parties on state power in matters of information policy, citing examples from such modern countries as Russia and the United States. The enduring importance of political parties as vital social institutions is recognized, their role in the information space and their impact on society when coming to power are discussed. The mechanisms of relations between the institutions of state power and the mass media are studied, and their characteristics are given, taking into account the interests of both sides in the field of modern communications. The main directions of using public relations for political reasons by governing bodies are highlighted, taking into account the increased expectations of social responsibility, activity and consciousness on the part of other participants in the political process and civil society. The effective management of the process of institutionalization of information policy is considered.

Political Parties and Women’s Representation in the Indonesian Parliament 2009-2019

As the transmission belt linking people's aspirations to the government, the political party has a crucial role in preparing actors to become candidates for people's representatives. Since the enactment of affirmative policies both in elections and internal parties, the number of women in parliament has never met the 30% quota as expected. During the ten years from 2009 to 2019, the number of women in the House of Representatives (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) seats only ranged from 17-20 percent. This article examines the influence of political parties' characteristics on women's representation in the Indonesian parliament in the 2009-2019 period. This research uses four party characteristics by Sundström Stockemer as variables that will be analyzed through linear regression models. The research results show that the vote size variable is the only variable significantly influencing women's representation in parliament. The estimated trend of women's representation in parliament shows an increase in the upcoming 2024 elections. However, it is still far from the target of 30%. Hence, it needs a progressive affirmative policy in the form of reserved seats to encourage proportionality in the policy-making forum.

Demokracja bezpośrednia w Austrii – praktyka i perspektywy rozwoju

DIRECT DEMOCRACY IN AUSTRIA – PRACTICE AND DEVELOPMENT PROSPECTS First, the article traces the historical development of and legal regulations related to the instruments of direct democracy in the Second Republic. It details such forms of direct democracy as: the obligatory and optional referendum (Volksabstimmung), consultative referendum (Volksbefragung) and popular legislative initiative (Volksbegehren), as well as provides historical examples of their use. The latter part of the article elaborates on the positions of the main political parties in Austria and federal coalition plans for the years 2003-2020 against the backdrop of popularisation of forms of direct democracy. The research hypothesis adopted assumes that there is no agreement among the Austrian establishment as to whether direct democracy should become a permanent and significant supplement to representative democracy. The scarce interest in referendums and non-binding (consultative) referendums in Austria results from institutional and legal barriers, which make it difficult to initiate any forms of direct democracy, as well as from the huge influence of political parties that support representative democracy.

Institutions, parties and the evolution of electoral preferences

AbstractPolitical institutions and parties define the set of choices faced by voters, and structure the evolution of electoral preferences over the election cycle. While previous research examines the characteristics of institutions, here we consider the influence of political parties. We theorize ways in which they matter to the formation of electoral preferences over the election timeline, and also how these relate to institutional features. Our analysis simultaneously assesses the influence of different system‐ and party‐level variables on the dynamic structure of voters’ preferences in legislative elections using a dataset of 27,357 vote intention polls in 26 countries since 1942, covering 231 discrete electoral cycles and encompassing 208 political parties. The results indicate that electoral institutions and parties are both important, but the characteristics of parties matter most of all, and effectively mediate institutional influences. These results have implications for the effects of election campaigns, the prediction of election outcomes, and party behavior itself.

Sudska kontrola ustavnosti (judical review) - savremeni pristup

Contemporary global society is highly polarizated. Minority societes seriously endangere civilised achievements, like principles of democratic society and goverments of law are. Such societies resort to force their decisions breaching, by this, fundamental human rights and civilised achivements, very often. In such circumstances, judicial review gains significance and actuality, as a way to avoid social conflicts and to protect the interests of majority, as well. The institution of judical review has its roots in parliamentary (political) control, but there are opinions that such a control of constitutionality and legality was under strong influence of political parties. The second way of such control, having its roots in political control as well, was highly developed through experience of State Council (administrative court) and Constitutional Council in France, competent for timely control and removal of any kind of illegality before the law has been passed, unlike later control. This is why this kind of control is widely spread all over the Europe and in other legal systems, as well. The third way of control of constitutionality and legality is through the competences of judicial power, by ordinary courts, like in USA, or by special courts (constitutional courts). This way of control is also widely spread due to authority and speciality of the court as an institution, and due to its objectivity, also. Above all, this way of control of constitutionality and legality is guaranteed by citizens ( public), who take part in active evaluation of such a control.

Rechtsstaatliche Voraussetzungen für ein modernes Verfassungsrecht in Europa

The “rule of law” is a fundamental principle in modern European constitutional law and, despite some irritations in Member States like Hungary and Poland, a generally recognized basic feature of European integration. Among its basic elements that can all be found in the primary law of the European Union, are the general idea that public power is bound by law, the separation of powers, various aspects of legal security, the proportionality of governmental actions, basic rights of the individual and effective legal remedies before independent courts. Some of those elements were already mentioned in the writings of Stanislaw Dniestrzański in 1920. Like other elements of liberal constitutions, the “rule of law” can fall prey to the abuse of power, even one that has been won through democratic elections, and to benevolent disdain. The principle is in our times, for example, challenged by populistic attitudes, the encroaching influence of political parties and the impulse of elected governments to roll back the independence of the judiciary. It is very appropriate, therefore, to underline that to accept the own power to be fenced by the “rule of law” is the very essence of European democracy.

Ex Ante and Ex Post Control over Courts in the US States: Court Curbing and Political Party Influence

Court curbing, proposed policy that attempts to “restrict, remove or otherwise limit” the power of the judiciary, occurs regularly and with considerable variation throughout the US states. I deviate from past studies, which consider court curbing as an ex post control mechanism, by focusing on ex ante controls of state courts – judicial selection rules and processes. I argue that levels of political party influence over judicial selection (before a judge is seated) alter the motivation to engage in court curbing after a judge is seated. I test this novel ex ante explanation with an original data set of court curbing and judicial selection from 2015 to 2018. Mixed results offer some support for my theory while opening new opportunities for study, particularly among partisan election systems.

POLITICAL SERVICE IN EXECUTIVE AUTHORITIES (ADMINISTRATIVE LEGAL ANALYSIS)

The article analyzes the classification of positions of public servants, which divides positions in the executive branch into two types - administrative and political. It is emphasized that the effectiveness of any organization depends, inter alia, on the staffing of all parts of its internal management. In this regard, it is noted that the executive authorities are no exception in this regard. The overall effectiveness of the executive in Ukraine depends on the quality of the staff that fills all levels of government. It was noted that the process of legal regulation of government formation and distribution of positions in executive bodies was significantly influenced by competition between “technocratic government” and “influence of political parties”, which received public support in implementing their political programs. It is emphasized that determining the features of the legal regulation of political officials, clarifying their differences from public servants who hold administrative positions in the executive branch, is a relevant and promising subject of research in modern administrative law. It is proved that the legal status of public servants holding administrative positions in executive bodies is sufficiently regulated by national legislation, while the legal status of political servants is enshrined in fragments and with numerous gaps. The existence of public positions in executive bodies is mentioned in such normative legal acts as the Code of Administrative Proceeding of Ukraine, the Laws of Ukraine “On the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine”, “On Central Executive Bodies”. However, even today the national legislation does not have a clear list of positions of executive bodies that are political. It is established that the issue of the legal nature of such a position as the head of a local state administration, which was excluded from the list of administrative positions but was not officially recognized as a political position, remains unresolved in the national legislation. It is proved that public servants who hold political positions are characterized by the following features: 1) are appointed to positions according to the procedures provided by the norms of constitutional law; 2) are politicians or persons representing the interests of political forces in the government; 3) the legislation does not impose mandatory requirements on them in terms of practical experience or the appropriate level of professionalism; 4) they maintain contact with society through political technologies and procedures; 5) they are not subject to disciplinary liability.

Student government. European experience

In higher educational institutions and their structural divisions, there is student self-government, which is an integral part of the public self-government of the respective educational institutions. Student self-government allows students to be a direct participant management of a higher educational institution and solve issues of education and life, protection of the rights and interests of students. Student self-government unites all students and ensures the protection of the rights and interests of students and their participation in the management of a higher educational institution. Main part. In their activities, student bodies self-governments are guided by the legislation, the charter of the university and the regulation on student self-government of the university. Student self-government bodies operate on the principles of: voluntariness, collegiality, openness; 2) election and accountability of student self-government bodies; 3) equality of the right of students (cadets) to participate in student government; 4) independence from the influence of political parties and religious organizations (to Roma higher spiritual educational institutions). Student government starts at the student group level,flow, course, hostel, at the level of all departments where student life is seething. Student bodies self-government may have different forms (parliament, senate, starost, student administration, student deans, student councils, etc.). The experience of European colleagues and the construction of a European student community are interesting. self-government. Findings. Student self-government is based on the principles of equal rights for students, open election. And these principles are the same for all institutions of higher education. But interesting experience foreign universities, which must be studied and implemented partially within the walls of our university.

Political parties as allies for the forestry sector: A case study from Germany

This paper aims at shedding light on partisan differences in forest policy by analysing whether governing parties' policy outputs are strongly orientated towards the demands of the nature conservation or the forestry sector. The data base encompasses four forest-related issues, relevant from 2001 to 2018 in the 16 German Bundesländer, so that more than 50 cabinets were able to be considered for analysis. The application of Qualitative Comparative Analysis allowed testing for several variables that were expected to have an impact on or even dominate partisan effects in certain configurations. The findings show that political parties do matter in forest policy. While the Green Party's policy outputs are clearly orientated towards nature conservation demands, the Christian Democratic Union/ Christian Social Union is a suitable ally for the forestry sector. The Social Democrats are between these two extremes, but closer to nature conservation in highly populated Bundesländer. Factors like forest cover or share of private forests were revealed not to be as important as political parties. We conclude that research in forest policy missed an important political factor of forest policy by neglecting the influence of political parties as a research subject.

The power of the loser: Evidence on an agenda‐setting model of opposition policy influence

AbstractThe policy influence of political parties is a classic subject of investigation in political science research. The typical conclusion is that parties influence policy only through government: The government controls the legislative process and has the parliamentary majority to legislate; the opposition is shut out. Yet the legislative process is merely the final part of a much longer policy process starting with an agenda‐setting phase that decides the issues of political conflict in the first place. This study proposes an agenda‐setting model of opposition policy influence which hypothesises sizable opposition policy influence through agenda‐setting: A government is likely to adopt legislation covering the opposition's position in order to silence opposition agenda‐setting. The model is tested on the manual coding of 316 Acts of Parliament adopted by the government and 26,533 Prime Minister's Questions from the Opposition across six issues in Britain (1979‒2015). The results have important implications for minority representation.

New Strategies of Omni-Mediatization of the Public Policy in Kazakhstan

In the context of the accelerated development of new media and the growth of e-democracy, the mediatization of Kazakhstani politics is entering a new digital-driven stage of development. The authors approach relevance lies in studying the modern digital-driven strategy of Kazakhstani political communication and identifying methods of influence of political parties on the electorate, manipulative media forms on certain segments of the electorate from the opposition. The article presents an analysis of the main strategic resources of the politics mediatization and of their impact. Moreover, it reveals the influence tendencies of the political mediatization, the political communication in society and with party stakeholders. The author attempts to analyze the methods and formats of transmedia storytelling in the social networks on the Internet for the political leaders communication shaping, social and political dialogue building. The research material included the election campaigns of parliamentary and unregistered parties texts in Kazakhstani social media, the posts / publications on social networks during the first ever primaries in the countrys history and the parliamentary elections of 2019 and 2021.

Support Extended to Women Ward Councillors by Stakeholders in South Africa

The paper aims to explore how culture, family and community-women have shaped women councillors’ representation and participation in South Africa. It investigates the extent to which women ward councillors are gaining support from their male counterparts; other women councillors irrespective of political affiliation when women-related issues are raised in council meetings. The paper identifies reasons contributing to the non-support by key stakeholders when women-related issues are raised and when performing their duties. Post-1994 in South Africa, women’s participation in politics is still a struggle. The number of women ward councillors have been fluctuating since the local government was reformed between 1995/96. Ward councillors are elected by local communities to represent their respective wards, to be accountable to the community that elected them. The paper is exploratory and qualitative in nature. It focuses on 104 Ward and Proportional Representative (PR) councillors from local municipalities in KwaZulu-Natal and Eastern Cape Provinces. Face-to-face and telephonic interviews were employed. Findings were analyzed using content analysis and themes were induced from the data. The paper revealed that culture is gradually changing due to laws introduced. Also, family support depends on a woman marital status and family involvement in politics. However, males did not support women-related issues, but women ward councillors supported each other irrespective of political affiliation on gender issues. Community-women support councillors through women’s groups and community structures. The factors contributing to the non-support of gender-related matters include women competing with each other and political party influence.
 
 Received: 27 January 2021 / Accepted: 15 April 2021 / Published: 10 May 2021

Fragilidades que afastam e desafios para fixação dos médicos da Estratégia de Saúde da Família

O objetivo deste estudo é compreender quais aspectos contribuem para afastar os médicos da Estratégia Saúde da Família. Estudo descritivo, exploratório de cunho qualitativo com aporte na Teoria Fundamentada nos Dados. A coleta de dados foi feita entre janeiro e julho de 2016, com entrevistas semiestruturadas. Participaram 10 médicos que atuam na Estratégia da Saúde da Família, em municípios do sudoeste baiano. O processo de análise sistemática dos dados permitiu construir um modelo teórico interpretativo do fenômeno do estudo, intitulado: Fragilidades que afastam e desafios para a fixação dos médicos da Estratégia Saúde da Família e comprometem a assistência, sustentado por três categorias: Déficits na formação médica e falta de incentivo para atuação na APS, representando condições que comprometem a fixação do médico na ESF; Influência político-partidária e Comodidades para atuação na ESF, que destaca ações e interações que fragilizam o sistema; e, Rotatividade e prejuízos na assistência, apontando as consequências do déficit na operacionalização do sistema. Falhas na formação, ausência de um plano de carreira e déficits operacionais afastam os médicos da Estratégia de Saúde da Família, comprometendo o direito da população à saúde.

“Дайте нам независимость, или дайте нам денег”: усиление влияния региональных партий в современной Европе

Received 01.09.2020. In the early 21st century, many European countries saw an increased influence of political parties relying on localized communities. Many new regional parties (RPs) emerged, which put the scientific community in need of understanding the reasons behind their strengthening positions in Europe. The present research provides a critical review of the RPs’ definitions, examines their origins, place in the political spectrum, factors of electoral success and geographical distribution of their electorate. The study is based on the analysis of the parliamentary and regional elections results in 43 European countries in 2000–2019. A map of the RP support rate by region has been designed, showing areas of the strongest public support. Its correlation with ethnic and cultural composition, political structure, and uneven regional development of the countries of Western and Eastern Europe has been analyzed. Today, in parliamentary and regional elections, RPs receive more than 5% of votes in the area of around 600 sq. kms, or 40% of the European territory (overseas territories excluded). Particular attention is paid to party strategies in national and regional elections. Modern RPs diversify their programs going far beyond the interests of a particular sociocultural group. In parliamentary elections, they often make alliances with national parties. In turn, national parties sometimes speak in regional elections “under the local brand”. The satisfaction of the RPs’ demands to provide the regions with greater autonomy does not have a significant impact on their strategies, which request increasingly wider powers. Despite the fact that individual regional parties even get seats in national parliaments, they have practically no influence on the state policy shaping. Their rise is associated not with electoral results, but with trends in the European political process. One can speak not about the success of particular parties, but about the advancement of the idea of regionalism. Acknowledgements. The study was carried out at the Institute of Geography of the Russian Academy of Sciences as part of the work supported by a grant of the Russian Science Foundation (RSF). Project no. 19-17-00232 “Post-Soviet Non-Recognized States: Factors of Viability and Risks for Russia”. Collection of electoral data for drawing up a schematic map (Fig.) was supported by a grant of the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (RFBR) and Expert Institute of Social Research (EISR). Project no. 20-011-32284 “The Success of Regional Parties in Modern Europe: Causes and Characteristics”.