Individual Differences In Religiosity Research Articles

Do Empathetic People Have Strong Religious Beliefs? Survey Studies with Large Japanese Samples

ABSTRACT The exploration of personality factors to explain individual differences in religiosity has demonstrated a link between empathic concern and religious beliefs using the Empathic Concern subscale of the Interpersonal Reactivity Index (IRI-EC). Research in the cognitive science of religion emphasized the role of empathizing ability related to mentalizing in acquisition of religious belief and has demonstrated the relationship between the Empathy Quotient (EQ) and religious belief. The current study was designed to compare the strength of relationships between religious belief and two representative measures of empathy (the IRI-EC and the EQ). Study 1 aimed to statistically evaluate the strength of the relationship between the EQ/IRI-EC and religious belief with four Japanese samples (Ns = 207, 155, 208, 183). The mini meta-analysis results with random effect model indicated that the effect size (semi partial correlation, r sp) of the IRI-EC (r sp = .120, 95%CI [.0002, .237]) was larger than that of the EQ (r sp = .074, 95%CI [−.0001, .147]). Moreover, these results were confirmed by Study 2 (N = 1440). Thus, the present study provided reliable evidence of the link between empathy and religious belief in non-Western samples. We discuss how empathic concern and mentalizing-related empathy contribute to acquiring religious beliefs. Abbreviations: EQ: Empathy Quotient; IRI-EC: Interpersonal Reactivity Index-Empathic Concern; WEIRD: Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic

Individual differences in religiosity and its influences on psychological capital

ABSTRACT The purpose of the current study was to investigate relationships between certain dimensions of religiosity and psychological capital (PsyCap) in the Christian, Hindu, and Muslim secondary school students in Pakistan. Extrinsic, intrinsic, quest religious orientations, and the behavioural dimension of religiosity were adopted as independent variables. The PsyCap served as a criterion variable. Fifteen hundred secondary school students affiliated with the Christian (n = 371), Hindu (n = 505), and Muslim (n = 624) communities participated in the study. Three measures, including the New Indices of Religious Orientation Revised, Behavioural Measure of Religiosity and Psychological Capital Questionnaire were used to collect data. Results demonstrated a significant contribution of independent variables in explaining variances in the criterion variable in the three groups of students. However, the impact of each dimension of religiosity on psychological capital differs among the Christian, Hindu, and Muslim students.

Lay Beliefs About Gender and Sexual Behavior: First Evidence for a Pervasive, Robust (but Seemingly Unfounded) Stereotype

Although casual sex is increasingly socially acceptable, negative stereotypes toward women who pursue casual sex remain pervasive. For example, a common trope in television, film, and other media is that women who engage in casual sex have low self-esteem. Despite robust work on prejudice against women who engage in casual sex, little empirical work has focused on the lay theories individuals hold about them. Across six experiments with U.S. adults (N = 1,469), we found that both men and women stereotype women (but not men) who engage in casual sex as having low self-esteem. This stereotype is held explicitly and semi-implicitly; is not driven by individual differences in religiosity, conservatism, or sexism; and is mediated by inferences that women who have casual sex are unsatisfied with their mating strategy—yet the stereotype persists when women are explicitly described as choosing to have casual sex. Finally, the stereotype appears to be unfounded; across experiments, the same participants’ sexual behavior was not significantly correlated with their self-esteem.

Religious belief and cognitive conflict sensitivity: A preregistered fMRI study

In the current preregistered fMRI study, we investigated the relationship between religiosity and behavioral and neural mechanisms of conflict processing, as a conceptual replication of the study by Inzlicht et al., (2009). Participants (N=193) performed a gender-Stroop task and afterwards completed standardized measures to assess their religiosity. As expected, the task induced cognitive conflict at the behavioral level and at a neural level this was reflected in increased activity in the anterior cingulate cortex (ACC). However, individual differences in religiosity were not related to performance on the Stroop task as measured in accuracy and interference effects, nor to neural markers of response conflict (correct responses vs. errors) or informational conflict (congruent vs. incongruent stimuli). Overall, we obtained moderate to strong evidence in favor of the null hypotheses that religiosity is unrelated to cognitive conflict sensitivity. We discuss the implications for the neuroscience of religion and emphasize the importance of designing studies that more directly implicate religious concepts and behaviors in an ecologically valid manner.

Bound together for God and country: The binding moral foundations link unreflectiveness with religiosity and political conservatism

Existing work suggests links between analytic cognitive style, endorsement of the binding moral foundations prioritizing sanctity, loyalty, and respect for authority, and individual differences in religiosity and conservatism. Yet, it remains unclear how these variables interrelate. In three new studies and a reanalysis of an open dataset, we find evidence that people who engage in less analytical thinking tend to endorse the binding (but not individualizing) moral foundations, which in may turn lead them to endorse various elements of religiosity and conservativism—including a) belief in God, b) intrinsic religious motivation, c) auxiliary religious beliefs (i.e., religious beliefs other than theism), d) reportedly engaging in religious practices, e) identification as politically conservative, and f) endorsement of both socially and fiscally conservative positions on political issues. These findings align with theories suggesting lower analytic cognitive style may be useful in socially dense environments where group cohesion is paramount. However, results do not rule out alternative frameworks, such as those treating moral values as a downstream product of political and religious attitudes.

The Role of Religion for Mindfulness-Based Interventions: Implications for Dissemination and Implementation

Mindfulness-based interventions are increasingly recognized for their efficacy in clinical settings. Because of the historical and social associations of mindfulness-based interventions with spirituality and religion, individual differences in religiosity are likely to play a role in how people perceive these interventions and may ultimately impact the acceptability and implementation of mindfulness-based techniques. Mindfulness-based interventions’ religious associations are often left unspecified, but when they are stated, they are typically represented as either (1) secular and neutral to religious concerns or as (2) religiously influenced. Dichotomously presenting MBIs as either religious or secular can undermine the delivery of these interventions, as can failing to address religion or spirituality altogether. We present theory and research that explicates the likely ways in which religion influences the acceptability of mindfulness-based interventions and provide recommendations for researchers and interventionists that enable them to respond to religious concerns about mindfulness-based interventions.

Religiosity or ideology? On the individual differences predictors of sexism

The present set of studies investigated the role of both religiosity and social-ideological attitudes in the prediction of various forms of sexist and gender-related attitudes. Hierarchical regression analyses on data collected in three countries (i.e., two heterogeneous adult samples from Turkey and the Netherlands, and two student samples from Belgium; combined N = 964) revealed that although individual differences in religiosity did predict traditional gender role beliefs and sexism (towards both women and men), its impact was limited compared to the impact of individual differences in social-ideological attitudes (i.e., social dominance orientation and particularly authoritarianism). In the discussion, we argue that sexism primarily relates to individual differences in peoples' perspective on the social world, and that religiosity explains little additional variance.

Sexual regret in US and Norway: Effects of culture and individual differences in religiosity and mating strategy

Sexual regret was investigated across two disparate cultures: Norway (N=853), a highly secular and sexually liberal culture, and the United States (N=466), a more religious and more sexually conservative culture. Sex differences, individual differences in preferred mating strategy, religiosity, and cultural differences in sexual regret were analyzed. Men were significantly less likely to regret having had casual sex than women and were significantly more likely to regret passing up casual sexual opportunities than women. Participants who were more religious regretted having had casual sex more and regretted passing up casual sex less. Sexually unrestricted participants were less likely to regret having had casual sex and were more likely to regret passing up casual sex. Finally, North Americans and Norwegians did not differ significantly in overall amount of sexual regret nor in patterns of sex differences in sexual regret. Discussion focuses the robustness of sex differences across cultures, the importance of explaining individual differences within cultures, and on future directions for cross-cultural research.

Moral foundation priorities reflect U.S. Christians' individual differences in religiosity

The moral domains of loyalty, authority, and purity have been linked with both religion and conservatism in Moral Foundations Theory. Yet there are important individual differences in religiosity. We sought to provide a more nuanced understanding of the relations between religiosity, conservatism, and the moral foundations identified in MFT. Participants were 450 Christians who completed an online survey assessing outreaching faith, religious commitment, belief in an authoritarian God, Biblical literalism, and the prioritization of each of the five moral foundations. Conservatism and religious commitment were significant positive predictors of Loyalty. Controlling for conservatism and religious commitment, we found that Fairness was predicted by outreaching faith; Care was positively predicted by outreaching faith and negatively predicted by belief in an authoritarian God; Authority was predicted by literalism; and Purity was predicted by literalism and authoritarian God representations. Our results highlight the need to consider individual differences in religious beliefs in theorizing about moral foundations.

Why are women more religious than men? Testing the explanatory power of personality theory among undergraduate students in Wales

This study tests the explanatory power of personality-based psychologically grounded theories to account for the well-established finding within the psychology of religion that within Christian and post-Christian contexts women are more religious than men. A sample of 1682 undergraduate students in Wales completed the short form of the Eysenck Personality Questionnaire Revised together with the adult form of the Francis Scale of Attitude towards Christianity and measures of frequency of church attendance, and frequency of personal prayer. These data confirm that women record higher levels of religiosity and lower levels of psychoticism, and demonstrate that psychoticism is the strongest predictor of individual differences in religiosity. Multiple-regression analyses show that, when individual differences in personality are taken into account, biological sex adds no further impact on religiosity. This finding suggests that higher levels of religiosity among women may be interpreted as a function of basic psychological differences in levels of psychoticism rather than as a sociological function of being female.

Decreased symptoms of depression after mindfulness-based stress reduction: potential moderating effects of religiosity, spirituality, trait mindfulness, sex, and age.

Mindfulness-based stress reduction (MBSR) is a secular meditation training program that reduces depressive symptoms. Little is known, however, about the degree to which a participant's spiritual and religious background, or other demographic characteristics associated with risk for depression, may affect the effectiveness of MBSR. Therefore, this study tested whether individual differences in religiosity, spirituality, motivation for spiritual growth, trait mindfulness, sex, and age affect MBSR effectiveness. As part of an open trial, multiple regression was used to analyze variation in depressive symptom outcomes among 322 adults who enrolled in an 8-week, community-based MBSR program. As hypothesized, depressive symptom severity decreased significantly in the full study sample (d=0.57; p<0.01). After adjustment for baseline symptom severity, moderation analyses revealed no significant differences in the change in depressive symptoms following MBSR as a function of spirituality, religiosity, trait mindfulness, or demographic variables. Paired t tests found consistent, statistically significant (p<0.01) reductions in depressive symptoms across all subgroups by religious affiliation, intention for spiritual growth, sex, and baseline symptom severity. After adjustment for baseline symptom scores, age, sex, and religious affiliation, a significant proportion of variance in post-MBSR depressive symptoms was uniquely explained by changes in both spirituality (β=-0.15; p=0.006) and mindfulness (β=-0.17; p<0.001). These findings suggest that MBSR, a secular meditation training program, is associated with improved depressive symptoms regardless of affiliation with a religion, sense of spirituality, trait level of mindfulness before MBSR training, sex, or age. Increases in both mindfulness and daily spiritual experiences uniquely explained improvement in depressive symptoms.

Impact of attachment to God and religious coping on life satisfaction

Effects of religiosity on satisfaction with life, mental and physical health are highly favored topics of psychology. At the same time, less attention has been directed to how individual differences in religiosity affect believers' satisfaction with life. The aim of this study was to investigate the relationship between attachment to God, religious coping and satisfaction with life. A group of Roman Catholics (n = 94; 49 women and 45 men; age, 30.8±6.2 years) filled in our the survey package. The survey package contained the following measures: Attachment to God Inventory, Brief Religious Coping Scale, and Satisfaction with Life Scale. Negative religious coping and anxious attachment to God predicted lower satisfaction with life, even if demographic variables were controlled for. These results indicate that negative image of God is an important predictor of low satisfaction with life, which in turn can have negative impact on believers' mental and physical health. Orv. Hetil., 154(46), 1843-1847.

What predicts religiosity? A multinational analysis of reproductive and cooperative morals

Theories of the sources of contemporary individual differences in religiosity have been proposed involving religiosity’s role both in (1) enhancing within-group cooperation and (2) supporting high-commitment reproductive strategies. The present study used data from 296,959 individuals in around 90 countries from the World Values Survey/European Values Study to test the relative strength of individual differences in cooperative morals and reproductive morals in predicting individual differences in religiosity. Cooperative morals tended not to predict religiosity either substantially or in a consistent direction across world regions when entered simultaneously with reproductive morals. In contrast, more-restrictive reproductive morals were significant predictors of increased religiosity in every region, with the size of the relationship being small in poorer regions and large in wealthier regions. These findings run counter to the view that religiosity has a fundamental connection with cooperative morals; instead, particularly in developed countries, individuals’ relationships with religious groups are more closely aligned with reproductive strategies.

Individual differences in religiosity as a function of cognitive ability and cognitive style

The current study examines the degree to which individual differences in cognitive ability and cognitive style (rational thinking vs. experiential thinking) uniquely and jointly account for differences in religiosity. Using an array of measures of religiosity, results show that cognitive ability has a medium to large negative effect on various aspects of religiosity. Though also negatively related to religiosity, rational thinking style did not add significant unique effects, nor did it convey a significant indirect effect from cognitive ability. Experiential thinking was generally unrelated to ability but was positively related to some aspects of religiosity. Overall the results confirm that those with higher cognitive ability are less likely to accept religious doctrine or engage in religious behaviors and those with lower ability are more likely to accept religious doctrine and exhibit higher levels of fundamentalism. Cognitive style appears to play a lesser role in explaining individual differences in religiosity than cognitive ability.

Common genetic influences underpin religiosity, community integration, and existential uncertainty

Although genetic factors underpin individual differences in religiosity, the psychological mechanisms through which such influences are manifested are presently unknown. Religiosity is associated with concerns for community integration and existential certainty, suggesting that heritable influences underlying such sentiments may overlap with heritable influences underpinning religiosity. Here we tested this hypothesis within a genetically informative design, using a large, nationally-representative twin sample. As predicted, heritable effects underlying community integration and existential uncertainty were strongly overlapping with the heritable influences on religiosity. These findings are consistent with the position that individual differences in religiosity are mediated through biological systems involved in meeting both social and existential needs, although further work is required to determine directions of causal action.

Personality and religious orientation: shifting sands or firm foundations?

Beit-Hallahmi and Argyle concluded that individual differences in religiosity are inversely related to psychoticism but independent of extraversion and neuroticism. The aim of the present study is to test the generalizability of that conclusion within the context of Eysenck's dimensional model of personality by distinguishing between different conceptualizations of religiosity and by distinguishing between different overall levels of religiosity in the sample. A total of 517 undergraduate students in Wales completed the short-form of the Revised Eysenck Personality Questionnaire together with the New Indices of Religious Orientation. The data demonstrated that in the sample as a whole, intrinsic religious orientation was associated with low psychoticism scores, but independent of extraversion scores and neuroticism scores; that extrinsic religious orientation was associated with low psychoticism scores and high neuroticism scores, but independent of extraversion scores; and that quest religious orientation was associated with high neuroticism scores and low extraversion scores, but independent of psychoticism scores. The pattern of relationships changed, however, when separate analyses were conducted among weekly churchgoers and among individuals who never attended church. These data suggest that the pattern of relationship between personality and religion may vary both according to the form of religiosity assessed and according to the samples being studied. The conclusion is drawn that Beit-Hallahmi and Argyle's conclusion is misleading unless nuanced in terms of the aspects of religiosity and the populations to which it applies.

Introducing the New Indices of Religious Orientation (NIRO): Conceptualization and measurement

The notion of religious orientation as proposed by Allport and refined by Batson has provided a useful tool for identifying and discussing individual differences in religiosity within Christian and post-Christian contexts. The present paper accepts the conceptual and empirical usefulness of distinctions between the three constructs of intrinsic, extrinsic, and quest religious orientations; reviews the conceptual and empirical strengths, weaknesses, and limitations of existing measures in this field; and proposes three new indices to assess these orientations. The New Indices of Religious Orientation (NIRO) are designed to be of equal length, to give equal empirical weight to three conceptual components within each construct, and to employ direct and accessible language. Data provided from a sample of 517 undergraduate students in Wales demonstrate the satisfactory psychometric properties of these new indices. A clear distinction is made between the appropriate use and the inappropriate misuse of these indices in future research.

Gender Role Orientation and Attitude toward Christianity: A Study among Older Men and Women in the United Kingdom

A sample of 496 older men and women in England, mainly in their sixties and seventies, completed the Bem Sex Role Inventory together with the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity. The data demonstrated that psychological femininity is key to individual differences in religiosity (as assessed by attitude toward Christianity) within the sexes and that, after taking gender role orientation into account, biological sex conveyed no additional predictive power in respect of individual differences in religiosity (as assessed by attitude toward Christianity). This finding is explained in terms of Eysenck's biologically-based dimensional model of personality which construes psychological masculinity and femininity as one of the seven constituent components of one of the three major dimensions of personality (psychoticism). This psychologically-based theory renders redundant sociologically-based socialization theories designed to account for differences in religiosity between the sexes.

The superstitions of everyday life

In this commentary I attempt to extend the argument made by Atran and Norenzayan in two ways. First, I distinguish between the causes and the consequences of religious belief and speculate on the positive and negative consequences of religion. Second, I raise some questions about individual differences in religiosity and suggest that the origins of nonbelief are worth investigating.

The Relationship between Personality and Religion among Undergraduate Students in Germany

A sample of 311 undergraduate students in Germany completed German translations of the short form Revised Eysenck Personality Questionnaire together with the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity. The data demonstrated that psychoticism is fundamental to individual differences in religiosity, while religiosity is independent of both extraversion and neuroticism. These findings are consistent with those from a series of studies employing the same measure of religiosity among school pupils, students and adults in the UK.