Individual Differences In Optimism Research Articles

EXPRESS: Paying with Money or Paying with Points: How Variable vs. Fixed Exchange Rates Influence Loyalty Point Redemption

Although research examining loyalty point redemption has focused almost exclusively on fixed exchange rates between points and money (e.g., 100 points = $1), we frequently observe variable exchange rates in practice (e.g., 100 points might equate to more or less than $1, depending on the monetary price and the required points for a flight redemption within the continental U.S.). Such variable rates are particularly common in loyalty programs in the hospitality industry. In this research, we show that the stability of the exchange rate – whether the exchange rate is fixed or variable across offers – systematically influences point redemption. Consumers are less likely to redeem loyalty points and instead spend money when they observe a variable exchange rate between money and points than when they observe a fixed exchange rate, even when the average value of points is the same. We demonstrate this effect in a series of studies across contexts, including an incentive compatible retail loyalty program and a hotel loyalty program. We show that a variable point exchange rate induces more optimism than a fixed exchange rate, reducing point redemption. This effect is moderated by individual differences in optimism and by point expiration date. We conclude by discussing the implications for managers of loyalty programs and consumers.

Pessimistic dairy calves are more vulnerable to pain-induced anhedonia.

Pain induces deficits in appreciation of rewards (i.e. anhedonia) and variation in response to pain may be partly explained by individual differences in general expectations (i.e. optimism). Dairy calves are routinely subjected to painful procedures such as hot-iron disbudding. We tested if female Holstein calves (n = 17) display signs of anhedonia (as evidenced by reduced consumption of a sweet solution) after hot-iron disbudding (performed under general and local anesthesia), and whether individual differences in optimism explain the variation in this response. Individual variation in optimism was measured using responses to two judgment bias tests (performed when calves were 25 d old), and anhedonia was measured by comparing consumption of a sweet solution before and after hot-iron disbudding. We found that intake of the sweet solution declined (by mean ± SD: 48.4 ± 44.3%) on the day after disbudding, and that more pessimistic calves were more affected. Sweet solution consumption did not return to baseline for the duration of the study (i.e. 5 days). Calves reduced their intake of a sweet solution after hot-iron disbudding, consistent with pain-induced anhedonia, and more pessimistic calves showed stronger evidence of anhedonia, suggesting that they were more affected by the procedure. However, our results cannot rule out the possibility that calf responses were driven by anorexia.

Dispositional optimism weakly predicts upward, rather than downward, counterfactual thinking: A prospective correlational study using episodic recall.

Counterfactual thoughts center on how the past could have been different. Such thoughts may be differentiated in terms of direction of comparison, such that upward counterfactuals focus on how the past could have been better, whereas downward counterfactuals focus on how the past could have been worse. A key question is how such past-oriented thoughts connect to future-oriented individual differences such as optimism. Ambiguities surround a series of past studies in which optimism predicted relatively greater downward counterfactual thinking. Our main study (N = 1150) and six supplementary studies (N = 1901) re-examined this link to reveal a different result, a weak relation between optimism and upward (rather than downward) counterfactual thinking. These results offer an important correction to the counterfactual literature and are informative for theory on individual differences in optimism.

Dispositional Optimism and Cardiovascular Reactivity Accompanying Anger and Sadness in Young Adults.

Dispositional optimism, a generalized expectation for positive outcomes, appears to promote physical health and well-being, including positive effects on cardiovascular disease outcomes. Mechanisms may involve adaptive responses to psychological stressors that dampen their physiological impact. This study investigated (i) whether individual differences in optimism are associated with attenuated cardiovascular reactivity (CVR); (ii) whether the CVR moderating effect of optimism differs for two stress emotions, anger and sadness; and (iii) whether separate measures of optimism and pessimism, and the more commonly used measure that combines them, differ in their relationships with CVR. The Life Orientation Test-Revised (LOT-R) was used to provide an overall dispositional optimism score and subscale scores separately assessing optimism and pessimism. These predictors were examined in relation to cardiovascular responses evoked by a stressful autobiographical recall task. Task instructions were manipulated within subjects to produce anger and sadness. CVR measures were systolic and diastolic blood pressure (SBP and DBP) and heart rate (HR). Dispositional optimism was inversely associated with SBP and HR (but not DBP) elevations while participants related both anger- and sadness-inducing events. There was some indication that these associations were stronger for sadness than for anger, and that the LOT-R optimism subscale was a better predictor of CVR than its pessimism subscale. These findings add to the understanding of health-promoting effects of dispositional optimism by addressing relationships of optimism and pessimism with cardiovascular concomitants of anger and sadness that are thought to contribute to heart disease.

Expectancy biases underneath the Dark Triad traits: Associations with optimism, pessimism, and hopelessness

Personality traits play a key role in understanding optimism, but few studies have examined how “darker” aspects of personality relate to individual differences in trait-level optimism. We examined whether the Dark Triad traits (i.e., narcissism, psychopathy, and Machiavellianism) were associated with individual differences in optimism in three convenience samples from America, Brazil, and Hungary (N = 937) using three measures of individual differences optimism (i.e., Life Orientation Test; Lerner Optimism Scale; Beck Hopelessness Scale). Our results were rather compelling in that across measures and countries sampled, narcissism was associated with more optimism whereas psychopathy and Machiavellianism were associated with less. Results are discussed in terms of how such outlooks or expectancies are likely to color the social interactions that people characterized by the Dark Triad traits engage in and the social consequences they may experience.

Confronting the “F” Word: The Effects of Gender, Ambiguity, and Individual Difference Variables on Non-Targets’ Confrontation of Heterosexist Comments

The present study used an experimental setting to examine individual and situational variables that influence the confronting of heterosexist remarks by non-target heterosexuals. College student participants (n = 120) responded to a heterosexist comment made in an online setting in which the ambiguity of the heterosexist remark was manipulated. Results indicated that the effect of the ambiguity of the comment on confronting behavior was moderated by individual differences in optimism. Confronting was also affected by sexual prejudice and experience with gay and lesbian individuals. In addition, females confronted more often and more strongly than males, especially following negative affective responses to the comment.

Brains of Optimistic Older Adults Respond Less to Fearful Faces

The authors examined the neural correlates of emotion processing and how they relate to individual differences in optimism among older adults. Brain response during processing of fearful faces was measured by functional magnetic resonance imaging in 16 older adults and was correlated with level of optimism. Greater optimism was associated with reduced activation in the fusiform gyrus and frontal regions, which may reflect decreased salience of negative emotional information or better emotion regulation among optimistic individuals. Relationships persisted after taking into account cortical thickness, amygdala volume, and resting perfusion. Findings have potential implications for the promotion of successful aging.

Representing randomness in the communication of individualized cancer risk estimates: Effects on cancer risk perceptions, worry, and subjective uncertainty about risk

ObjectiveTo test the effect of novel representations of randomness on risk perceptions, worry, and subjective uncertainty about individualized colorectal cancer risk estimates. MethodsA web-based factorial experiment was conducted, in which 225 adults aged 40 years and older were provided with hypothetical individualized colorectal cancer risk estimates, using 5 different textual and visual representations varying in expressed randomness. Outcome measures were perceived cancer risk, cancer worry, and subjective uncertainty about cancer risk; the moderating effect of dispositional optimism was also examined. ResultsRepresentational format was significantly associated with subjective uncertainty about cancer risk, but not with perceived cancer risk or worry. A format using software-based animation to express randomness dynamically led to the highest subjective uncertainty, although a static visual non-random format also increased uncertainty. Dispositional optimism moderated this effect; between-format differences in uncertainty were significant only for participants with low optimism. ConclusionRepresenting randomness in individualized estimates of cancer risk increases subjective uncertainty about risk. A novel dynamic visual format produces the greatest effect, which is moderated by individual differences in optimism. Practice implicationsNovel representations of randomness may be effective in improving people's understanding of the essential uncertainty pertaining to individualized cancer risk estimates.

Laypersons' Responses to the Communication of Uncertainty Regarding Cancer Risk Estimates

To explore laypersons' responses to the communication of uncertainty associated with individualized cancer risk estimates and to identify reasons for individual differences in these responses. A qualitative study was conducted using focus groups. Participants were informed about a new colorectal cancer risk prediction model, and presented with hypothetical individualized risk estimates using presentation formats varying in expressed uncertainty (range v. point estimate). Semistructured interviews explored participants' responses to this information. Eight focus groups were conducted with 48 adults aged 50 to 74 residing in 2 major US metropolitan areas, Chicago, IL and Washington, DC. Purposive sampling was used to recruit participants with a high school or greater education, some familiarity with information technology, and no personal or immediate family history of cancer. Participants identified several sources of uncertainty regarding cancer risk estimates, including missing data, limitations in accuracy and source credibility, and conflicting information. In comparing presentation formats, most participants reported greater worry and perceived risk with the range than with the point estimate, consistent with the phenomenon of "ambiguity aversion.'' However, others reported the opposite effect or else indifference between formats. Reasons suggested by participants' responses included individual differences in optimism and motivations to reduce feelings of vulnerability and personal lack of control. Perceptions of source credibility and risk mutability emerged as potential mediating factors. Laypersons' responses to the communication of uncertainty regarding cancer risk estimates differ, and include both heightened and diminished risk perceptions. These differences may be attributable to personality, cognitive, and motivational factors.

Longitudinal associations between people's cessation-related experiences and their satisfaction with cessation

We sought to determine whether different social, psychological, emotional, and physiological experiences associated with quitting smoking related to people's satisfaction with cessation systematically, and whether the strength of the relations changes at different points during the cessation process and for different people (e.g., optimists). Using data from smokers enrolled in a cessation program, we used mixed models to assess the average longitudinal relation between people's experiences and satisfaction measured at seven time points and whether the relations were moderated by key variables. Eight of nine experiences were related to people's satisfaction (ps < 0.05) and the models accounted for 39–44% of the within-person variance in satisfaction. Current smoking behavior was more strongly related to people's satisfaction during their early efforts to quit, whereas some experiences (e.g., feedback from others) had a stronger relation with satisfaction during people's later efforts to quit or maintain abstinence (ps < 0.05). Individual differences in optimism and prior cessation experience moderated some of the relations (ps < 0.05). The findings mark the first evidence of factors that might influence how people determine their satisfaction with smoking cessation. The implications for tailoring interventions and potentially increasing the likelihood that people maintain abstinence are discussed.

Dispositional optimism and psychological adjustment to fertility treatment

Evidence suggests that women who undergo fertility treatment experience symptoms of anxiety and depression. Psychological adjustment to treatment may in part be explained by predisposing personality factors such as one's dispositional tendency to expect positive compared to negative outcomes. Here, we assessed whether individual differences in optimism predicted symptoms of anxiety and depression among women undergoing fertility treatment and whether this association (if present) varied by treatment outcome (success vs. failure). Women undergoing fertility treatment were followed prospectively over 4 time points: baseline, 4-month follow-up (T1), 10-month follow-up (T2), and 18-month follow-up (T3). Optimism (measured at baseline) was assessed by the Life Orientation Test (LOT) and anxiety and depression (measured at T1, T2, and T3) were assessed by the state anxiety subscale of the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (STAI) and the Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale (CES-D), respectively. Participants were 337 women (ages 21–46; 75% Caucasian). Of these, 187 were classified as treatment successes defined as having delivered a baby or achieved pregnancy by the 18-month follow-up and 150 were classified as treatment failures. Multiple regression analyses showed that independent of covariates (age, socioeconomic status, parity) greater optimism predicted fewer anxiety symptoms at each time point (P's < .001), accounting for 11.7%, 6.8%, and 9.2% of the variance in anxiety symptoms at T1, T2, and T3, respectively. To determine whether the relation between optimism and anxiety symptoms varied according to treatment outcome (success vs. failure), interactions between optimism and treatment outcome were tested. Results showed interactions were non-significant (P's > .05). With respect to depressive symptoms, multiple regression analyses showed that independent of covariates optimism predicted depressive symptoms at T1 (r = −.114, P=.043) but not at T2 or T3 (P's > .05). Women presenting for fertility treatment may possess personality characteristics that make them more or less vulnerable to experiencing negative emotions during treatment. Here, we conclude that women with greater optimism may be protected from experiencing anxiety symptoms even when they experience treatment failure; optimism does not appear to afford the same protection from depressive symptoms, however.

Individual differences in optimism predict the recall of personally relevant information

The relationship between exercise, dispositional optimism assessed with the life orientation test (LOT, Scheier et al., 1994) and recall of personally more or less useful information was analyzed. After assessment of individual differences in optimism and the intensity of exercising, participants responded to an immediate and a one-week delayed recall test of personally relevant versus irrelevant information. Regression analyses found in support of the hypothesis that attention to and hence recall of health-related information is determined by the extent of its personal relevance; that relevant health-related information was better remembered than irrelevant information, and that this was especially the case for highly active exercisers. Most important, memory for relevant health-related information was best for highly active exercisers who simultaneously scored high in optimism. A delayed recall test found that these findings remained basically stable for one week.

Coping Resources, Coping Processes, and Mental Health

Coping, defined as action-oriented and intrapsychic efforts to manage the demands created by stressful events, is coming to be recognized both for its significant impact on stress-related mental and physical health outcomes and for its intervention potential. We review coping resources that aid in this process, including individual differences in optimism, mastery, self-esteem, and social support, and examine appraisal and coping processes, especially those marked by approach or avoidance. We address the origins of coping resources and processes in genes, early life experience, and gene-environment interactions, and address neural underpinnings of coping that may shed light on evaluating coping interventions. We conclude by outlining possible intervention strategies for improving coping processes.

Perceived emotional intelligence and dispositional optimism–pessimism: Analyzing their role in predicting psychological adjustment among adolescents

The current study examined the relationships between perceived emotional intelligence (PEI) (measured by Trait-Meta Mood Scale, TMMS), dispositional optimism/pessimism and psychological adjustment (perceived stress and life satisfaction) in a sample of 498 adolescents (202 males and 296 females). In addition, the present research investigated the extent to which dimensions of PEI predicted variance in life satisfaction and perceived stress beyond the variance explained for by individual differences in optimism and pessimism. TMMS dimensions and dispositional optimism/pessimism showed significant correlations in the expected direction with perceived stress and life satisfaction. Likewise, PEI and dispositional optimism/pessimism were not strongly redundant albeit related. Further hierarchical regression analyses confirmed that emotional clarity and mood repair still remained significant in predicting perceived stress and life satisfaction after the influence of optimism/pessimism were controlled. These results are consistent with previous findings on construct validity of PEI assessed by TMMS. In this sense, data suggest that adolescents with high perceptions of emotional abilities (in particular, high clarity and repair) generally show higher life satisfaction and lower perceived stress. Moreover, to some degree, this effect might be considered as independent from their own optimistic or pessimistic dispositions.

Optimism, hardiness, and explanatory style as predictors of general well-being among attorneys

Three personality constructs, optimism, hardiness, and explanatory style have been identified as dispositions that bolster health (Roben and Salovey, 1989). This research focused on individual differences in optimism, hardiness, and explanatory style among professional adults and their relative contribution to general well-being. A survey was mailed to attorneys, who were members of the County Bar Association, in a large midwestern city. The results showed only optimism and the positive internal facet of explanatory style to be significantly related to general well-being. Canonical analysis indicated that this relationship was mainly due to the components of general well-being that are traditionally psychological in nature. The experiential and physical components were significantly related but of less importance.

On the Power of Positive Thinking: The Benefits of Being Optimistic

If believing in something can make it so, then there really would be power in positive thinking. From the little train in the children's tale who said, I think can, to popular writers such as Norman Cousins and Norman Vincent Peale, to wise grandmothers everywhere?many people have espoused the benefits of positive thinking. But are these ben efits real? Do people who think pos itively really fare better when facing challenge or adversity? Do they re cover from illness more readily? If so, how and why do these things happen? We and a number of other psy chologists who are interested in is sues surrounding stress, coping, and health have for several years focused our research attention on questions such as these. The primary purpose of this brief review is to provide a taste of the research conducted on this topic. We first document that positive thinking can be beneficial. We then consider why an optimistic orientation to life might confer ben efits. After considering how individ ual differences in optimism might arise, we take up the question of whether optimism is always good and pessimism always bad. We close by discussing the similarities between our own approach and other related approaches. CHARACTERIZING POSITIVE THINKING