Representative Democracy Research Articles

Deepening the degrowth planning debate: division of labor, complexity, and the roles of markets and digital tools

Many definitions of degrowth highlight that the corresponding great and deep transformations are going to be “designed,” “planned,” and “democratic.” However, critical issues of democratic planning have only recently begun to be discussed. Considering a range of aspects of the technical and social division of labor, the article first revisits some of the main issues of market vis-à-vis planned resource allocation in capitalist and socialist economic growth contexts. It then zooms in on goals, characteristics, and likely issues of division of labor and resource allocation in planned degrowth circumstances. I argue that degrowth societies could use three measures to reduce the complexity of the division of labor that undermined socialist planning attempts. First, degrowth societies could immediately phase out the “excess sector” of production. Second, they could develop, under consideration of their institutional national traditions, pragmatic mixes of ex ante planning (assisted by digital solutions) of the “essential” economic sector and ex post or market regulation of the “in-between” sector. Finally, a parsimonious use of digital tools is likely to be helpful in connecting different scales of governance and associated planning activities (local, national, regional, global). To democratically legitimize planning goals and processes without overburdening people, pathways may be sought that emphasize value over formal rationality, or general planning principles and strategies over concrete targets and tasks. Democratic legitimacy could further increase through a complementation of representative democracy through deliberative instruments such as citizen forums or assemblies as well as applications of the subsidiarity principle.

Shaping of the Woman Constituency in Indian Elections: Evidence from the NES Data

This article studies the patterns of women’s vote in the Lok Sabha elections in India in 2024. It draws upon the National Election Studies (NES) data of 2024 and of previous years to address three key questions related to women’s vote in Indian elections. The first is about the extent of Indian women’s political participation in the wake of increased turnout of women voters and the closing of the gender gap. The second question is about the extent of women’s support to the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) as their favoured party. In the absence of conclusive evidence on gender-wise patterns of vote, there have been several tentative and speculative analyses regarding the increasing support of women voters to the BJP both at the regional and national elections, especially since 2014. The article uses the unique window of the NES data sets to understand and decipher women’s support for the BJP and other political parties on a timeline. Finally, from within the confines of the empirical evidence provided by the NES data sets, it also tries to address a rather nuanced question of the arrival of women’s agency in the electoral democracy in India. With the help of the NES data sets, it tries to understand whether women vote mainly as women, prioritizing their gendered identities over other kinds of identities, and whether their voting patterns indicate the arrival of an autonomous women’s constituency in Indian democracy.

Teaching the People by Example: Mill on the Exemplary Influence of Deliberative Elites

ABSTRACT The notion of moral exemplarity, though repeatedly alluded to in John Stuart Mill’s writings, is rarely treated as an essential element of his democratic theory. This article, however, highlights and explains the centrality of exemplarity in Mill’s project of fostering public-minded citizens for a successful democracy. In Representative Government, Mill conceives the exemplary influence of deliberative elites as a necessary condition for making local deliberative bodies the main site for the cultivation of a public spirit. Mill’s Romantic reading of Plato’s Gorgias suggests that this move resulted from his radical skepticism about the power of reason to motivate virtuous behavior along with his corresponding faith in the moral exemplar’s aesthetic force of beauty to improve the spectator’s conduct. Mill’s emphasis on the necessity of exemplary influence for achieving a civic ideal based on a detailed account of its moral psychology reveals him to be a unique political thinker who continues to invite contemporary interest.

Democracy and the ethics of voting

ABSTRACT This paper provides an overview of the ethical challenges facing voters in democratic elections. It starts by examining the assumptions that underpin contemporary claims about the moral and epistemic advantages of lotteries as compared to elections and shows their similarities to arguments for ‘unveiling the vote’, as Brennan and Pettit put it. (G. Brennan & Pettit, 1990) It looks at the empirical and normative difficulties of these claims and highlights the risk of confusing morally misguided voting with injustice, and of supposing that it must be politically consequential. Finally, the paper casts doubt on the claim that democracy implies that voters should be publicly accountable to each other for their vote and that the secret ballot is, therefore, a regrettable, if necessary, concession of principle to sad reality. It concludes by drawing out the implications of its analysis for the ethics of voting in ideal, non-ideal and highly non-ideal situations.

Education for Agonistic Democracy: Reclaiming the Political Insights of Agonism

AbstractWhile education for democracy has been heavily influenced by the deliberative perspective on democracy, a recent turn towards an agonistic perspective on democracy places a great deal of faith in the role of political emotion and conflict. Educational scholars have mostly interpreted agonism in relation to the emotional and conflictual experiences that occur within school. Some scholars draw general pedagogical insights from this perspective, while others use it to propose conflictual approaches to classroom discussions. Overestimating, however, the extent to which experiences of agonism within school applies to politically experienced agonisms beyond the school, is problematic. Such overestimations undermine the core political insights of agonistic theory, concerning the democratic potential of radical collective movements. Agonistic theory acknowledges the psychological need among disgruntled citizens for radical alternatives enabling them to oppose and rearticulate the established power dynamics in society. The purpose of agonistic democracy is to enable rearticulations of hegemony through the institutions of representative democracy, rather than as opposed to them. Important for this paper, however, is the argument that such rearticulations depend on the rhetorical force of collective movements. Emphasizing that we cannot assume the presence of such movements in everyday school life, the paper revisits the following question: What are the didactical implications of an agonistic perspective on democracy? The democratic potential of collective movements is not easily captured through experiences within the pedagogical context alone, but proposals are made as to how this potential can be grasped in other ways.

Media Portrayal of EU Commission and Its Leaders: A Content Analysis of Spanish Press (1976–2024)

The role of the media is key in mediating civil society and its political representatives in EU institutions. In this context, this paper aims to describe the representation of the European Commission, one of the EU’s most important institutions, and its leaders by two leading Spanish newspapers. In order to address this objective, an automated content analysis was carried out on 13,340 news items published between 6 June 1976 and 15 February 2024 in El País (social democratic media) and ABC (conservative, monarchist media). The sample was subjected to a sentiment analysis as well as topic modeling. The latter method made it possible to identify five predominant issues on the agenda: Economy, Foreign Affairs, Internal Politics, Spanish Politics, and the Future of the EU. The average sentiment, which is close to neutral, has tended slightly toward the negative over the years, although the current president, Ursula von der Leyen, has the highest rating of all the leaders studied. Both El País and ABC provide more negative coverage of the EU when leaders of their ideological opposition govern, a phenomenon that can weaken the European model and encourage political drifts with consequences that are difficult to predict in the medium term.

Liberalism in Dialogue: Carl Schmitts Critique and Masao Maruyamas Defense

Abstract: Carl Schmitt criticized liberalism by asserting that it negates politics and leads to a crisis of parliamentary democracy. Through his theories on the concept of the political and sovereign decision-making, Schmitt provided a deep analysis of these issues. Masao Maruyama not only highly valued Schmitts work but also theoretically borrowed from his ideas. However, Maruyama placed individual subjectivity at the core of his analysis, using Japans traditional culture and unique historical and social context as his focus. In doing so, Masao Maruyama both supplemented and, in some aspects, refuted Schmitts critique of liberalism. For Schmitt, the survival and integrity of the political entity are paramount, necessitating a clear distinction between friends and enemies. His critique of liberalism centers not only on its moral neutrality but also on its perceived incapacity to make sovereign decisions that guarantee the preservation of the political entity. In contrast, Maruyama contended that Japanese imperialism elevated the state as the embodiment of the True, the Good, and the Beautiful, thereby positioning it as a value-laden entity, creating a metaphysical order seemingly justified by the imperative of national survival. Although this might initially appear to align with Schmitts notion of the states primacy, Maruyama ultimately critiques this belief as an ideological facade, which devolved into a mere instrument of totalitarian rule.

Exogenous Shocks and Party System Development: What is the Effect on New Party Entry?

ABSTRACT Since 2020, the world has been officially battling a COVID-19 pandemic. Even countries with established crisis management plans and years of experience in handling political and economic crises, have been shaken. In the midst of the pandemic’s rampant effects, how politicians handle the crisis is of crucial importance to the preservation, development, and protection of nations in the future. Who is in power determines not only the stability, but the political course of countries. Hence, what happens to the party system as a result of an exogenous shock is a question we need to answer. Importantly, we have little evidence on how the handling of the COVID-19 pandemic affected party competition. Building on the party systems literature, we examine the effect of the pandemic on electoral volatility, party system size, and the number of new party contestants. We hypothesise that, in countries where the incumbent government handles the crisis less effectively, electoral volatility tends to be higher, party system size tends to be larger, and more new parties tend to enter the electoral race. Drawing on evidence from national parliamentary elections held by electoral democracies from March 2020 to April 2022, the empirical results support our hypothesis.

Elite Politics, Mass Discontent and Political Inequality in South Korea: Who Represents Me?

In an era of heightened public skepticism toward political institutions, understanding the perceived divide between political elites and the general population has become increasingly essential. This study examines how Korean citizens perceive their political representatives, focusing on the socio-economic and demographic disparities between political elites and the wider public. To achieve this, this study concentrates on three core elements: citizens’ perceptions of politicians, the social networks of elite politicians, and the socio-economic and demographic attributes of these elites in comparison to the general population. Employing a data-driven approach—including text analysis, clustering, social network analysis, and visualization techniques—this study investigates data on political elites alongside district-level data. The findings reveal significant socio-economic and demographic disparities between political elites and the public, with elites predominantly emerging from narrow backgrounds characterized by affluence, high education, and an overrepresentation of males above the age of 60. These results underscore the need for measures that promote transparency, accountability, and inclusivity within the political system, highlighting the importance of bridging the divide between political elites and the general public to cultivate a more representative and responsive political environment.

Contribution and challenges of integrating women into police reform in Somaliland

The purpose of the study was to investigate the obstacles faced by women within the police agency, assess their contributions, and develop appropriate recommendations aimed at enhancing the status of women and promoting their recruitment, retention, and advancement as police officers. In Somaliland, women encounter numerous barriers in the policing sector, which include organizational, personal, psychological, and social challenges that impede their representation. Somaliland declared its independence from Somalia in 1991, following the collapse of the central Somali government. Although it does not enjoy full international recognition, Somaliland has effectively established a stable government, developed functional state institutions, and conducted democratic elections. The country has focused on enhancing its security framework, with the Somaliland police being formed in 1993, playing a crucial role in upholding law and order in a context of persistent regional instability. The Somaliland Police is estimated to comprise around eight thousand personnel distributed across all six regions, with approximately 5 percent representation of women in law enforcement. This research paper adopted a descriptive methodology that utilized qualitative techniques to investigate the challenges encountered by women in law enforcement. Eight key informant interviews were carried out with police personnel, representatives from civil society organizations, officials from the Ministry of Interior, UN agencies, and members of the community. Furthermore, four focus group discussions were organized, comprising women police officers, male officers, and community members. Primary data was collected through semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions, while secondary data was obtained through a thematic literature review concerning the roles and obstacles associated with the integration of women into police reform. The research paper indicated that female police officers perform the same duties and responsibilities as their male counterparts, with the exception of patrolling and night shifts at police stations. Additionally, they are involved in specific activities concerning women's and children's issues, such as conducting physical checks of women entering public spaces, assisting female victims, investigating cases of harm against women, apprehending, and interviewing female offenders, addressing domestic violence and supporting victims of gender-based violence. The primary challenges faced by women in the police force in Somaliland include issues related to their attire, inadequate access to essential equipment and facilities, discrimination, imbalances between marriage, family, and work, limited understanding of the police system, and cultural obstacles. To mitigate these challenges, the research suggests increasing awareness of the roles and contributions of female police officers, conducting a capacity assessment for these personnel, improving their training and equipment, and creating a supportive environment for women, where government initiatives, in partnership with the stakeholders, and community can effectively address the challenges faced by women.

Corporate Social Responsibility and Social Dialogue: Bypassing Elected Staff Representatives?

ABSTRACTThe adoption of corporate social responsibility (CSR) has implications for a company's relationships with its stakeholders. Specifically, by engaging in social dialogue, companies can promote direct relationships with employees, or indirect relationships with them, through elected staff representatives. This study investigates the relationships between companies' involvement in CSR and their engagement in social dialogue, both with employees and elected staff representatives. The results of two surveys, carried out among company representatives and elected staff representatives, indicate that employers do not implement CSR to bypass elected staff representatives. Instead, CSR relates positively to direct relationships with employees and these relationships are not substitutes for dialogue with elected staff representatives, but instead, a factor that can weaken it.

Challenging Democracy: Understanding How the Ideas of Populists and Disenchanted Citizens Align

This thematic issue proceeds from the idea that, despite extensive research, we do not know enough about the alternatives to representative party democracy that people disenchanted with democracy and populists envision apart from greater citizen involvement. Citizens’ potential preferences seem to range from stealth democracy and decision-making by apolitical experts to deliberative mechanisms and referenda. The picture is equally blurred when it comes to the views of populist actors themselves. Research suggests that their calls for referendums diminish over time and that they reject deliberative bodies outright. This thematic issue reassesses our understanding of the extent to which populists’ and citizens’ ideas and the alternatives they propose coincide and argues for a wider dissemination of relevant research that explores these shortcomings. The articles presented explore these points by featuring conceptually and/or methodologically innovative contributions that address issues such as the mismatch between populists and citizens in terms of democratic alternatives, (dis)satisfaction with populist parties in public office, the preferences of distinct subgroups as well as the role of political emotions among populist party supporters.

Limited Congruence: Citizens’ Attitudes and Party Rhetoric About Referendums and Deliberative Practices

Both citizens and political parties refer to novel participatory practices in the contemporary crisis of representative democracy. Survey data indicate a growing demand for such practices within the electorate, while political parties have also begun discussing them more frequently. However, previous studies on citizens’ attitudes and parties’ discourse on democratic innovations rarely speak to each other. It remains unclear whether citizens’ attitudes and parties’ discourse are congruent. This article seeks to address this gap in the literature and analyses the extent to which political parties reflect citizens’ attitudes towards referendums and citizens’ deliberation in their manifestos. We cover 15 political parties in Germany and the UK. Our analysis uses party manifesto data between 2010 and 2024, and data from surveys conducted on national representative samples. Our findings reveal that political parties and citizens rarely have congruent approaches towards referendums and deliberative practices. People’s enthusiasm about referendums is hardly reflected in parties’ rhetoric, but the latter reacts gradually to the public appetite for deliberation. There are visible differences between opposition parties and those in government.

Associative democracy and the crises of representative democracies

Associative democracy and the crises of representative democracies

Digital (mis)trust: ethnographic encounters with computational forms

ABSTRACT This special issue is driven by a curiosity about the role of computational forms – practices, logics, technologies, and infrastructures – in social life and how they mediate issues of trust and mistrust: designated (mis)trust. Through a series of ethnographic encounters, its contributors describe how (mis)trust is rendered as an issue of concern by various actors as it is problematized, conceptualized, narrated, and designed for. In doing so, the papers analyse the work (mis)trust does in these settings, with a focus on the role of computational thinking within public discourses on democratic elections, the use of computational technologies in establishing bureaucratic order, the computational practices at play in the production of coding subjectivities, and the computational artefacts that assure data circulations within digital infrastructures. This introduction argues for a more expansive understanding of the relation between trust and mistrust in the digital age, countering the oftentimes default rendering of these concepts as antonymic. Instead, it argues that they live in a mutable relation. Despite prevailing technosolutionist approaches to (mis)trust, it cannot, we suggest, be solved for, resolved, or even eviscerated. Whatever actors (engineers, programmers, professionals etc) do in their efforts to ‘fix’ mistrust, it continues to mutate as a social form.

Unveiling citizens’ perspective on citizen assemblies among participants and non-participants of a citizen assembly on energy

Abstract Governments all over Europe are commissioning citizen assemblies (CAs), which could be one possible way to assist the representative democracy in developing more socially acceptable sustainability policies. Yet, little is known about how citizens themselves think about CAs in general, l et al one the actual real-life procedures, which perceived aspects of CAs and how influence these opinions, and whether opinions differ between those who participate in CAs and the population at large. We investigated citizens’ perceptions and acceptability of CAs, both among the participants of the Dutch Citizen Assembly on Energy (DCAE) and the general Dutch population. First, we studied to what extent both groups thought that CAs, in general, could reach the broader goals of public participation: normative (better democracy), substantive (improved decisions), and instrumental (enhanced public support) goals. Second, we studied citizens’ perceptions of the DCAE in particular, focusing on the 4Ds of public participation: dialogue, diversity, decision-making power, and deliberation. Citizens were generally positive about the potential of CAs to reach broader participation goals, except for some scepticism about their capacity to bring in new knowledge and accelerate the energy transition. Compared to the general population, citizens who join CAs may be more accepting of CAs at the start and evaluate the process more positively at the end. In contrast to conventional wisdom, decision-making power was not the key driver of public acceptability of the DCAE—engaging in dialogue and deliberation might be more important to citizens than having more power per se.

Reaching the Voters: Parties’ Use of Google Ads in the 2021 German Federal Election

Election campaigns during the pandemic showcased the increased use of costly digital campaigning by parties. While many studies focus on the use of Facebook, X (formerly Twitter), and other social networking sites during elections, parties’ use of Google Ads remains widely unstudied. This is surprising given that parties spend a substantial proportion of their budget on Google Ads and Google reports on this spending and other details of the ads in its <em>Transparency Report</em>. Based on the equalisation vs. normalisation thesis, we identify party factors (size, age, government/opposition status, and electoral strongholds) that affect parties’ use of this instrument to a different degree in their campaigns. We aim to highlight parties’ use of Google Ads during the campaigns for the 2021 German Bundestag election, relying on the official data provided via Google’s Ad Library. We discuss both empirical work on the factors that determine the use of Google Ads and conceptual work on the merit and perils of such ads in democratic elections, and we present descriptive and exploratory findings of our deep dive into the archive of Google Ads.

Durability through discord – debating parliamentary procedure in Europe around the turn of the twentieth century

ABSTRACT During recent decades, the role and legitimacy of national parliaments have become increasingly topical and disputed. Parliaments seem to be on the constant defensive against criticism and challenges coming from multiple directions. New populist parties have entered the debating scene, framing parliaments as elite playgrounds and using them as stages for polarized politics. Not only mirrors of social unrest, debates in national assemblies may also be considered catalysts of social upheaval. Both stable and young democracies have been backsliding, and elected autocrats have concentrated power to small elites, harnessing public institutions for their power politics. At the same time, parliamentary democracy appears slow, short-sighted, inefficient and incapable of resolving the great dilemmas of our time. Democratic innovators are calling for more direct, deliberative and participatory forms to support, or even replace traditional parliamentary decision-making and representative democracy. 1 1 For example, D. van Reybrouck, Against Elections: The Case for Democracy, translated from Dutch by L. Waters (London, 2016); H. Landemore, Open Democracy: Reinventing Popular Rule for the Twenty-First Century (Princeton NJ, 2020). Accused of being ‘all talk, no action’, ‘political theater’ and arenas for ‘empty words’, ‘idle talk’ and ‘useless debate’, parliaments and their practices that long seemed self-evident, are now debated, abused, put aside or even neglected.

The Last Democratic Election

Despite leading a violent insurrection to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election, dozens of pending felony counts against him, and massive civil fines leveled against him, Donald Trump is poised to not only be the Republican presidential nominee in 2024; but rather, he stands a very plausible chance of being re-elected. This is true, despite the increasingly authoritarian tone of his rhetoric of late and concrete plans that he and those allied with him have openly espoused that, if implemented, will fundamentally dismember the tenets of American democracy. Yet, many Americans appear to be “sleepwalking toward dictatorship”. This essay argues that Donald Trump represents a singularly unique, existential threat to American democracy and outlines specifically how a second Trump administration will destroy American democracy as we have previously known it.

How Does Politics Affect Quality of Public Transport Infrastructure?

While prior studies have investigated the impacts of political factors such as the ideological stance on quality of public infrastructure, there is a paucity of research on the political effects of re-election success, party fragmentation (political power), and the formation of new electoral consistency on quality of public transport infrastructure, which is represented in this paper by road maintenance efficiency. We employ an instrumental variable approach to mitigate a potential reverse causality bias inherent in literature. Our empirical results show that local governments whose political representatives were re-elected give rise to lower road maintenance efficiency. Local governments with new electoral constituencies report a higher road maintenance efficiency.