Indigenous Agenda Research Articles

A decolonial approach to Brazilian environmental policy since 1972

The aim of this article is to discuss the neoliberal project as a colonial determinant of the environmental policy in Brazil since 1972. The 1972 Stockholm Conference is used as a milestone for analysis. The results show that, since the military regime in the 1970s and through successive elected governments, whether right- or left-wing, federal policies have consistently aimed to boost the country’s economic growth. Even the few socio-environmental advances identified during the first administrations of the Labour Party (2003–2010) resulted from processes focused on the ‘deterritorialisation’ of Indigenous peoples and traditional communities. The ultra-liberal project adopted by the Bolsonaro administration (2019–2022) accelerated these processes and promoted an aggressive denialist, anti-environmental and anti-Indigenous agenda. Given the current political scenario (Lula administration 2023–2026), this study makes the following main contributions: it offers a new orientation for the environmental and Indigenous agendas developed by the progressive sector in Brazil and advocates for a science orientated towards contributing to a new environmental and Indigenous agenda in the country.

MINERAL EXPLORATION IN INDIGENOUS LANDS: THE DISCURSIVE NORMALIZATION OF ILLEGAL MINING IN BRAZIL

In 2023, the world faced a humanitarian tragedy in Brazil involving the Yanomami people. In addition to the result of criminal conduct of public policies aimed at indigenous peoples in the last four years, the case highlights a culture of erasure of Brazilian native peoples that permeates society, institutions, and the mainstream press. In this work, we discuss how mining in indigenous lands has been approached discursively in Brazil. For this, we analyze the conversations on Twitter related to #AtoPelaTerra, a protest in defense of the environment and against the bill that authorizes mining in indigenous lands, held in Brasília in March 2022. To understand the conversation dynamics of the publications collected, we performed a network analysis (WASSERMAN & FAUST, 1994) and to analyze the speeches produced by the subjects who participated in the debate, we adopted the Analysis of Connected Concepts (LINDGREEN 2016). Our results demonstrate that the conversation about the indigenous agenda has been polarized and with a strong misinformation content, especially in the field of the extreme right. In addition, the defense of native peoples and environmental preservation has a limited scope to its most active militancy. In the mainstream media, both the environmental agenda and the indigenous agenda are softened by replacing the term “mining” with “mineral exploration”, which ends up normalizing (FOUCAULT, 2003) practices that are harmful to the environment and indigenous peoples, as an effect of a crossing of the economic and supposedly developmentalist debate that prevails in these spaces.

The Illusion of Neutralism: The Indigenous Third Force and the Filipino Republic from the Late 1940s to the 1950s

Abstract It often has been an illusion that Filipinos lack indigeneity due to the ties with the United States since 1898. Lost in these mists were the indigenous agendas that lay underneath the official narratives. The article presents a background and then examines the administration of Elpidio Quirino, president of the Philippines from 1948 to 1953, particularly his neutralist Pacific Pact initiative and the failed use of military force against the Huks. It concludes with a discussion of the rise of Ramón Magsaysay. It then examines Magsaysay, Philippine president from 1953 to 1957, beginning as defense secretary, support from the United States, the Magsaysay myth, his counterinsurgency campaign against the Huks, his election as president, international leadership, and legacies after his death. The study will show how the top-down policies of Quirino reliant on military force gave way to the unifying, reformist, inclusive, and inspirational leadership of Magsaysay, which became a kind of third force apart from the oligarchy and the Communists.

Māori linked administrative data

Worldwide, large amounts of administrative data are collected within official statistics systems on Indigenous Peoples. These data are primarily used for government and state policy purposes as opposed to by Indigenous Peoples to support Indigenous agendas (Taylor & Kukutai, 2017). In Aotearoa me Te Waipounamu New Zealand, Māori need high quality data to develop evidence-based policies and programs and to monitor government policies that impact on Māori. In this methodological paper, we describe uses of administrative data for Māori and current barriers to its use. We outline the development of a novel administrative data infrastructure and future longitudinal study. By explicating our Indigenous initiated, designed and controlled data project, we make a methodological contribution to Indigenous Data Sovereignty and Kaupapa Māori (Māori worldview) epidemiology.

Recognition on whose terms? Indigenous justice struggles in the EU-Honduran FLEGT Voluntary Partnership Agreement

Building on decolonial environmental justice (EJ) and indigenous resurgence theories, this article explores how indigenous organisations in Honduras have used the EU-Honduras Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade (FLEGT) Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) to pursue state recognition of procedural, self-determination and self-governance rights. Specifically, the article discusses indigenous engagements with the FLEGT VPA multi-stakeholder dialogues, the development of the VPA text and legality matrix and the FAO-EU-FLEGT donor funds as catalysers for the development of a – highly contentious – Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) bill, the development of FAO-EU-FLEGT-funded FPIC protocols, and the push for land titling and the formal recognition of indigenous governance institutions and practices. Applying decolonial environmental justice (DEJ) and indigenous resurgence insights, the article asks “on whose terms” recognition was obtained. It concludes that, while the VPA increased access to policymakers for longstanding indigenous agendas, it also reinscribed the colonial political hierarchy by ignoring, diluting and reinterpreting indigenous proposals in favour of state sovereignty over indigenous lands and people. The research was based on a combination of literature review, interviews and written communications with indigenous representatives and document analysis.

Conservation and Indigenous resistance: Protected Areas and extractive agendas in the Peruvian Amazon

Expanding natural protected areas in the Peruvian Amazon compete with indigenous interests and resource extraction, in a dynamic process of endorsement and enforcement by local indigenous communities. The analysis presents a geographical case study of Peru’s emblematic Camisea gas extraction project in the Amazonian Lower Urubamba valley, Cusco. The focus is on two protected areas —Matsigenka Communal Reserve and Megantoni National Sanctuary— that were created alongside the gas project in the early 2000s, strategically supported by local indigenous communities. The study argues that the intersections of extractive and conservation agendas in Camisea have created ambiguous and novel spaces for the expression of local indigenous agendas, while neoliberal conservation territorial logics simultaneously limit them. This empirical analysis contributes to a deeper empirical understanding of Indigenous conservation priorities, political demands, and long-term strategies regarding territorial and legal categories of conservation, carefully negotiated within highly fragmented and weak formal institutional state arrangements in the Peruvian Amazon.

The facilitators and barriers to exercise in the Noongar Aboriginal population in Perth, Australia.

Indigenous Standpoint Theory forms the epistemological foundation for this study and methodological choices were made within this theoretical framework to ensure culturally responsive research processes that engaged the Indigenous agenda of self-determination and rights. The objectives of this research were to determine: (i) Indigenous perceptions of the facilitators and barriers to exercise; (ii) The potential feasibility and sustainability of an exercise intervention. In this context, Participatory Action Research methods were used to design the data-gathering instrument for the study-a questionnaire, co-designed with the Noongar Aboriginal community of Perth, Western Australia. This self-administered questionnaire, distributed to participants by email, post and manual delivery, sought to elicit the factors that impact uptake and retention of regular exercise activities. Questionnaire data included individual demographic detail and specific question responses on labelled 5 point Likert Scales. Specific question responses were tabulated by Likert Scale label category and the response distribution for each question was enumerated. Simple descriptive statistics (measures of central tendency and variance) were used to characterize the data set and the Chi squared test was used to evaluate frequency differences between males and females. A total of 133 participants (71 females) completed the questionnaire. The results indicated that people valued exercise. The most common barriers indicated by participants were exercising with an injury (63%), changing diet (58%), finding time to exercise every day (55%) and exercising the next day with pain from exercising the day before (54%). A larger proportion of males (34%) than females (24%) reported greater ease in finding time to exercise every day (p < 0.05). Facilitators mainly related to the potential social and community benefits of exercising with other people, preferably in small groups, and the importance of a culturally secure venue. These findings shed light on what a culturally secure exercise programme might involve for the Noongar community. As this may have implications for other Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and international First Nations' Peoples, more focused research is needed on the place of traditional physical activities and the nature of culturally secure exercise programmes and spaces to enable wider application.

Contested Sovereignties: Indigenous disputes over plurinational resource governance

Indigenous organizations in the Andean countries of Ecuador and Bolivia originated novel proposals to pluralize sovereign arrangements through plurinational statehood. Reflecting diverse Indigenous groups’ relations with postcolonial states, these proposals created a unique basis for re-negotiating (sovereign) resource governance. Despite the constitutional endorsement of the plurinational state model however, the latest empirical evidence confirms growing state control over subsoil resources that excises Indigenous peoples from decision-making over resources. In this paper, we trace the emergence of novel agendas for sovereignty-multiplicity, showing how Indigenous agendas had anticipated the need to go beyond their rights over subsoil resources and autonomous territories. These agendas implied re-negotiating national sovereignty in light of the countries’ internal ethno-political and epistemic heterogeneity. Under nominally plurinational states however, resource governance outcomes perpetuate and normalise longstanding epistemic and power differentials between rights-bearing political subjects and Indigenous subjects. We highlight the colonial-modern bases of current sovereignty arrangements, identifying the presumptions and legal parameters that shape the dynamics between states, people and Indigenous people. Situating resource governance in relation to the concept of modernity/coloniality, we propose to (re)think sovereignty arrangements in the colonial present in light of internal heterogeneity.

Who’s Silenced? Who’s Not?

Abstract This essay juxtaposes two stories of Indigenous-settler “first contact” in the twenty-first century. One describes an event of community-based research in coastal Maine in summer 2000; the other describes an event of community-based confrontation at the Serpent Mound earthworks site in Ohio on the winter solstice 2020. The stories overlap and intersect in surprising ways, and they prompt unresolved questions about the function of “American” literary criticism at the present time: What actually happens when Indigenous voices enter the structures of the settler academy? Who benefits, and whose interests are ultimately served? Within current conventions, is it possible to center Indigenous knowledges and research agendas, to address the pressing concerns of Indigenous communities? And what does it mean to pursue scholarship ostensibly focused on aspects of Indigenous cultures within social and political contexts that continue to allow or even to promote the settler erasure of Indigenous claims—not only to distant or recent histories but to ongoing presence? Is it enough for academic institutions to assume a neutral stance on such issues? Or are “Americanist” scholars obligated to pursue more rigorous forms of disrupting settler business as usual?

Criminalization, Securitization and other Forms of Illegalizing Indigenous Contestations in Chile: Responses from Constitutional Law and Inter-American Jurisprudence on Mapuche People’s Rights

AbstractThis article critically examines the contemporary ‘securitization paradigm’ adopted throughout the Chilean jurisdiction. Emphasis is placed on its explicit misuse and its arbitrary effects on the Mapuche people in light of Chile’s anti-terrorism legislation. The law thereby assumes a twofold function. ‘Judicialization strategies’ are employed by different organs of the State, resulting in the criminalization and ultimately the silencing of indigenous protest and forms of representation in the public space. These potentially transform relations between the State and its subjects, demanding a repositioning of indigenous agendas and representation under the constitutional umbrella. Conversely, judicialization also assumes a mediating role through the virtuous effects of international law and Inter-American human rights jurisprudence. The newly commencing constitutional era may further spur such developments, potentially exerting essential decolonizing effects on State institutions and society at large.

International dimension of the indigenous problem in Latin America

The article examines the modern trends of the indigenous peoples’ development in Latin America and the obstacles of the indigenous population’s actorness in achieving political potential at the regional and global levels of international relations. Considerable attention is paid to a degree of ethnopolitical movements representativeness in the region and the role of indigenous peoples in the evolvement of alter-globalization line. The article provides an analysis of the dominant discourse from the perspective of the post-colonial concept Subaltern Studies in two fundamental documents: The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples of 2007 and the International Labor Organization Convention N 169 of 1989. As a result of the study, the authors came to the conclusion that the indigenous peoples of Latin America have significant political potential, but in fact they cannot fully realize it due to the dominant colonial discourse, which does not allow promote the indigenous agenda at the global level and suppresses the actor&amp;apos;s ability of indigenous peoples.

How might Indigenous decolonization agendas inform Anthropocene historiography?

ABSTRACT Many Indigenous and post-development commentators view the hegemony of western conceptions of ‘development’ as profoundly implicated in the Anthropocene’s global ecological crises and underpinned by modernity’s extractivist and anthropocentric worldview and sensibilities. Meanwhile, as Kothari et al. note, secular modernity’s defenders persist in the presumption that modern science affords the definitive account of nature and reality, while the worldviews of Indigenous peoples are frequently delegitimised as unsophisticated or mere superstition. Accordingly, many Indigenous critics call for today’s Indigenous movements globally to challenge the dominance of western ‘heteropatriarchal’ styles of thinking. They suggest modernity needs to learn from Indigenous movements and traditions, not least for insights into ethical relationality with the animate Earth. Likewise, Arturo Escobar insists that contemporary academic ‘theory’ needs re-enlivening: bringing it closer to life and the Earth and to the work of those who struggle to defend them. This paper asks how Indigenous decolonization agendas, which struggle in defense of life and the Earth, might inform historiography in the Anthropocene. For example, Beverley Southgate has suggested that history has a utopian and therapeutic purpose – helping us escape the thrall of the past and orientate ourselves towards emancipatory futures. This paper suggests – in an era of ecological emergency – that history’s utopian imaginaries will need to be commensurate with that vivid experience of sensed ethical reciprocity with nature, to which indigenous traditional ecological knowledges (ITEK) bear witness. Some western historians question whether a coherent story for humanity is possible, given how systems thinking suggests global feedback and radical uncertainty condition our future. However, systems thinking also highlights the hierarchical nature of human-ecological systems and suggests that the deepest level for intervening in any human-ecological system is at the level of a society’s ‘mental models’ and ‘worldview’. This is the level at which interventions have the greatest leverage for radical system transformation and is the level that this essay focuses upon.

Socio-cultural characteristics of the Russian Indigenous communities in the Barents region

Legal regulation of socio-cultural processes taking place in the Barents Euro-Arctic Region (BEAR) is not effective without involving indigenous communities, which is a specific population group representing the traditional ethno-cultural landscape of the region, unchanged for centuries and affected by globalization. Owing to the cross-border nature of the BEAR, socio-cultural characteristics acquire special synergetic properties determining the vectors of intergovernmental cooperation. With areas of its land making up the largest part of the BEAR, Russia seems to be the key actor in its socio-cultural development. It is difficult to estimate the progress of the unity without understanding the legal and political background of Russia in the field of indigenous issues. This paper sheds light on the policy and regulations on indigenous-related issues in Russia by examining five cases of regions which are part of the Russian Arctic Zone and the BEAR members. The authors compare the essential actions and measures the Russian Arctic regions have taken for complying with the international indigenous agenda. The paper also makes an effort to examine the potential for cooperation in the BEAR through establishing institutional, political and legal mechanisms. The conclusion arrived at is that Russia needs to take major steps to ensure progress and development of its part of the BEAR and to contribute to the BEAR development by fostering further discussion and cooperation on indigenous rights, joint decision-making, clean environment, education and native languages, peace and security.

Globalising sustainable development: Decolonial disruptions and environmental justice in Bolivia

AbstractThe 2015 United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are the new global development goals guiding the work of mainstream development actors until 2030. The shift to “sustainable development” marks a response to climate change and constitutes a rebranding of international development as global development, prominently by the UN, World Bank, and IMF. In this paper, I draw from recent fieldwork in Bolivia to question what is being globalised. In response to calls for northern geographers to better attend to new forms of coloniality and knowledge production, I take seriously indigenous agendas for development, land, and sovereignty to critique Agenda 2030 with decolonial territorial agendas and theories of environmental justice. I argue that the implementation of Agenda 2030 has reconfigured the borderlands between international development and indigenous territorial agendas. In a drastic reworking of the “boomerang effect,” development infrastructure is being disconnected from anti‐extractive indigenous territorial politics, as the modes of engagement between states, the private sector, and NGOs are reconfigured by the unifying agenda of sustainable development – weakening both indigenous struggles for territorial sovereignty and the environmental remit of the SDGs. An environmental justice perspective locates the case of the Territorio Indígena y Parque Nacional Isiboro (TIPNIS) Secure case within a bigger struggle between local claims to land and global extractive capital, foregrounding that decolonial agendas for territory are entangled with contemporary extractive capitalism. In seeking consensus between states, the private sector, and civil society, the SDGs minimise the sites of conflict that instruct “sustainable development,” revealing both a critical weakness of the SDGs and a pathway towards their greater effectiveness.

Relationships between scientific production and public policies: the case of indigenous people's health in the field of collective health.

This paper analyses the relationship between studies on the health of indigenous people in public health and public policies aimed at reducing ethnic-racial inequalities. This selection assumes that scientific production on the subject is part of the societal effort to confront health inequities and guarantee the rights and public policies of indigenous people. In total, 3,417 papers were found between 1956 and 2018, and 418 were selected for analysis from systematic literature mapping in the PubMed/Medline, Scopus, Lilacs, Sociological Abstract, and Web of Science databases. Initially, the literature is marked by the biomedical benchmark. After 1990, publications and dialogue with the human and social sciences are expanded, including the analysis of the implementation of indigenous health policy. We identified that the knowledge produced is associated with the political, social, and scientific transformations of the health reform and the indigenous agenda. Scientific production increased in 2010. We can conclude that the knowledge guiding the scientific production on indigenous health was established from a horizon politically implicated with the studied populations and improved Indigenous Health Subsystem.

The cultural interface tension: doing Indigenous work in the academy

This article explores Vanessa Anthony-Stevens and Sammy Matsaw’s paper “The productive uncertainty of Indigenous and decolonizing methodologies in the preparation of interdisciplinary STEM researchers”. That paper reports on a small qualitative study on how STEM students in the field of natural resources management react to the inclusion of Indigenous ways of knowing in their interdisciplinary research methodologies course. The authors are engaging contested intersections of knowledge that are notoriously difficult to negotiate. I argue that the inclusion of Indigenous ‘ways of knowing’ into the water resource management curriculum is based on Morgan’s (in: McKinley, Smith (eds) Handbook of indigenous education, Springer, Singapore, pp 111–128, 2019. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-3899-0) idea of the ‘guest paradigm’. At the same time, and in contrast, I also argue that the inclusion of Indigenous knowledge in the curriculum cannot just occur in the classroom but needs to be considered at an institutional and individual level as well. The project should be seen as a small step within a wider Indigenous agenda of decolonizing the Eurocentric curriculum.

Photography and Critical Heritage

Historical photographs of Australian Aboriginal people were amassed during the colonial period for a range of purposes, yet rarely to further an Indigenous agenda. Today, however, such images have been recontextualized, used to reconstruct family history, document culture, and express connections to place. They have become a significant heritage resource for relatives and descendants. Images stand in for relatives lost through processes of official assimilation—or as this sad history is now known in Australia, the Stolen Generations. This article explores the potential healing power of the photos in addressing loss and dislocation, and emerging tools for supporting this process through reviewing the Returning Photos project outcomes.

Adoption, incorporation, and a sense of citizenship and belonging in Indigenous Nations and culture: a Haudenosaunee perspective

During the salvage ethnography period in the early 20th century, the adoption of scholars by tribes provided those scholars with access to Indigenous Knowledge and garnered their support of Indigenous agendas at a time when there were few Indigenous scholars. Adoptive practices and protocols today raise complex questions that have very real legal, political, and cultural repercussions. The introduction of enrollment cards and blood quantum—how are we to make sense of old adoption protocols of Indigenous Nations outlined in traditional narratives such as Creation? The answer for Haudenosaunee communities lies in two of the core narratives: Creation and Great Law. What do these narratives illuminate regarding adoptive cultural practices that today can be utilized in an ever changing political, legal, and culture framework using the long-understood notion of Good Mindedness?

BJP’s Electoral Victory in Assam, 2016: Co-opting the Khilonjiyas

The landslide victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Assam’s assembly election in April 2016 provokes diametrically opposite interpretations. While for the rank and file of the Sangh Parivar, the victory reveals a consolidation of Hindutva forces in the state, at the other end of the spectrum, some portions of the intelligentsia, who want to project the BJP as a changed and secular entity, assert that the electoral results do not reflect the rise of Hindutva in the state but rather the advance of indigenous and identity politics. For the latter, the key to BJP’s electoral triumph was its alliance with regional-ethnic forces against the backdrop of the growing insecurity among Assam’s indigenous people caused by a steady influx from Bangladesh. While Hindu consolidation, through different agencies and institutions, gained momentum in the state, in the present elections, it was the highly emotive campaign for the protection of the rights of the Khilonjiyas (the indigenous) that assured victory for the BJP-led alliance. But it is important to understand the way ‘indigenous’ was constructed as an exclusionary category to bring in communal divisions in the electoral battle. The theory of ‘indigenous’ propagated during the elections had nothing do with substantive rights like the ‘right to self-determination’ or ‘rights over resources’, emphasised by the International Declarations on Rights of the Indigenous People. The international bidding for the auction of 12 oil fields in Assam by the BJP-led union government immediately after the new state government had assumed power and the collective resistance by nationalist and indigenous groups against this decision exposed the hollowness of the ‘indigenous agenda’ of the BJP in Assam.

From Territory to Rights: New Foundations for Conceptualising Indigenous Sovereignty

ABSTRACTRecognising how the concept of sovereignty has been affected by an indigenous and human rights agenda, this article explores the potential outcomes of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) in terms of its challenge to Westphalian notions of sovereignty in Canada’s North. It argues that the UNDRIP, adopted by the United Nations in 2007, is now playing a significant role in giving Canada’s Indigenous Peoples a voice in international affairs and for reframing the relationship between state and non-state actors in ways which privilege collective rights rather than territorial imperatives.