Indeterminate Pronouns Research Articles

Social-ecological semiotics and the complex organization of psyche, language, and culture

In each given situation, our words and deeds carry signs and meanings that are contingent on, and reflect, the social-ecological semiotic settings. The purpose of this work is to better understand the complex organization of psyche, language, and culture. The process of hyper-generalization brings affective and cognitive opposites into the whole sign field and guides the whole relating with the world. As well, the process of semiotic mediation entails signs constraining and enhancing both interpersonal and intrapersonal psychological processes and experiences, including through nested systems (the levels of the individual-the relationship-the community-the societal). We present data for Australia and Thailand on Hofstede’s six culture dimensions, that is, power distance, uncertainty avoidance, masculinity/femininity, individualism/collectivism, short-term/long-term orientation & restraint/indulgence. An idealized and dynamic model of relations of Hofstede’s six culture dimensions and four indeterminate pronouns (e.g., ‘every’-one, ‘some’-one, ‘any’-one, ‘no’ one) is proposed. As a framework for construing the complex semiotic organization of (western, English-speaking) culture and psyche, four “cyclical” regulatory statements are outlined, regarding personal constraint, personal enhancement, cultural constraint, and cultural enhancement in language and culture, that is, in semiotic cultural psychology. Examples on the values of caring for people and planet are given to illustrate the social-ecological semiotic framework.

Large-scale pied-piping in the labeling theory and conditions on weak heads

Abstract This paper discusses the concept of weak head in Chomsky’s (2015. Problems of projection: Extensions. In Elisa Di Domenico, Cornelia Hamann & Simona Matteini (eds.), Structures, strategies and beyond: Studies in honour of Adriana Belletti, 3–16. Amsterdam: John Benjamins) sense from a typological perspective. This paper first establishes a novel generalization that large-scale pied-piping is available in a language only if the language has indeterminate pronouns in Kuroda’s (1965. Generative grammatical studies in the Japanese language. Cambridge, MA: Massachusetts Institute of Technology dissertation) sense and the clause to be pied-piped is head-final. To deduce this generalization, this paper first offers a labeling theoretic account of large-scale pied-piping. It then proposes that weak heads are (i) heads that have unvalued features and (ii) morpho-phonologically weak. It is shown that the generalization is deduced from this conception of weak heads, given Inaba’s (2011. The morphosyntax of constituent ordering patterns. The Hiroshima University Studies, Graduate School of Letters 71. 43–72) generalization that head-final complementizers are generally affixal. This paper further argues that the proposed conception of weak heads also allows us to deduce Agree from Minimal Search, which is a third factor principle according to Chomsky (2013. Problems of projection. Lingua 130. 33–49), hence minimizes UG.

Indeterminate pronouns in Kaqchikel

Abstract This paper investigates the morphology, syntax, and semantics of five non-interrogative constructions that involve wh-expressions in Kaqchikel, a Mayan language of the K’ichean branch spoken in Guatemala. We focus on the properties of maximal free relative clauses, existential free relative clauses, ever free relative clauses, free choice items and negative indefinites. We show that the interpretive properties of these constructions are strikingly similar to those found in a number of unrelated languages.

Indeterminates in comparatives as free choice items

Japanese indeterminate pronouns have different interpretations depending on a particle that they appear with. Indeterminates may appear “bare” in the yori comparative, which leads to questions of whether they are existential quantifiers, negative polarity items (NPIs), universal quantifiers, or free choice items (FCIs), and of how they are licensed. We examine each possibility and argue that they are FCIs. We then provide novel evidence that the yori comparative has some properties of unconditional clauses, which corroborates our previous claim that indeterminate- based FCIs in Japanese are unconditional clauses.

On Vendler’s freedom of choice

In this short essay, we will provide some contemporary remarks to Vendler (1962 and 1974). We will propose that his characterization of the Free Choice Item any can be properly explained if we take into account an alternative semantics framework. We will assume with Menéndez-Benito (2010) that it is a universal indeterminate pronoun, and with Aloni (2007) that it involves an exhaustification operator to explain its behavior. We will show that, if we take into account this approach, we will be able to explain what Vendler called freedom of choice, lack of existential import, lawlike propositions, among other characteristics. In addition, we will try to do some linguistics in philosophy, and try to explain how a proper understanding of FCI may help to better understand some reference related problems. Finally, we will show that if we take into account a speech act theory, as the one proposed by Searle (1985), we may account for some of the FCI particular behavior with regard to free choice.

The negation of cualquier NP

Even though the interpretation of Free Choice Items such as any has been on debate for more than 50 years (Vendler, 1974, Dayal, 1998, Horn, 2000, etc.), it is relatively more recent in Spanish (Menéndez-Benito, 2005, Giannakidou and Quer, 2013, among others). Some have analyzed it as a universal quantifier, neither taking its free choiceness into account nor contexts which seem to be problematic for the universal account (see, for instance, Etxepare and Uribe-Etxebarria, 2011). In this article, we defend that cualquier is a universal indeterminate pronoun which involves freedom of choice (as in the original proposal by Vendler, 1974). We will take into account data (taken from https://www.corpusdelespanol.org/web-dial) which has not been properly considered. We will analyze the interaction of negation and cualquier in Rioplantese Spanish in the subject position of negative generic statements, in the object position in negative episodic statements, and in a non argumental position. We will combine an alternative semantics approach to the analysis of the FCI cualquier, inspired in Menéndez-Benito (2010) and Aloni (2019), with a syntactic approach to negation inspired in Etxepare and Uribe-Etxebarria (2011).

A clausal analysis of free choice demo in Japanese

It is commonly assumed that in Japanese, an indeterminate pronoun followed by demo (indet-demo) corresponds to free choice any in English (FC any). Based on a number of semantic differences between the two, I argue that indet-demo is not a nominal free choice item, but a concealed unconditional adjunct, corroborating the claim made by Nakanishi and Hiraiwa (2019) and Hiraiwa and Nakanishi (2020, to appear). Based on Rawlins’s (2008, 2013) Hamblin analysis of unconditionals in English, I propose a compositional semantics of indet-demo that captures its semantics properties.

Indeterminate pronouns in Old English: a compositional semantic analysis

Indeterminate pronouns in Old English (expressions like hwa ‘who/what’ and hwelc ‘which’) permit several interpretations in addition to their use as interrogative pronouns, for example readings as universal or existential quantifiers. They combine with morphological prefixes (ge- ‘and, also’ and a- ‘always, ever’), which change the range of possible interpretations. Old English indeterminate pronouns are shown to contribute a crosslinguistically hitherto unattested pattern of available interpretations. In particular, bare indeterminate pronouns have a universal interpretation and ge-indeterminate pronouns can be both universal and existential. This paper offers an alternative semantic analysis in the spirit of Hamblin (Found Lang 10:41–53, 1973) and Shimoyama (Nat Lang Semant 14:139–173, 2006). A compositional semantics is given for the pronouns and the prefixes, which derives the available readings. The paper ends with a proposal for compositional semantic change relating Old English indeterminate pronouns to their modern descendants.

Functional typological approach to Shawi indeterminate pronouns

This study describes the formation of indeterminate pronouns in Shawi, which is a class of proforms that can have interrogative, indefinite, and free relative senses. These interpretations are only distinguished through a class of clitics, e.g. ma’=ta (what, relative what), ma’=sha (something), ma=nta (nothing). The first of these can be further modified to ma’ta=ka (rhetorical what) and ma’=tana (whatever). As in other languages, this class of proforms can be categorized into a paradigm in which each member represents a general concept like person (who), thing (what), place (where), time (when), manner (how), etc. Comparing these forms reveals further internal structure. As such, Shawi indeterminate pronouns are analyzed and the clitics that can modify their interpretation are discussed.

Plurality and distributivity in Yaeyaman wh-questions

In Yaeyaman, a critically endangered Japonic language of the Southern Ryukyus, there is a distinction made between singular and plural wh-questions, with plurality indicated by reduplication of the indeterminate (wh) pronoun. I argue that reduplication of the indeterminate is triggered by a morpheme RED that requires the presence of non-atoms in the set of Hamblin alternatives denoted by its sister. When attached directly to an indeterminate pronoun, RED requires the presence of non-atomic, plural entities. I then show that reduplicated indeterminate subjects can be interpreted distributively in pair-list answers, while reduplicated indeterminate objects cannot. After showing that the distributive reading of the subject indeterminate cannot be modeled straightforwardly using a distributivizing operator attached to the VP, I suggest that it reflects morphological agreement between the subject indeterminate and a clause-level RED morpheme, which requires the existence of plural answers in the set of alternative propositions denoted by the question. The semantics of clause-level RED requires a distinction between atomic and plural answers that parallels the distinction between atomic and plural entities. I also compare the Yaeyaman data with reduplication in Korean questions, showing that the semantics of RED differs between the two languages. Keywords: plurality, distributivity, indeterminates, wh-questions, pair-list answers, redupli- cation, Ryukyuan, Yaeyaman, Korean

The landscape of universal quantification in Old Hungarian

This paper presents the system of Old Hungarian expressions conveying universal or maximal readings, as found in Old Hungarian codices. The main empirical findigs are that (i) the OH suffix-keed could be a (temporal) universal quantifier. Expressions with such suffixes can help reconstruct quantifiers from the head-final stage of Hungarian. (ii) Old Hungarian had bare pronouns that acquired a bound, quantificational reading from long-distance operators. Against such a background, minden is claimed to be a quintessential strong D-quantifier: It could undergo raising, and its scope was flexible (within syntactic islands). (iii) These properties of minden are distinctive within the class of particle + indeterminate pronoun complexes (such as vala-ki lit. ‘vala-who’, ‘somebody’), which could be said to lack quantificational force.

Introduction

Abstract This introduction puts into conversation two seemingly divergent analytics: transgender studies and animal studies. It asks: How does the prefixial nature of trans—across, into, and through: a prepositional force—further transfigure the “animal turn”? If the animal turn has recharged inquiry into difference and ethics, what happens to these magnetic pulls when they are transformed, transacted, or transduced by trans studies? Taking as a central logic that transgender subjects have never been fully human—consider how the indeterminate pronoun “it” has been used to name transgenders—the introduction posits how a trans heuristic allows us to better understand the limits of “the human” as a biopolitical tool for privileging a few so as to de-, in-, nonhumanize the many. Trans exposes what is at stake in these prefixial maneuvers, what is materialized and dematerialized, what is made livable and unlivable, killable and un-killable.

Quantification support with indeterminate pronouns

Quantification support with indeterminate pronouns

The distribution of quantificational suffixes in Japanese

The existential and universal quantifiers in Japanese both consist of two morphemes: an indeterminate pronoun and a quantificational suffix. This paper examines the distributional characteristics of these suffixes (ka for the existential quantifier and mo for the universal quantifier). It is shown that ka can appear in a wider range of structural positions than mo can. This difference receives explanation on semantic grounds. I propose that mo is a generalized quantifier. More specifically, I assume that the phrase headed by mo is of type \({\langle\langle\alpha, t\rangle, t}\). Because of its type, mo cannot appear in certain structural positions without causing type mismatch. Ka, on the other hand, is a choice function variable of type \({\langle\alpha/t, \alpha\rangle}\), and due to its type, its distribution is not as restricted. One of the consequences of this analysis is that there are no quantifier raising or type shifting operations in Japanese that would adequately obviate type mismatch.

Variation in the expression of universal quantification and free choice

I argue that the interpretation of expressions consisting of disjunction marker and wh-element (wh-disj expressions), which varies across languages, constitutes a case of semantic variation. In Hausa, these expressions denote universal generalized quantifiers, which give rise to free choice effects in intensional contexts (Giannakidou 2001). The universal meaning is derived in compositional fashion, where the disjunction marker expresses set union over the wh-domain. The free choice effects follow from the scopal interaction of universal quantifier and intensional operator. The account relates to Giannakidou & Cheng’s (2006) analysis of (quasi)universal FCIs, but it does not extend to Japanese and Malayalam wh-disj expressions, which are interpreted with existential force and should be analyzed as indeterminate pronouns (Jayaseelan 2001; Kratzer & Shimoyama 2002). Motivated by the analysis of FCIs in Menendéz-Benito (2005), we finally consider an alternative analysis of koo-wh expressions as selective indeterminate pronouns, which is rejected on conceptual and empirical grounds.

Indeterminate NPIs and Scope

No abstract.

Raymond Carver's Inheritance from Ernest Hemingway's Literary Technique

Ernest Hemingway's domestic stories provided models for and a significant influence on Raymond Carver, one of America's most important short story writers during the second half of the 20th century. Drawing most of its evidence from Carver's "Will You Please Be Quiet, Please?" and the Hemingway classic echoed by Carver's title, "Hills Like White Elephants," as well as from "Cat in the Rain," this article illustrates how the authors use indeterminate pronouns, open endings, traditional and mimetic symbolism, nonmimetic techniques including the symbolic resonance in numbers and the omission of key details to create meaning in subtle, complex ways.

Binding Alongside Hamblin Alternatives Calls for Variable-free Semantics

No abstract.

Binding of Indeterminate Pronouns and Clause Structure in Japanese

This article shows, on the basis of indeterminate pronoun binding, that tense-related elements are checked in the checking domain of T and that other elements are checked in the checking domain of the topmost light verb v. The data pertaining to indeterminate pronoun binding, coupled with the data on focus particles, reveal that in Japanese, checking configurations are established in LF. LF movement employed for Case checking is argued to involve the raising of a phrasal category, on the basis that it displays properties different from those of nonphrasal movement in LF. The newly attested data from Japanese lead to the conclusion that constituents can be reordered after “narrow” syntax and that strict locality is required for checking to take place, contrary to Chomsky's (2000, 2001) proposal.

Personally speaking … or not? The strategic value of on in face-to-face negotiation

AbstractThe fact that the subject clitic on has such a wide range of referential values has been studied extensively, in particular from a variationist perspective. Quantitative methods have been used (e.g. Laberge and Sankoff, 1980) to establish correlations between, on the one hand, on and its paradigmatic ‘equivalents’ tu and vous and, on the other, a number of linguistic, discoursal and social variables. Indeed, pragmatic factors figure increasingly prominently amongst investigated constraints on use and interpretation. It is the aim of this paper to explore, from a broadly qualitative, non-variationist perspective, and within the context of Brown and Levinson's ‘Politeness Theory’ (1978, 1987), how speakers can exploit the indeterminacy of pronominal reference and in particular that of the French indeterminate pronoun on in the interests of face protection.