Independent Republics Research Articles

Volver la mirada al sur. Una criminología para América Latina

From a decolonial perspective, and taking Latin America as its case study, this article discusses southern criminology —a body of work that has consolidated in the region and other Global South countries, and that aims at explaining crime and violence, together with the social control responses they elicit, as part of the colonial matrix of power. The article claims that southern criminology has the potential to contribute to the discussion of crime, violence, and social control in Latin America in at least two aspects: first, it may provide an incisive analysis of the relations between diffearent forms of violence and subordination, on the one hand, and the punitive and exclusive responses of Latin American political regimes to these phenomena, on the other. Second, it may contribute a suggestive explanation of how the forms of social control that have emerged in different countries of the region since their birth as independent republics are closely linked to the construction of political, economic, and social orders that are part of the colonial matrix of power.

Чешские и словацкие ученые о В.В. Маяковском

The article Czech and Slovak Scientists about V.V. Mayakovsky is dedicated to the Russian and Soviet poet, futurist V.V. Mayakovsky. Our job is to cleanse his image of the layers of ideological prejudice and put him on his pedestal, because we are dealing with one of the most original poets in the world, whose work has always aroused attention, and often passion. The focus of the study is the reception of the writer in the Czechoslovak cultural space during his lifetime, in the interwar period, in the period after the end of World War II, during the period of building socialism in our countries and after 1989, i. e. at the time of the change in the socio-political situation and the emergence of two independent republics. After many decades, our article is an attempt to re-imagine for Czech and Slovak readers one of the most original poets of world literature without the burden of ideological ballast.

Economic analysis of the performance of Russian manufacturers of equipment for the dairy industry

The collapse of the USSR led not only to the formation of 15 independent republics, the emergence of the CIS, but also to the rupture of those complex long-term stable cooperative ties between the countries that have been formed and developed for more than half a century. The manufacturing industry, as in many countries, accounts for a large share in the structure of the Russian gross domestic product: according to Rosstat, in 2020, the weight of manufacturing industries in the output structure was 26 %. One of the most significant types of production is the production of equipment for the dairy industry. In this regard, the authors raised the question of the level of development of this industry in Russia and its indicators. Currently, the Russian dairy industry is one of the industries with a high share of imported equipment, which is about 70 %. The purpose of the study is to identify and prove that, despite the high degree of dependence on imports, this category of products is also produced by domestic enterprises, which, respectively, account for about 30 %. Basically, Russian manufacturers of equipment for the dairy industry satisfy the demand of small and medium-sized businesses, while the demands of large businesses are replenished by imports. The authors analyzed the financial condition and efficiency of dairy machinery enterprises using the example of the following companies: Ice water generators, “SOMZ”, TD “Russian Armor”, MNPP “Initiative”, “PROTEMOL”, “Vologda machines”, “Dairy machinery Plant”, “Dagprodmash”, “BLS Engineering”, The plant of capacitive and food equipment “Grand”, “KFTEHNO”, “AGROS”, “Plant Aggregate”, “Selmash Dairy Machines”, “Color”, “KULTEK”, “Lenprodmash”, “Russian meal”, “Kolaks”, ICP “TECHNOCOM”, JSC “Plant Molmash”, “KR-Tech”, “NPO GIGAMASH”, Elf 4M “Trading House”, “VKP Signal-pak”, “PLANT TECHTANK”, “SLAVUTICH”, “NMZ”. Based on the data for 2016-2020, the future financial indicators of the companies in question for 2021-2022 were predicted. The short-term nature of the forecast compiled by the authors is related to the fact that budgets for the next year are formed at the end of the calendar year, and the analysis did not take into account the current conditions of Russian-Ukrainian relations.

Political Economy for Hispanic America: José Joaquín de Mora as a Bridge between Continents (1825–43)

In the early nineteenth century, the gradual transformation of Spain's former American territories into new independent republics required redefining their political and economic frameworks. This process demanded economic reforms, policies, and institutional changes based on the ideas of the Enlightenment and liberalism that fueled a transatlantic flow of political and economic ideas from Europe to the new republics. This article examines the crucial contribution of the Spanish economist José Joaquín de Mora to this migration of ideas. His main achievement was an institutional and economic agenda for the Republic of Chile based on classical political economy and adapted to the new republic's economic, political, and social environment. The primary economic growth process, which Mora also considered appropriate for the rest of the newly created American republics, was the result of a long and successive building process, which the research also tackles.

CENTRAL ASIAN WAQF STUDIES DURING COLONIAL, SOVIET, AND INDEPENDENCE PERIODS

This article is aimed at providing a literature review of waqf studies in Central Asia during the last 150 years since the 1860s and the 1870s until the present. One of the distinctive features of the economic development of the Islamic world is the institution of waqf, which is an integral part of the social history of Muslim society as well as one of its values. This feature is especially true of Central Asia now comprising the five independent republics of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan, which used in the past to be flourishing centres of Islamic civilisation, and which are in possession of a rich waqf legacy. The bibliographical survey of waqf literature in Central Asia spans the whole 150-year period which is divided into three phases, namely the Czarist colonial period (1870s-1917), the Soviet period (1920s-1930s till 1992), and the independence period (1992 until the present). Special attention is paid to the historiography of waqf institution in the region, especially pertaining to waqf foundations, and the extensive waqf literature that was generated over the centuries by the institution. The article concludes with a summary of the significance of the study for contemporary waqf studies, particularly in Uzbekistan.

Influence of West on Post-Soviet Space: Progressive Movement to Change Cultural Code

The European Union is one of the external players in the post-Soviet space, considering the region from the point of view of a rich resource base and a new affordable market. Having taken shape as a subject of international relations in 1992, the EU began to spread its influence in the countries of the post-Soviet space. The article examines the evolution of the approaches of the European Union to independent republics. Initially, the post-Soviet space was perceived by the leaders of the European Union as one whole, and the mechanisms and instruments of influence were universal for all countries of the region (Partnership and Cooperation Agreements; TACIS technical assistance program). Due to the failure of a unified approach, the EU has begun to develop programs and strategies based on the specifics of individual regions of the post-Soviet space: Eastern Europe, South Caucasus, Central Asia. As a result of the targeted impact on states, taking into account regional peculiarities and challenges, the European Union has managed to achieve some success. The obvious victory of the European neighborhood policy was the emergence of an “associated trio” with the participation of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia, who made their “European choice”. The countries of the South Caucasus and Central Asia are not interested in adapting to European values and standards, but they have a positive attitude to the investment investments of the European Union in the regions and are open to expanding trade and economic ties, which indicates the partial participation of the EU in the processes of the post-Soviet space.

Wojna w Ukrainie – przyczyny i skutki po ponad roku trwania

The war in Ukraine has been going on for more than a year now and there is no indication that it will end soon. The causes of its outbreak are very complex. One of them was the victory of the counter-revolution and the collapse of socialism, followed by the collapse of the former Soviet Union in December 1991. At that time, fifteen independent republics were established to varying degrees – their disintegration took place not only ideologically and politically, but also economically. In many of them, nationalisms arose or were revived, including those based on religion, which included not only the main former union republics, but also numerous national minorities, particularly the Baltic states, the Caucasus, and the Volga region. Some of them turned into local wars. An important role in the disintegration of the countries of the former Soviet Union and the weakening of the Russian Federation was played by external forces, imperialist states, mainly the US, some European countries, NATO in general, and the rivalling with Russia European Union and other forces of international capital. The war in Ukraine has deeper causes, and in case of Russia’s defeat, it will have further adverse consequences for it as a great power, and may even become the beginning of its disintegration. Hence, the result is the full determination of the Russian ruling forces to achieve victory. At the same time, Ukraine enjoys the support of the entire „global West”, led by the US, NATO, and the European Union. The war was preceded by numerous growing contradictions and accompanying conflicts, which took the form of the ‚Orange Revolution’ in 2004, the so-called Revolution of Dignity and the Maidan coup, the declaration of independence by Crimea and the Donetsk and Luhansk Republics in 2014. It took another eight years for the conflict to escalate into a full-blown war, although Russia officially still defines it as a „special military operation”.

South Africa Gross Uncalculated Diplomatic Blunder, Contradictory Responses (SAGUDBCR) Versus Mass Dependency Trapping Africans in the Eastern European Showdown (MDTAEES) in the Ukrainian Territory during the 21st Century

The present article deals with the position of the Republic of South Africa with inconsistent blundering following her outing concerning the 2022 Russo-Ukrainian showdown. That such contradictory support to an aggressive State of Eastern European country making purported strategies to raise war and traumatize the Ukrainian to go down on their needs in a full scale war is just an unjust way of struggling to once more rise to a World unchallengeable position vis-à-vis with the United States Hyper Power Parity as unique policeman of the World since 1991 collapsed of the Cold War and disintegration of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR).. But that cannot work in the 21st Century when recalling the past history of the disintegration of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republic in 1991 with the 15 Satellites States gaining their independence. Ukraine was never having two other independent Republics within its single national territory and the composition of USSR was never 17 satellite states that an over ambitious aggressive statesman is trying to give the two secessionist regions total support to purported independence conducted where nobody can justify. The South African authorities should clearly remove their diplomatic lenses to see the suffering facing by African diasporas in the country under aggressive attack from Russia are going through and think of their former Apartheid system the country undergone in the hands of the British minorities until 1990.Infact,Africans high imported countries are now trapped with unbearable high prices of consumer goods and services due to long adopted policy of dependency and practicability not to produce to capacities to feed their local populations before the outbreak of the unjustified war consonant to the violation of international law. Africans make up more than 20 percent of Ukraine's international students, studying in many different towns and cities throughout the country The scrutiny of diverse sources paved

О природе политических институтов в Республике Казахстан

The article analyzes the formation of political institutions of the Republic of Kazakhstan in the post-Soviet period. The author highlights the presence of formal and informal institutions of power, based on D. North's approach to the concept of institution. The article emphasizes that the formation of political institutions took place against the background of the search for the national and apparatus-state identity of the young independent republics, which significantly influenced this process.

Միջպետական տարածքային և սահմանային խնդիրները Անդրկովկասյան հանրապետությունների անկախությունների հռչակումից հետո (1918 թ. հունիս–հուլիս)

The Batumi Treaty, so far the only international political act recognizing the independence of Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia thereby accepting the territories and conditional borders of independent republics, still could not prevent the presence of the military troops of Ottoman Turkey and Germany in the region and, in particular, in Armenia until the end of July 1918. This was evidenced by newly discovered archival documents. From a geographic point of view, the configuration of the new borders was artificial and revealed the aggressive plans of Turkey, in particular, the plan to seize Baku. On the eve of the declaration of independence, national territories in the political circles of the region were already being divided. Compared to the proclamation-announcememt of independence of Armenia, the declarations of independence of Georgia and Azerbaijan clearly defined the territories of the newly formed states: Georgians claimed all northern regions of Armenia, including the northern coast of Lake Sevan, Azerbaijan noted that it owned the Eastern and Southern Transcaucasia, that is, all the territories which were not included in the territory of Georgia. Consequently, the rest were the “Armenian districts” defined by the Armenian National Council. The discussions began on the 2nd, and already on the 11th of June, the practical implementation of the division of territories, when the meeting of the Government of the Georgian Democratic Republic decided that the determination of the borders between the republics was entirely a priority of the three governments. From June 19 to July 6, 1918 five sessions of the Armenian–Turkish interstate commission were held in Alexandrapol (Gyumri), whose main goal was to establish a demarcation line. Most of the issues discussed by the commission were not resolved and on July 26 the Armenian delegation left Alexandrapol.

‘Dangerous Friends’: Irish Republican Relations with Basque and Catalan Nationalists, 1916–26

Radical nationalists in the Basque Country and Catalonia looked to Ireland in the years following the 1916 Easter Rising for inspiration as they envisioned their own respective secessions from Spain. Ireland emerged as a central point of interest for such groups in Spain and beyond, though indirect influence was merely one modality of transnational exchange. This article examines the personal links between Irish republicans and radical Basque and Catalan nationalists forged by a small ensemble of internationally attuned and often transient figures. While the leadership of the Irish republican movement regarded these connections as unimportant and politically dangerous, on the ground, solidarity gave rise to such entanglements as two Irish republicans covertly assisting a Basque-Catalan plot to spark an insurrection and declare independent republics. This article provides a detailed account of this clandestine nexus, its key players, and its significance. Ultimately, the transnational ties between Irish republicans and their ardent Basque and Catalan separatist admirers were largely the product of a single, enigmatic Irish-Argentinian whose Odyssean life served to bridge the gap between them. These relations, despite their limited extent, invigorated radical Basque and Catalan nationalists, for whom Ireland represented a role model of mythic proportions.

Baltic Studies at the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences: Round Table on the 25th Anniversary of Research and the Release of the 10th Collection of the Serial Publication “Russia and the Baltic States”

The academic meeting was held on the occasion of 25 years of studies into the history of the Baltic states and peoples in the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences and of the publication of the 10th issue of the series “Russia and Baltia”. The meeting was opened by the Scientific Director of IVI RAS, Academician A. O. Chubarian. The head of the Centre for the History of the Northern Europe and the Baltic States Dr. A. A. Komarov, the Centre's researchers Dr. E. L. Nazarova and Dr. Y. L. Mikhailova, as well as the researcher of the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences Dr. I. A. Kukushkina made presentations on the reasons and main objectives of this research area. The speakers stressed that the need for a systematic study of the history of the Baltic countries and peoples arose in IVI RAS after the reestablishment of the independent Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania republics in 1991. The history of the Eastern Baltic region as a part of the Nordic space is studied in parallel with the history of Scandinavia and Finland. The main problems to be studied are related to the history of the formation of the modern Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian nations in the context of the imperial policy of the Russian state, the creation of the Latvian, Estonian and Lithuanian states, their domestic and foreign policies, including their diplomatic relations with the Soviet Russia/USSR, the history of Latvian, Estonian and Lithuanian diasporas in Russia and the post-Soviet space.

Russian Factor in the Integration Processes in Central Asia

The article examines the role and influence of the Russian Federation in the integration processes in the Central Asian region between five countries: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. It is worth emphasizing that the Russian state in all its hypostases (the Russian Empire and the USSR) from the first days of the conquest of the territories of Central Asia was guided by a strategy aimed at uniting the entire Central Asian region into a single political and administrative region (Governor-General, Turkestan region, Central Asia) and also connected this region by all possible methods with the center (center-periphery): a) railways, b) sea and river channels, highways and by air communication. With the collapse of the USSR, the newly independent republics of Central Asia tried not only to preserve the decades-old joint regional production of heavy industry and unified systems of electricity, cars and railways, but also set a course to unite the region into a single economic and political space like the European Union. It is important to note that since the collapse of the Soviet Union, a process has begun in almost all its parts (republics), which can be described as desovietization and derussification. Most of the republics have taken a course towards distancing and severing relations with the former metropolis (Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Georgia, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, etc.). But despite all of the above, Russia still plays one of the key roles in Central Asia and its factor in the integration process of this region is huge, and its denial or underestimation does not correspond to reality.

Regional policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the energy of the Caspian Sea

After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the establishment of independent republics, the Caspian Sea changed from an inland sea between Iran and the Soviet Union to an international sea with new neighbors. The use of the lake’s energy was of great importance to the littoral states, which sought to consolidate their independence and acquire foreign exchange resources in order to shape their financial resources for political security and independence. The transfer of these energy resources from the Caspian Sea to the consuming countries required the construction of new pipelines and transit routes, so that the newly independent countries could be removed from the control of the Russian government. Energy production and its transfer is an effective organizer to promote regional cooperation and economic link between countries, which in terms of national interests can be different achievements for each of the countries involved in transfer projects. In the meantime, an approach, and regional policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran to this issue can be important politically and in terms of security for the Islamic Republic of Iran. The main question is what effect can energy and its transmission through pipelines have on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The results of answering this question show that according to the position of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the interface between the energy resources of the Caspian Sea and the Persian Gulf, which is known as the world energy heartland and the confinement of the newly independent Caspian countries In addition to economic benefits, the participation of the Islamic Republic of Iran in transit and energy supply has made the international economy dependent on Iran, and this can lead to the political and economic security of the Islamic Republic of Iran

Towards a History of Latin American Exile in the Nineteenth Century. Introduction

This dossier seeks to examine the role of exile in nineteenth-century
 Latin America, in order to give historical perspective to the growing literature
 on exile in the region in the twentieth century and provide a wider
 perspective to European-centered studies of exile in the period. Ranging
 from the independence period to the early twentieth century, it explores the
 continuities and the evolution in the practice of exile during the formative
 century that saw the birth of independent republics and the emergence of
 modern nation-states. The introduction highlights this historiographical
 contribution, exploring the particularities of Latin American exile. Using
 a broad definition of exile, it also addresses the legal and social categories
 used to understand and regulate exile in the period, independent of political
 ideology, and explores how the study of the mechanisms of exile can shed
 new light on the familiar political historiographies, or those of war, class,
 race, and gender. Finally it examines how exile intersects with questions
 of sovereignty, nation-building, and territorial dynamics, underscoring the
 transnational and foundational aspect of exile in the national and international
 politics of the region.

Black Islands, White Ocean: Postcolonial Paradoxes in a Caribbean “Paradise"

Black Islands, White Ocean:Postcolonial Paradoxes in a Caribbean "Paradise" William F.S. Miles (bio) Welcome to "Paradise" Vauclin, French West Indies Let's play a geographical word association game: I say "Martinique," and you say _______ (fill in the blank). Plausible answers may be "beach," "tropics," "Caribbean." Somewhat informed players might add "French," "sugar," or "rum." But few will think "misery" or "prison." It was quite by accident that I learned the most rudimentary facts about this island in the Lesser Antilles. As my two-year stint as a Peace Corps Volunteer (PCV) teacher in the former French West African colony of Niger was drawing to an end, I chanced upon a pamphlet circulating among PCVs about other teaching opportunities. One, by the same organization that administers Fulbright, sought applicants to be English language teaching assistants in France. Though this was forty years ago, I'll never forget the asterisk and associated footnote in the program description that would come to change my life forever: "Those candidates with teaching experience are eligible to apply for a teaching assistantship in Martinique." That is how I first learned that Martinique was (and still is!) part of France. It put me on a path that would net me not only a doctoral dissertation topic but a Martinican woman to wed and two cherished fruit of that love. Websites were inconceivable back then; all I had was my imagination to conjure up an idea of Martinique. After two years in a parched and landlocked African post-colony of France, the notion of spending seven months speaking French in proximity to an ocean, where sand embroidered the beach rather than encroaching from the Sahara, was appealing. Little did I know how complicated race relations were on the "Old Colony" island compared within the independent republics of former French West Africa. Even today, with Internet galore, the ambivalence of Martinique's place within greater France pierces through the French Government website that describes the teaching assistantship [End Page 255] program today: "The history of Martinique appears to be intimately linked to colonial expansion and the evolution thereof." "Appears" to be linked? Before Pierre Belain d'Esnambuc claimed for Louis XIII in 1635 the island then called Madinina or Madiana, the indigenous Caribs, and before them the Arawaks, had left little in the way of historical records. By the 1670s, French colonists had already given up on enslaving the island's Amerindians in favor of importing much more disoriented ones from Africa. By the 1700s, the original Amerindian islanders had virtually ceased to exist as a community, having succumbed to genocide and deportation (to a reserve in neighboring Dominica). Enslavement of deported Africans followed: the otherwise heralded beauty of the island certainly was lost on them. Slavery was abolished twice—first during the French Revolution, until its restoration by Napoléon in 1802—and definitively in 1848, thanks largely to the abolitionist Victor Schoelcher. Technically, Martinicans were thereafter citizens of France. In reality, racial equality on the island was a struggle—not only between blacks and whites, but between "real" blacks and mixed-race Creoles (still called "mulattos"). The entire population of the capital—save for a single prisoner in thick walled dungeon of a jail—was wiped out by a tremendous volcanic explosion in 1902. Colonial functionaries posted to this remote outpost of France in the Americas received hardship pay. Local conscripts who survived the Battle of the Somme to freeze in the winter of 1916–1917 may have pined for the tropical warmth back home; but malaria, yellow fever, and malnutrition were scarcely reasons for nostalgia. France's abdication to Nazi Germany in 1940 gave way to Vichy governance on the island, and overt racism, well into 1943. Refugees from Europe—Jews, anti-fascists, intellectuals—sailed to Martinique as an escape from persecution, only to be detained and in some cases expelled back to the continent from which they fled. Some were held in a former leper colony; war-time tropical island anguish suffused the camp. For four decades I have been returning to Martinique. At first it was as a teaching assistant in a lycée technique, a vocational high...

INDIA IN CENTRAL ASIA: INTERESTS AND ISSUES

Central Asia constituting five independent Republics such as Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan is India’s proximate neighbour. Their re-emergence into the Asian geopolitics not just changed the political geography of the region but also presented several issues of both interest and concern for its neighbours. India being the largest neighbour of Central Asia in South Asia like other neighbours too have certain geopolitical and geo-economics interests to materialise in the region. Since India is aspiring for a major power role in the International System, New Delhi as of now cannot leapfrog to the global high table without demonstrating effective initiative at the regional level – Central Asia is an important regional constituent. It is in this context, this article makes a modest attempt to examine India’s interests in the region and evaluate the challenges it has been facing in actualising them.

Formation of sovereign Power systems in the “Young” Central Asian Republics in the Period 1991–2000

In 1991, with the collapse of the USSR, ffteen independent republics were formed At the same time, the processes that took place in the late Union influenced the further formation of sovereign power systems in the “young” states Among them are ideological and apparatus factors As a result, having different attitudes towards the collapse of the Union and the parade of sovereignties, all ffteen republics faced the task of fnding their own identity, both national and state-apparatus, and the need to form a personnel policy and build “power vertical” The Central Asian republics were no exception, where, in addition to the above tasks, the question of the influence of the tribalist factor was acute.

Europe’s Forgotten Unfinished Revolution: Peasant Power, Social Mobilization, and Communism in the Southern Italian Countryside, 1943–45

Abstract Between 1943 and 1945, groups of peasants took over dozens of villages and small towns in southern Italy and proclaimed the birth of independent republics. During their brief existence—sometimes just a few days—the peasant republics implemented revolutionary measures, including the redistribution of land and the establishment of people’s courts. This article draws attention to these forgotten episodes and suggests that they can best be understood by adopting an anthropological perspective and viewing social mobilization through an experiential lens. It draws on court documents and personal accounts to examine the quasi-revolutionary experiences of the southern Italian peasantry. Revolutions in general can be seen as social dramas and political rites of passage in which the successive phases of rupture, liminality, and reaggregation are the distinct stages of a total process that generates a transformation. This approach makes it possible to disentangle the conceptualization of revolutions from structures as well as from ideology, culture, and agency; to comprehend revolutions that unfold unscripted or without the decisive leadership of a vanguard whose ideas and expectations pre-exist the revolution and therefore teleologically determine its development; and to initiate comparative analysis in regard to symbolism, morphology, and the dynamics of social action.

Ethnicity, Exclusion, and Exams: Education Policy and Politics in Burundi from the Independent Republics to the Civil War (1966–1993)

Education policy can embed ethnic inequalities in a country. Education in Burundi, with its historically exclusive political institutions and education, represents an important case for understanding these interactions. In this article, I interview twelve Burundians about how they experienced and perceived ethnicity and politics in their schooling from 1966 to 1993. I argue that education contributed to tangible and perceived social hierarchies based on ethnic inequalities. I show that this exclusion reflected both overt and covert policy goals, through proxies used to identify ethnicity in schools and through the exclusive nature of national exams at the time, which promoted members of the Tutsi minority at the expense of the majority Hutus. This study has implications for understanding how perceptions of inequality in education manifest as grievances against the state. It sheds light on the importance of understanding covert education policy as a potential mechanism for generating exclusion and contributing to conflict.