Impressions Of China Research Articles

Critical Discourse Analysis of the Portuguese Media’s Coverage of the Belt and Road Initiative: The Case of Portuguese Mainstream Media, Público

Since 2013, when the Belt and Road Initiative was proposed by China, this transnational cooperation initiative has attracted a lot of attention and discussion on a global scale. Portugal has been one of the EU countries actively supporting the Belt and Road Initiative and has signed a formal cooperation agreement with China. Coverage of the Belt and Road initiative has become a window into Portugal’s attitude and impression of China. This work uses newspaper-based data from Público to deconstruct the attitudes of the main Portuguese media towards the Belt and Road Initiative in terms of language use, discursive practices, and social practices, using content analysis and critical discourse analysis. The results show that Público uses both positive and negative terms in its coverage of the Belt and Road initiative, reflecting a complex attitude towards it. Criticism of the Belt and Road initiative reflects concern that Chinese policies could affect Portugal’s national interests, including concerns about human rights and environmental protection, among others. In general, media coverage of the Belt and Road initiative in Portugal has been both approving and supportive, as well as critical and challenging, and this attitude is closely related to Portugal’s international policies, economic interests, and social values. Analysis of this coverage provides a better understanding of the complex global impact of international cooperation projects such as the “One Belt, One Road” initiative and the way they are presented in the media of different countries.

Options Outside Unification through Military Force

As there is no academic consensus on the effectiveness of the cross-strait integration policy, the panel study approach was adopted to present an empirical analysis. A scale to measure willingness for cross-strait integration was created based on the theory of ethnic group assimilation. Four hypotheses were derived from the social contact, social identity, and rational choice theories. The results show that cross-strait integration policy is effective. The Taiwanese students’ willingness for cross-strait integration had increased significantly after visiting Mainland China. Following their visit to the mainland, if the Taiwanese students had a better impression of China, lower perceived hostility, higher evaluation of the Chinese employment market, and weaker stand on Taiwanese independence, their willingness for cross-strait integration was considered to have increased. This study makes an academic contribution by presenting an accurate evaluation of the effects of the CPC’s Taiwan policy.

The insignificance of GDP growth rate to people’s welfare: a political economy analysis of China’s impressive GDP

In recent decades, there was a fierce debate about whether Gross Domestic Product (GDP) accurately describe people’s welfare. This manuscript aims to prove, an impressive GDP does not mean that people live on welfare. This topic is important to be discussed, simply, because it shows the actual condition of the people during their impressive GDP growth, besides, theoretically, it also sheds light on the correlation between GDP and real welfare. Taking China between 1980-2014, when China experienced the highest GDP growth as a case study, this investigation used secondary data provided by previous empirical research documents and international organizations’ data such as UNDP, WHO, World Bank and other relevant sources. The data was analyzed by comparative research method for comparing China’s GDP rate with China’s achievement on five aspects of alternative economic development gauges: inequality rates, life expectancy, health quality, education attainment, and environmental impacts. This investigation figured out that the impressive of China’s GDP has no direct correlation to Chinese real welfare. Along with the impression of China’s GDP, the Chinese must deal with inequality, the low government budget for human resources development, and environmental issues. This finding might support the previous analysts who were pessimists about the accuracy of GDP in measuring people’s welfare and develop a new path for future research.

The First Political Representative of the Russian Turks Abdürreşid İbrahim’s Impressions of China in Sırâtımüstakim Magazine

Rusya Türklerinin ilk siyasi temsilcisi olarak bilinen gazeteci, yazar Abdürreşid İbrahim aynı zamanda son dönemin Evliya Çelebisi olarak da tanınmaktadır. Amerika, Avustralya ve Güney Afrika ülkeleri hariç hemen bütün dünyayı gezen Abdürreşid İbrahim, bu seyahatlere dair izlenimlerini çeşitli mecralarda kamuoyuyla da paylaşmıştır. Âlem-i İslam ve Japonya’da İntişâr-ı İslâmiyet adlı meşhur seyahatnamesinin yanında ayrıca dönemin süreli yayınlarında da seyahatlerine dair izlenimlerini kaleme almıştır. Bu izlenimlerin yayınlandığı süreli yayınlardan biri de Sırâtımüstakim dergisidir. Bu makalede Rusya Türklerinin/Müslümanlarının son dönem önemli şahsiyetlerinden Abdürreşid İbrahim’in Sırâtımüstakim dergisinde yayınlanan Çin ve Çin Müslümanlarına dair izlenimlerini içeren yazılarına yer verilmiştir. Abdürreşid İbrahim, Sırâtımüstakim dergisindeki yazılarında geleneksel İslam coğrafyasının Çin’e ve Çin Müslümanlarına kayıtsız kalmasını eleştirmekte, Müslümanların sorunlarının çözümünde İslam dünyasının bir ve beraber olmasının önemini vurgulamaktadır. Çalışmada doküman analizi yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Diğer nitel araştırma yöntemlerinde olduğu gibi doküman analizi yönteminde de araştırma konusu hakkında amprik bilgi geliştirmek ve bir anlayış oluşturmak amacıyla veriler incelenir ve yorumlanır. Bu çerçevede makaleye esas kaynaklık eden Sırâtımüstakim dergisinin konuyla ilgili yazıları doküman analizi yöntemiyle incelenmiştir.

Laure Durand-Fardel's Cross-Cultural Adventures in China and Japan: De Marseille à Shanghai et Yedo, récits d'une Parisienne (1879)

While numerous nineteenth-century French travelers penned accounts of their experiences in Asia, Laure Durand-Fardel (1817–87) stands out as the first middle-class French woman to publish her impressions of China and Japan. In letters written to family members during her seven-month trip, Durand-Fardel shared candid reactions to the people she encountered and the places she discovered. An inquisitive traveler, she ventured into seldomexplored settings and pushed past spatial and cultural boundaries to unveil new information about domestic life, gender roles, and social customs in China and Japan.

Chinese Citizens' Impression of India and the Influencing Factors: An Empirical Study Based on a Survey in 2020

Impressions towards foreign countries increasingly play an important role in international relations. While much research has been conducted on other countries' impressions of China and China's impressions of European and American countries, little research has been conducted on Chinese citizens' impressions of India, which is also a mega-developing country. By exploring Chinese citizens' impressions and the influencing factors towards India, it is important to enrich both research and foreign policy formulation in the area of international trust. This study uses descriptive analysis and logistic regression modelling to investigate the factors influencing Chinese citizen's impressions of India through the framework of social identity, political efficacy, political participation, media socialisation, and intergroup contact, based on data from the India sub-subject of the public questionnaire survey conducted by the 2020 ‘Chinese View of the European Union (EU)’ project. The study's findings show that patriotic tendencies are the most influential factor in Chinese citizens' impressions of India. The study results show that variables such as patriotic tendencies, social satisfaction, frequency of internet use, and religious acceptance strongly influence Chinese citizens' impressions of India. In contrast, the hypotheses of some theoretical variables need to be further confirmed as Chinese citizens' impressions of India are slightly lower than those of other large countries such as the US, Japan, and Russia.

Disgust-related emotions and psychological process of social exclusion: An analysis of a web survey on the impression of China, Korea, North Korea, and Taiwan

Disgust-related emotions and psychological process of social exclusion: An analysis of a web survey on the impression of China, Korea, North Korea, and Taiwan

William Alexander’s Image of Qing China

William Alexander was the official draughtsman of the Macartney Embassy. His pictures of China covered a wide range of themes. Each theme represented a certain purpose. Landscapes, architectural drawings, and portraits constituted the majority of the drawings, which reveal the Embassy’s enthusiasm for obtaining visual knowledge of a variety of aspects in the society of China. The drawings of still life, costume, native species, and religious ceremony occupied the remainder, and provided the audience with a more intricate impression of China. In comparison with other European and some earlier generation artists’ works, Alexander’s pictures convey a peculiar British idea of China at the time, and hint at the potential crisis between the two countries.

Czech perceptions of the rise of China: a survey among university students

China has increased its investment and influence in Central-Eastern European (CEE) countries through the “16 + 1” framework in 2011 and the One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiatives in 2013. Given China’s rising influence, this paper explores civilian views of China in the Czech Republic. Using survey analysis of 663 respondents in 11 Czech universities, we find that our respondents’ impression of China is neither negative nor positive. By contrast, they do not have a good impression of Russia. Their impression of Japan is the best. Our respondents recognize that China is the most influential player in Asia. Albeit divided, there is a tendency for respondents to believe that China will surpass the USA as the world’s leading power, but they cannot reach consensus on whether such development will be peaceful or not. Our survey also finds out that, while the Czech government wishes to get closer to China politically and economically, citizens are somewhat divided on various dimensions of issues concerning China. This is a pattern that continues from the past. The 2013 change of political landscape in the Czech Republic does not seem to have altered many of the societal responses to China.

Does the Bull Market Have “Buffett”?—An Empirical Study on Chinese Mutual Fund Value Investing in Bull and Bear Markets

“Worshipping value investing in the bear market and everyone is ‘Buffett’ in the bull market” is a general impression of China’s stock market. This article uses the open-end fund holdings data from 2006 to 2015 to test whether the investment behavior of fund consistent with value investing both in the bear market and the bull market. This paper finds that the stock with higher fund holdings in the bear market is positively related to the next quarter and the next year’s unexpected earnings, but not in the bull market. At the same time, similar conclusions have been drawn from further analysis of the new-in and new-out investment behaviors. Overall, this paper demonstrates that “the bear market follows the value investment, while the bull market ignores the value investment” has some truths.

Watching Chinese politics under the mirror of the end of history—dialogue with Francis Fukuyama on his reflections on Chinese governance

Francis Fukuyama wrote Reflections of Chinese Governance technically for Chinese readers to understand his ideas in an accurate way. I think it is not true to say that the existence of rule of law depends on religion according to the development of knowledge and the history of law. Meanwhile, the hypothesis still needs to be discussed that the government accountability only appears through the vote, because the government by vote only leads to stability in some degree but ineffective governance in almost all of the underdeveloped countries. A government without governance cannot be called accountable; it even has no morality if we consider Huntington’s idea. It seems that Fukuyama’s Three Institutional Pillars should be seen as a revisited version of the End of History. For instance, it is not objectionable to conclude that China lacks the facts of rule of law since it has no judicial independence since these developing countries that have a constitutional court even perform worse than China. It is obvious that we should not simply judge the facts of rule of law by this single standard. Meanwhile, China is always criticized that it lacks accountability; however, the responsiveness of Chinese government to people’s appeals might be the most prompt and comprehensive in all of the developing countries. Fukuyama’s knowledge about China remains locked into the old impression of China as viewed by the western world. In fact, the accurate way of understanding China should be ‘finding history in China’. I agree that whatever regime it is, it needs to be reformed and changed with time. As for Chinese government, the reform does not happen in a single field of the rule of law as Fukuyama mentioned, but in the whole government to establish a limited government with capacity as a goal in the future.

Revisiting the Nineteenth-Century Marketplace, and the Chinese Community in Moulmein

This article examines the Chinese community in Moulmein, a cosmopolitan center of a newly established British colony after the First Anglo-Burmese War (1824–26), in the nineteenth century, and investigates interchanges and influences facilitated by the first port city in colonial Burma. As Chinese merchants and workers established commercial, social and religious networks during the formative years of British Burma, they interacted with their multi-ethnic neighbors within and beyond colonial market places. However, if the early experience of these Chinese migrants suggests a porous ethnic boundary, the impression of China and the Chinese dominating the European public sphere in Moulmein indicates a gap between the real-life Moulmein Chinese, which was encountered every day, and the imaginary China as a potential market to an eastern-looking British Empire, especially during the Opium War (1839–42). Taking the Moulmein Chinese as a case study, this paper investigates the limitation of J.S. Furnivall’s “marketplace” where people “mix but do not combine.” Instead of a reflection of the colonial markets operating rigidly along ethnic lines, this paper argues, Furnivall’s mid-twentieth-century observation is a direct result of colonial discourse and policies emphasizing ethnic segregation and stereotypes, when the discrepancies between real-life and imaginary China and the Chinese were further enhanced and eventually dominated the later years of British rule in Burma.

Interests, Values, and Geopolitics: The Global Public Opinion on China

The essay discusses the public opinion surveys on the rise of China in the United States, Asia and Latin America since 2010, conducted by Shanghai Jiao Tong University and Duke University’s collaborative research team headed by the author. It examines the world public recognition of China’s growing influence, their attitudes toward China’s influence, and reactions to the ‘China Model’ and impressions of China’s political, economic, social, and cultural development. These assessments of China’s domestic issues or internal behavior show not only the amount of information and knowledge that the people in various countries know about China, but the intrinsic value judgments and ideological biases that influence their perceptions of China. The essay argues that the rise of China is a complicated phenomenon with a multifarious nature, including material dimensions, such as military power, economic development, and technological innovation, as well as ideational dimensions, such as perception, understanding, or prejudice. Public opinion, attitudes and perceptions of China’s rise are the outcome of dynamic interactions and assemblage of factors, a synergy of material interests, ideational and emotional reactions, and values, ideologies, principles, unraveling themselves against a highly volatile, precarious and contentious geopolitical backdrop, in which the interests of nation-states and individuals became all intertwined and inseparable.

London 2012: A Chinese Charm Offensive – A Reputation Rebuilt and An Impression Changed?

Displaying amiability (qinheli) was one of the duties of the Chinese athletes involved in the London 2012 Olympics. Why did the Chinese government ask them to behave in this way? How did the athletes carry out the mandate? Was their amiable performance intended to arouse nationalist sentiment among the Chinese? In response to these questions, two key political preoccupations of the Chinese authorities in the post-London Olympics era are identified: remedying foreigners' negative impressions of China, and gaining a greater input into the decision-making of the International Olympic Committee and its affiliated international sports federations. These objectives are shown to illustrate China's intention to rebuild its international reputation and challenge the status quo of the international sporting community.

Japanese Assessments of China’s Military Development

Introduction It is a fact that China has increasingly modernized its military power. This, in conjunction with China's rising economic power, is new to history. It is hence natural that Japan, both as a regional great power and as an ally of the United States, heeds attention to this new reality. The objective here is to review from various perspectives how Japan assesses the modernization of the Chinese military. The commentary takes account of public opinion polls, official interpretation by the government, and experts' opinions. It should be noted that in Japan, is something of a social taboo openly to discuss military- or security-related issues. When comes to evaluating how China might react in certain circumstances, the Japanese government has had reservations about taking an official position on China's military might. Even scholarly research in Japan on the Chinese military is not welcome. Most experts on the China military are in fact historians. No community of specialists exists in Japan where government intelligence officers and scholars get involved and build ties. This commentary thus is among the first steps toward bringing together Japanese assessments of and reactions to China's military development. Public Opinion on China The reality is that no public opinion polls have been conducted specifically with respect to China's military. Instead, the Cabinet Office under the prime minister takes polls on diplomacy, which include citizens' affinity toward major countries. Historically, the Japanese tend to close to as polls typically showed more than 60 percent expressing that view. But the figure plummeted with the 1989 Tiananmen Square incident, and took a further descending path after 2003. At the end of 2005, the rating of those having a favorable view toward China dropped to only 32.4 percent, while those not having a favorable view reached 63.4 percent (see Figure 1). Although tension over bilateral relations has relaxed since the resignation of Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro in 2006, is clear that the overall impression of China among average Japanese has sunk dramatically. One poll did specifically ask about a from According to the joint opinion polls conducted by the Yomiuri Shimbun and Gallop in November 2005, 73 percent of the respondents said that their government's relationship with China is bad, another 72 percent said they do not trust China, and still another 76 percent indicated that they feel threatened by China. By contrast, 62 percent of the respondents said they think of the Japan-U.S. alliance as useful.1 Even more revealing was a 2006 Yomiuri Shimbun opinion poll (see Table 1) in which 44 percent of those polled saw China as a security to Japan. Only North Korea was rated as a greater threat. People were also asked to name the country that, economically and politically, you think will become the most influential in Asia. An overwhelming 56.7 percent of the Japanese respondents chose The United States ranked next. Opinion polls such as the one by the Yomiuri Shimbun/Gallop have suggested that a difficult Japanese-Chinese relationship, accompanied by China's economic and military growth, added to the view of China as a threat. Here the term threat is probably synonymous with a concern or fear. Yet this view is not entirely groundless; reflects such realities as China's economic development, military modernization without a sign of democratization, and moves insensitive toward Japan. Japanese politicians, like average citizens, no longer hesitate to express their own harsh opinions of Some even take a very strong position of opposing certain Chinese actions. For instance, Maehara Seiji, then head of the Democratic Party of Japan, said in a December 2005 talk at Washington's Center for Strategic and International Studies that it is hard to deny that China has grown at a rapid pace not only economically but militarily as well. …

〈水文雑話 LI〉 天安門事件後3月あまりの中国を旅して

〈水文雑話 LI〉 天安門事件後3月あまりの中国を旅して

Random Impressions of China

Random Impressions of China

Law and modernisation in China: Some impressions of china's evolving legal system

Law and modernisation in China: Some impressions of china's evolving legal system

Impressions of China

Impressions of China

A cardiac surgeon's impressions of China.

A German heart surgeon reports on his observations and impressions of the situation in cardiac surgery in the People's Republic of China during an official stay in October 1978. Detailed data are based on visits to 5 different hospitals in Peking, Chengtu, Shanghai and Canton.