Implicit Religiosity Research Articles

Religion and fantasy in the context of post-secularism

This article explores various types of interrelations of religion and fictional works in the fantasy genre. Research is based on key works for the genre (J.R.R.Tolkien, C.Lewis, U.Le Guin, Ph.Pullman, G.Martin, etc.) using methodological approaches developed in contemporary religious studies (E.Bailey, R.Bella, K.Cusack, R.Davidsen, E.McAvan). The article demonstrates that it is important to interpret the phenomenon of fantasy in the context of the modern post-secular world, which is characterized by such phenomena as religious bricolage, individualization of religion, and implicit religiosity. The article shows that fantasy authors not only use religious imaginary and symbolism, drawing inspiration from various religious systems, but also construct invented religions, which, in addition to their intra-plot meaning, carry an important message, expressing different views on religion, sometimes critical and anticlerical. Fantasy from the realm of the unreal becomes superreal, highlighting issues that are significant both for its authors and for the society. Communities and fandoms arise on the basis of fantasy narratives, and some of them not just implicitly, but quite openly turn into religious ones. Understood and interpreted in the context of post-secularism, the phenomenon of the fantasy genre itself with its incredible popularity appears in a new light, since this popularity can be correlated with new post-secular religiosity, with popular culture being its important source.

Cognitive Dynamics of Religiosity and Intertemporal Choice Behavior

The preference for smaller-sooner rewards over larger-delayed ones (temporal discounting, TD) has been suggested to be influenced by religiosity, through its role in enhancing self-control. Here we investigate this issue in Muslims, Catholics, and two control groups of Italian and Iranian atheists, by measuring implicit religiosity (implicit association test, IAT) and the cognitive dynamics underlying TD (using mouse tracking). Results showed that Muslims are the most farsighted, while Catholics are the most shortsighted and both atheists’ groups fall in between these two extremes; additionally, these results are also shaped by implicit religiosity (IAT). Mouse tracking analyses reveal that Muslims show higher cognitive conflict compared to the other groups, which arises only in later stages of processing. This indicates that farsighted behavior in Muslims requires the recruitment of self-control in order to regulate intertemporal decision-making. Our findings suggest that the highly demanding religious precepts enforced in (most) Islamic communities may help strengthen self-control abilities.

Theory, Method and Implicit Religion

An essay reviewing Theory in a Time of Excess: Beyond Reflection and Explanation in Religious Studies Scholarship and its relevance to the study of implicit religion. The edited volume presents a collection of papers from the 2015 North American Association for the Study of Religion (NAASR) conference that explore how the methods and theories used within the study of religion can be made more critical and rigorous. Perspectives from anthropology, literary theory, the cognitive science of religion and philosophy are discussed. Readers are encouraged to systematically rethink their approaches to the study of religion(s) and the use of a broad range of critical methodologies and theoretical frameworks is advocated. It is suggested that these insights and criticisms are particularly relevant to the study of implicit religion and that the use of more critical approaches is required to advance our understanding of implicit religiosity.

Atheist primes reduce religiosity and subjective wellbeing

ABSTRACTIn recent years, atheism has grown in popularity, partly inspired by the rise to prominence of a group of public intellectuals called the “New Atheists” who argue against religion in public fora. What are the social consequences of this development? We test in a laboratory study in Kenya whether exposure to atheist arguments affects self-reported and implicit religiosity, subjective wellbeing, and self-reported tolerance of different social groups. We find a significant negative effect of emotional arguments against religion on both self-reported and implicit measures of religiosity, especially among men, but no effect of scientific appeals. Subjective wellbeing is strongly reduced after emotional atheist messages, again especially among men, suggesting that emotional atheist arguments may have a wellbeing cost. We find no effects of atheism messages on self-reported tolerance. Together, these results suggest that emotional atheist arguments reduce religiosity and subjective wellbeing, especially among men.

Implicit Religion in Popular Culture

Science fiction has often been presented as an ideal lens through which to examine the presence of implicit religion in contemporary society. This article provides an overview of the way in which both implicit and explicit religion has been read through the British science fiction show Doctor Who (1963–present). Commentators have argued for Buddhist, Christian or Humanist themes as predominant within the diegesis, although such claims are shown to be problematic. Instead, Doctor Who presents a variety of religious positions which can be used in a polysemic manner to discuss religion by both religious and non-religious viewers. The show has been recognised by some fans and commentators as fulfilling an implicitly religious function in and of itself, and the diegetic setting, producers, and fans are all shown to have expressed interest in exploring the concept of implicit religion. In spite of this, the article concludes with a note of caution over the dangers of over-reading implicit religiosity into contemporary cultural forms such as fandom.

Implicit Religion, Explicit Religion and Attitude Toward Substances

A recent research tradition has employed Bailey’s (1997, 1998) notion of implicit religion to explore the ways in which Christian believing in the UK may be persisting in spite of declining levels of church attendance. Working within this framework the first aim of this study is to explore the prevalence of implicit religion, operationalized as attachment to traditional Christian rites of passage, among young people living within the UK. The second aim of this study, following the analytic model proposed by Francis (2013a, 2013b) exploring the psychological functions served by explicit religion and implicit religion, is to test the hypothesis that explicit religiosity (operationalized as church attendance) and implicit religiosity (operationalized as attachment to Christian rites of passage) are both associated with proscriptive attitudes toward substances among young people. Data provided by a sample of 12,252 13- to 15- year-old young people support this hypothesis.

You don't have to go to church to be a good Christian: the implicit religion of the cathedral carol service congregation

The notion that you don't have to go to church to be a good Christian is accepted as an indicator of the form of implicit religiosity espoused by those who (in Bailey's analysis) say that they “believe in Christianity.” The present paper builds on the findings of a recently published survey of rural Anglican churchgoers celebrating harvest which suggested that de-institutionalised implicit religion may be superseding commitment to conventional explicit religious attendance. The responses of 1081 people who attended Christmas carol services in two English cathedrals in 2009 and 2010 are analysed. The findings of the previous paper that implicit religiosity is more prevalent among younger people and among those who attend church less frequently are replicated. Evidence is also found that women are more inclined to this view than men and that those who have a loose historical connection through baptism are more likely to endorse it than those with either no historical connections or stronger ones. Suggestions are made for further research.

Implicit religion, explicit religion and purpose in life: an empirical enquiry among 13- to 15-year-old adolescents

In his analysis of the construct “implicit religion” Edward Bailey speaks of those individuals “who believe in Christianity” but who do not display the behaviours of explicit religion, like church attendance. A recent research tradition has tried to operationalise this understanding of implicit religion by studying those who believe that they can be a Christian without going to church. A longer established research tradition has demonstrated the association between explicit religiosity and an enhanced sense of purpose in life. The aim of the present study is to test the hypothesis that implicit religiosity (in the sense of believing that you can be a Christian without going to church) is also associated with an enhanced sense of purpose in life. Data provided by a sample of 25,825 13- to 15-year-old adolescents support this hypothesis. In turn these findings support the notion that implicit religion (in the sense operationalised by this study) fulfils some functions similar to those fulfilled by explicit religion.

Pilgrimage today: the meaning-making potential of ritual

Pilgrimage on the Road to Santiago is flourishing, even in late modern times characterised by detraditionalisation, individualism and pluralism. A large number of these pilgrims is either not explicitly religious at all, or only moderately religious. Why, then, do they submit to this ancient Christian ritual, and what are the psychological consequences? After a short introduction to the study of implicit religiosity and different perspectives on rituals from the past to today, current research on pilgrimage is reviewed and pilgrimage to Santiago is analysed as a personal ritual from a perspective of implicit religiosity. In the psychological theory of implicit religiosity, rituals are identified as one of three universal religious structures (along with myths and experiences of transcending) with strong meaning-making potential. Personal rituals are defined as formalised patterns of action, pointing beyond the actual event to a particular meaning imbued by the actor. Data from 85 pilgrims on the Road to Santiago are presented. Motives for peregrination, base-line sources of meaning, experienced meaningfulness and crises of meaning are reported, as well as changes in sources of meaning, meaningfulness and crises of meaning immediately after the pilgrimage and four months later. The majority of pilgrims (about two third) is motivated by a “need for clarification.” Multidimensional scaling shows that pilgrims either travel for explicitly religious reasons (conviction) or in search of clarification (quest); they either draw motivation from vertical transcendence (religiosity or spirituality) or from apparently purely secular reasons, such as athletic challenge. Religious and spiritual motives are mostly reported by highly religious individuals. A need for clarification is primarily stated by individuals who suffer from a crisis of meaning. Crises of meaning are significantly more frequent among pilgrims before the journey than in the general population. For the entire sample of pilgrims, the meaning-making potential of pilgrimage is supported by the data. Directly after the journey, as well as four months later, pilgrims experience life as significantly more meaningful, and crises of meaning are overcome. Pilgrims also report a strengthened commitment to vertical selftranscendence, horizontal selftranscendence and selfactualisation. These changes occur independently of the motivation for pilgrimage.

The Association Between Suicidal Ideation, Explicit Religion and Implicit Religion

In his analysis of the construct “implicit religion” Edward Bailey speaks of those individuals “who believe in Christianity” but who do not display the behaviours of explicit religion, such as church attendance. A recent research tradition has tried to operationalize this understanding of implicit religion by studying those who believe that they can be a Christian without going to church. A longer established research tradition has demonstrated the association between explicit religiosity and a lower level of suicidal ideation. The aim of the present study is to test the hypothesis that implicit religiosity (in the sense of believing that you can be a Christian without going to church) is also associated with a lower level of suicidal ideation. Data provided by a sample of 25,726 13- to 15- year-old adolescents fail to support this hypothesis.

Beyond

After years of fruitful debate on “implicit religion” it is worth asking, “Where did it bring us?” It led to a focus on “religious,” on sense-making aspects in fields where they might have been least expected. I was able, for example, to point out strong traces of “implicit religiosity” in the worlds of economics and medicine. I also suggested implicit religious tendencies in art, the media and in politics. I acknowledged a strong connection between sense-making and power. So I became a bit notorious in the Netherlands as someone who labeled practically anything as having some sort of religion, from spontaneous adoration and mourning (Lady Di), to football.
 Standing on the shoulders of giants and in co-operation with colleagues, I developed such theoretical concepts as “transcendence and ontological security,” to clarify how similar phenomena could appear in such diverse fields. It all boils down to this. People need sense-making systems in all fields of human activity. They are, however, both able and willing, to a larger or lesser extent, to transcend the limits of their particular sense-system or world-view. But this extraordinary capacity for transcendence also endangers their peace of mind, their “ontological security.” I elaborated on the ways in which individuals and collectives find the balance between these two inescapable poles of human existence, which, to a milder or fiercer degree, hangs in the nexus of the tremendum and fascinosum. It is here that the ideas of non-institutional and implicit religion are just starting to flower.

Experiential Validity

After giving a short introduction to Implicit Religion, this paper points out mutual benefits from linking psychology to the study of Implicit Religion. By employing accumulated knowledge of human cognition, behaviour and emotion, and making use of the apparatus of validated methodology, psychology can facilitate access to individual perceptions of the sacred and explore their consequences on attitudes, action, and personal well-being.
 Brief insights into the psychological research lines that are present in the Issue at hand are provided. Recent developments in research on meaning in life, selftranscendence, spirituality, and sanctification are described. Fruitful links to the study of Implicit Religion are proposed, suggesting further research on topics such as effects of implicit religiosity on personal, interpersonal, institutional and societal levels; the functioning of implicit-religious meaning systems in stressful circumstances of people’s lives; the distinction of horizontal and vertical selftranscendence, and overlaps in the discourses of spirituality and Implicit Religion.

Culture Shock as Implicit Religion in the Romantic Tradition

This article will examine the religious dimensions to the phenomenon of Culture Shock. Drawing upon a functionalist definition of religion, it will argue, with some nuances, that Culture Shock sits in the Romantic tradition of Cultural Relativism and that this is best understood in religious terms. It will also compare Culture Shock to Religious Experience and Conversion Experience, further demonstrating its implicit religiosity. It will recommend changes in the way it is taught at many universities, as part of the burgeoning field of Intercultural Education.

You don’t have to go to church to be a good Christian

The notion that you don’t have to go to church to be a good Christian is accepted as an indicator of the form of implicit religiosity espoused by those who (in Bailey’s analysis) say that they “believe in Christianity.” The prevalence of this belief was examined in a sample of 1226 individuals attending harvest festival services in Anglican churches in rural Worcestershire. The data demonstrate that around two out of every three attenders (63%) endorsed this view of Christianity. The levels were highest among those who attended church less than six times a year (84%), and among those who never prayed (81%). Such high levels of endorsement among those who attend church for harvest festival services suggest that de-institutionalized implicit religion may be superseding commitment to conventional explicit religious attendance. This form of implicit religion could erode further the already weak connection between the rural church and rural society.

The Religious Dimensions of Compulsive Buying

This paper examines the implicit religiosity of compulsive buying. Much of the extant literature on the subject focuses on biological and/or psychological factors. I argue that the cycle of behaviour in compulsive buying, which oscillates between euphoria and depression, can be paralleled with Durkheim’s exposition of collective effervescence. In my paper I argue that many of the behaviours expressed in the cycles of compulsive buying can be described as religious, and that the sense of fulfilment striven for in the pursuit of commodity after commodity can be viewed as a desperate need to heal the self and, invariably, to find salvation. My understanding of the religious is discussed in a relationship between the sacred and the profane in the context of Durkheim and then Bataille, which leads me to the conclusion that compulsive buying is an implicitly religious activity.

Viewing Advertising through the Lens of Faith: Finding God in Images of Mammon

Various scholars have noted connections between traditional Protestantism and advertising in the United States. Not only did the two institutions inform one another as modern advertising emerged and matured, but, arguably, the two systems also exhibit parallel rhetorical formats and functions today. In this qualitative study, it is suggested that a shift in emphasis, from advertising’s relationship to explicit religion to its interaction with implicit religiosity, could provide fresh insights. This framework was explored through focus group interviews, participant journal entries, and one-on-one, in-depth interviews with Protestants from three mainline congregations. The findings show that some of the participants can, on occasion, touch the spiritual realm through transactions with advertising. Indeed, it is contended that, although they belong to formal religious organizations, these respondents can also engage in practices associated with implicit religion. At the same time, the interviewees also indicated they have little awareness of how advertising perpetuates the economic status quo. Displaying hegemony at work, they are seemingly able to pursue both explicit and implicit religious experiences and support their market-driven culture without bearing significant cognitive dissonance. The paper makes the case that advertising can sometimes function as a vehicle for helping to reconcile this apparent conflict.

Viewing Advertising through the Lens of Faith

Various scholars have noted connections between traditional Protestantism and advertising in the United States. Not only did the two institutions inform one another as modern advertising emerged and matured, but, arguably, the two systems also exhibit parallel rhetorical formats and functions today. In this qualitative study, it is suggested that a shift in emphasis, from advertising’s relationship to explicit religion to its interaction with implicit religiosity, could provide fresh insights. This framework was explored through focus group interviews, participant journal entries, and one-on-one, in-depth interviews with Protestants from three mainline congregations. The findings show that some of the participants can, on occasion, touch the spiritual realm through transactions with advertising. Indeed, it is contended that, although they belong to formal religious organizations, these respondents can also engage in practices associated with implicit religion. At the same time, the interviewees also indicated they have little awareness of how advertising perpetuates the economic status quo. Displaying hegemony at work, they are seemingly able to pursue both explicit and implicit religious experiences and support their market-driven culture without bearing significant cognitive dissonance. The paper makes the case that advertising can sometimes function as a vehicle for helping to reconcile this apparent conflict.

A Framework for the Study of Implicit Religion

A basic, inter-disciplinarily developed theory of implicit religiosity is introduced. Three structures common to all explicit religions are identified: they are myth, ritual, and experience of transcendence. Independent of a content, they can be viewed as patterns of thinking (myth), acting (rituals) and feeling (experiences of transcendence) underlying all kinds of—implicitly or explicitly—religious conduct. Only when associated with personally meaningful contents, do these structures become representatives of implicit religiosity: they turn into ‘personal myth’, ‘personal rituals’ and subjectively accessible transcendent experiences. A qualitative empirical study of contents of implicit religiosity and related ultimate meanings is described. Results are displayed to demonstrate the functional equivalence of implicit and explicit religiosity. An inventory of ultimate meanings as well as a list of contents frequently associated with implicit religion are documented. Finally, the theory of implicit religiosity is used as a framework for the comparison of applications of implicit religion. A synopsis of applications, subdivided into myth, ritual, and transcendent experience, helps to integrate existing research in the field, to determine the scope of the applications, and to display the religious state of contemporary societies.