Imperial Position Research Articles

Imperialism after decolonization? British relations with Bahrain from the withdrawal East of Suez to the Iranian Revolution

There is a growing consensus that the end of empire did not necessarily equate with a severing of imperial ties. Some historians have even argued that there was a shift from formal to informal empire in Britain’s relations with the emerging Gulf States. This is especially so with respect to Bahrain which had represented the epicentre of Britain’s position in the Gulf. Nevertheless, an analysis of British relations with Bahrain from the withdrawal East of Suez to the Iranian Revolution belies any notion that Britain succeeded in establishing an informal imperial position after 1971. Not only were Britain’s economic interests in Bahrain eroded by growing competition from its industrial rivals, but also its political and military position was challenged by the encroachment of regional powers. Any hope that Britain could retain an imperial role in Bahrain was undermined still further by the emergence of new internal political forces in Bahrain beyond the direct control of either the ruling family or Britain itself. The unfeasibility of maintaining an imperial relationship with Bahrain after 1971 persuaded British policymakers to seek to establish recognizably post-imperial relations with the Emirate in the decade following the withdrawal from East of Suez.

Consumerist Environmentalism in “The Sims 4: Eco Lifestyle”

In 2021, the United States was the second largest emitter of greenhouse gases globally (after China, whose population was then over four times larger). The scale and urgency of the problem has been broadcasted for years, but the necessity and methods of dealing with it on a national and individual level seem to be quite obscure. Recycling is not the norm, oil and meat consumption is high, and excess spending is common. Consumption is still seen and presented as the means of satisfying most of one’s needs as well as a necessary condition for achieving a high social status. Dealing with climate change, as much as materially possible, involves dealing with the specificity of American geopolitics and culture: among other factors, its post-Protestant views on money and poverty, imperial position, and extreme individualism.
 The expansion pack The Sims 4: Eco Lifestyle, produced by California-based Electronic Arts, fits into the consumerist approach to climate change popular in the United States. Eco Lifestyle introduces air pollution, recycling, living off -grid, and local politics, as well as the styles and activities related to pro-environmental attitudes. However, these activities are stripped of their material sense, as the actions depicted in the game are not what limits emissions and carbon footprint in the real world. This seems to be more a strategy than an error; and yet, it is hard not to regret a missed opportunity of creating a playable and ecologically sound Sims expansion for the lovers of the gameworld—and the world.

Mobilizing Great War Literature: Rereading the English Canon through Mulk Raj Anand's Across the Black Waters

Abstract: While Great War scholars have recently recovered colonial texts, they seldom use those texts to reassess the English Great War canon. Mulk Raj Anand's depiction of Indian experience in Across the Black Waters highlights the imperial dimensions of English texts from the Great War. The novel depicts Indian soldiers first as travelers through Europe before narrating their experiences of displacement in the horrors of the trenches. This shift calls attention to the English canon's depictions of soldiers' mobility, which similarly shift from travel in initial military mobilization to displacement in the violence of warfare. Across the Black Waters rewrites this characteristic shift to reveal its imperial significance, ultimately transforming the English Great War canon's typical disillusionment with Britain into a critique of empire. Anand's novel invites us to recenter the imperial position in Great War literature: all English narratives are narratives of empire, and Britain at war is always imperial.

Османська імперія у рецепції Т. Ґ. Масарика у період Першої світової війни

The article is devoted to the issue of Czech politician T. G. Masaryk’s perception of the Ottoman Empire during the World War I. It is noted that T. G. Masaryk perceived the World War I as a crisis of European civilization, the political content of which he considered the struggle of democratic countries (the Entente) and the theocratic ones (Germany and its allies). Being in exile since December 1914, T. G. Masaryk led the liberation movement of the Czechs and Slovaks. Seeking support for the independence of the stateless nations of Central and Eastern Europe, T. G. Masaryk in his memoranda to the politicians of the Entente countries, public speeches, and writings paid considerable attention to criticizing empires from the Central States and, in particular, the Ottoman Empire, which he considered remnants of the past, undemocratic and anti-national. T. G. Masaryk assessed the Ottoman Empire as a theocratic state in decline, and considered The Young Turk regime to be the new incarnation of the military essence of the Turkish state. He saw the basis of the union of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria and the Ottoman Empire in the internal similarity of their political regimes. The scholar assumed that the reason for Turkey’s entry into the World War I on the side of Germany and Austria-Hungary was the desire of the country’s leadership to keep Istanbul and the Bosphorus and Dardanelles, to revive the former imperial position in North Africa. In the context of the analysis of Berlin’s Pan-German foreign program, he pointed out that one of its goals was an alliance with the Ottoman Empire as a key means of penetrating the Middle East. T. G. Masaryk viewed Germany’s hegemony in Central Europe in connection with the strengthening of its position in the Middle East, which he considered part of the process of becoming the strongest colonial power. He believed that a Pan-German alternative to the Eastern question would lead to German world domination. Analyzing the strategy of German colonial policy and the place of the Ottoman Empire in it, T. G. Masaryk expressed his vision of the expedient plans of the Allies for the Ottoman state. He advocated the deprivation of Turkey of its European possessions. As for Istanbul and the Straits, Masaryk’s position changed. At first, he supported their transfer to Russia, and after its exit from the war – under the temporary international control of the Entente countries until the final resolution of the issue of their state affiliation.

Ochrona praw mniejszości narodowych w państwach powstałych w zachodniej części byłego Związku Radzieckiego

The aim of the study is to present and compare the level of protection of the rights of national minorities in the states created by the break-up of the Soviet Union, along its former western border. The research covered: Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova. In pursuit of the stated aim, the processes occurring in the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union, which resulted in migrations and significant ethnic mixing of the population, are presented. In the next step, the population of ethnic minorities in the countries covered by the study is presented. It is indicated who each of the countries in question recognises as belonging to minority groups, as well as who Russia, as heir to the former empire, recognises as minorities living in the territories in question. In the final step, the principles of protection of the rights of national minorities in the respective states were analysed. Particular attention was paid to the issue of the freedom to use and teach the language of minority groups. The research showed that the three Baltic States, after regaining their independence, started to rebuild their national identity at the expense of minority rights. However, by doing so, they are now gradually improving their status. The other three states have followed a different path by specifically trying to protect the largest Russian-speaking language group. Growing pressure from Russia seeking to rebuild its imperial position has exposed the flaws in such an arrangement, and Russian-speaking minorities have become a tool of its efforts. As a result, Belarus is on the road to losing its own distinctiveness and reintegrating, Moldova is trying to balance although gradually strengthening its national identity, while Ukraine has abruptly changed its policy since 2014 and is now diligently building its own identity at the expense, however, of minority rights.

Putin i jego wersja „polityki historycznej” kierowanej do Rosjan

The Russian “remembrance policy” is an approach to instrumental treating history for creating new image of Russian patriotism after the collapse of the USSR. It has been initiated by Gorbachev, supplemented by Yeltsin, and specified by Putin. The latter has used history for actual politics. It has little to do with the historical truth but that is not important in his “remembrance policy”. Significant is a possibility of placing its elements the “information warfare” that aims to enhance the imperial position of contemporary Russia, also by using military force. A “remembrance policy” understood in this way has served for building strong Russian nationalism.

Educational Social Movement of Indonesian Women from Pre-Independence to Reform Era

This article attempts to examine the gradation of the social movement of Indonesian women's education from time to time, starting from the pre-independence era to the Reformation period. A long movement that does not exist in a vacuum arises from recognising women's status to men who have always held an imperial position. This article itself is conducted in a descriptive qualitative technique with a historical thinking approach. The authors found that the imperial position of women is caused by many factors, both religious views that place women lower than men and a gradation in the social movement of education throughout the history of the life of the Indonesian nation, from the pre-independence era to the reformation era. Even the thought of upholding women's rights as equal to men has existed since the pre-independence era, as can be seen from the fantastic Indonesian female figures, not only because of their thoughts and actions that predate their era but also because of their enormous concern. On efforts to emancipate women, such as those carried out by Dewi Sartika or RA. Kartini. This spirit has continued to develop from time to time to produce a social education movement driven by the two most prominent Islamic organisations in Indonesia, namely Muhammadiyah through its female organisation Aisyiyah and NU through the NU Muslimat movement produced many breakthroughs in the social education sector.

‘Clouds of Mutual Suspicion:’ Neville Chamberlain and Appeasement in the Mediterranean

This article reconsiders scholarly indictments of Neville Chamberlain’s Mediterranean appeasement strategy. It explains why, out of several alternatives available, Chamberlain prioritized repairing cooperation with Benito Mussolini in the years following the Abyssinia Crisis. This article argues that Chamberlain ultimately decided to pursue an understanding with Italy because the British stood the most to gain from the Italian option. By the summer of 1937, Britain faced the possibility of war in Europe, the Far East, and the Mediterranean. Blocked from pursuing better relations with both the Germans and the Japanese, Chamberlain turned to reconcile relations with the Italians to relieve Britain’s strategic predicament. But an agreement with Italy also offered to strengthen Britain’s imperial position and make progress towards general appeasement. The debate that emerged between Neville Chamberlain and Anthony Eden over the direction of British foreign policy demonstrates that while the Foreign Secretary put forward a number of alternative policies, Chamberlain believed that the Italian option would best serve British interests. For too long, historians have pointed to Eden’s resignation as proof of Chamberlain’s failure to consider alternative policies without an adequate discussion of why he favoured an agreement with the Italians.

The Reception of John Sigismund Szapolyai in Hungarian and Ottoman Chronicles

This article reconstructs the diplomatic ceremonies that took place at the meeting of John Sigismund Szapolyai, elected king of Hungary and prince of Transylvania, and Suleiman the Magnificent during the Sultan’s last campaign in 1566, by using Ottoman and Hungarian chronicles of the period. The chronicles, which convey the observations of those who witnessed the Szigetvár campaign and the meeting held in Zimony, present an opportunity to explore in detail the diplomatic practices of both the Ottomans and the Hungarians and how such practices were perceived by the Hungarian participants. The article also considers the political status of Transylvania and the Ottoman imperial ideology and hegemonic position in the context of these practices.

Stosunki polsko-ukraińskie w polityce (dez)informacyjnej Federacji Rosyjskiej

<p>Celem artykułu jest zwięzłe przedstawienie roli polityki informacyjnej Rosji w odniesieniu do stosunków polsko-ukraińskich. Działania w sferze informacyjnej są obecnie jednym z najważniejszych instrumentów rosyjskich wpływów, wykorzystywanych (zgodnie z zasadą „dziel i rządź”) w realizacji strategii, zmierzającej do odbudowania przez Rosję pozycji mocarstwa. W kontekście stosunków polsko-ukraińskich celem tych działań jest pogłębianie animozji między Polakami a Ukraińcami, a w szerszej perspektywie zatrzymanie Ukrainy w rosyjskiej „strefie wpływów” i umacnianie nastrojów prorosyjskich.</p>

Wizja Europy Środkowowschodniej w projektach geopolitycznych ideologa eurazjatyzmu, Aleksandra Dugina

The article is an attempt to present the views of the Russian thinker on the political situation in the post-Soviet region. In his conception Aleksandr Dugin focuses on geopolitics, international relations and the position ofRussiain the new globalised world. Dugin attempts to undermine the principles of the new world order. He creates ideological foundations which may serve as a justification for regaining the imperial position ofRussia. The foundation of Dugin’s views is Eurasianism combined with the elements of geopolitics. The philosopher creates a blueprint for the Great Eurasian Empire which would compriseEast-Central Europe. According to Dugin, significant political and territorial changes will be conducted in this region on the basis of the religious faith of its inhabitants. The protestant countries will be federalized. Both the Protestant and Catholic countries will become theGermany’s sphere of influence. The Balkan states will have a somewhat different status as they will be federalized into one political subject connected withEurasia.GermanyandRussia, whose position is dominant in this region ofEurope, will become a part of the Great Eurasian Empire. There will be no room left for independentPolandandUkrainein the structure of the Eurasian Empire. Dugin does not take into account economic factors which would convince European states to integrate withEurasia. As for the present day, it is impossible to put the Eurasian project into realization.

Political freedom in Byzantium: the rhetoric of liberty and the periodization of Roman history

ABSTRACTThis paper proposes an intellectual history of the idea that the later Roman empire and, subsequently, the whole of Byzantium were less ‘free’ in comparison to the Roman Republic. Anxiety over diminished freedom recurred throughout Roman history, but only a few specific expressions of it were enshrined in modern thought as the basis on which to divide history into periods. The theorists of the Enlightenment, moreover, invented an unfree Byzantium for their own political purposes and not by examining the facts about its political culture. The second part of the paper proposes that the Byzantines valorized a model of positive freedom as legal-institutional protection against arbitrary oppressive power, including against both barbarian domination and domestic abuses. In contrast to modern thought, which tends to see the imperial position as the chief threat to liberty, the Byzantines viewed it as its bulwark. Yet they too had remedies for oppressive emperors, suggesting that the otherwise well-attested invocations of freedom were not a mere rhetorical trope for them but an actionable cultural norm.

Constitutionalism, political exclusion, and implications for Indian constitutional history: the case of Montagu Chelmsford reforms (1919)

ABSTRACTUniversally, if the inclusive idea of ‘we the people’ dominates the language of constitutionalism, then, British colonial constitutional reforms in India actually illustrate the dominance of the antithesis of such an inclusive ideal. By revisiting the Montagu Chelmsford reforms of 1919, this essay highlights the emergence of a language of political exclusion, of a majority of the population, on the ground that they were incapable of constitutional politics, a view shared by both the leaders of the colonial administration and the Indian nationalists. Colonial constitutionalism then interrupted not only the projects of colonialism by forcing Britain to legally justify its imperial position and hence exclude a majority from constitutional politics, but also nationalism by inducing the nationalists to speak in a language of exclusion as opposed to their ideological goals of inclusion. In making this argument, this essay draws from recent work on constitutionalism by Stephen Legg and insights from postcolonial theory, and gestures towards rethinking Indian constitutional history not as a series in the colonial devolution of power but one that constantly negotiated the divergences that emerged not only between colonialism and constitutionalism but more importantly between nationalism and constitutionalism as well.

The Limits of Aging Services in Turkey

All societies have their perceptions of evaluating a particular social phenomenon despite their desires for a common ground to benefit from the universal human experience. This doesn`t mean need need to create a monotype or unique societal understanding by eliminating diversity. By contrast, the sharing of experiences among various societies helps them to understand each other while enjoying their differences. In Turkey, for example, there is still a kind of stereotype in benefiting from experiences of “other” societies. One might argue that the reason might lie on a long history of staying in an imperial position, leading many societies, but the historical records shows us that the Ottoman background of Turkey was based on reciprocal relationship with various local cultures and foreign societies. So the reason can be associated to the mournful effects of the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the growth of the nationalist movement accusing some local cultures and foreign societies or countries as main providers of the collapse. Therefore, this work is important for examining the limits of the aging services for the elderly persons and why nursing home, for example, is still not a well adopted phenomenon in Turkey.

The Face of the Emperor in Philo’s Embassy to Gaius

In this paper I will show how Philo shapes his narrative in the Embassy to Gaius to highlight the role of the emperor in rupturing traditional forms of political representation, which anticipates later assessments of the principate but is surprising in an author usually thought to be favorable to monarchy. Philo should therefore be considered an important witness to the evolving views of a pan-Mediterranean aristocracy on the changes wrought by the imposition of Roman imperial authority. In constructing his narrative, Philo exploits long-standing norms of physical comportment associated with oratory and engages with the art of physiognomy, which was then approaching the peak of its popularity, by heavily emphasizing the visual elements of the political situations he describes. In particular, Philo uses facial expressions and bodily movements as markers of status and sites of agonistic social interaction to show that the unprecedented power of the imperial position, combined with the malice of Gaius, rendered personal political appeals, including his own embassy, futile, thus furthering the exculpatory purpose of the treatise.

Polityka Niemiec wobec Europy Wschodniej: Russia first?

The strategic assumptions of German Ostpolitik have been undermined by the aggressive activities of Russia during the Ukraine crisis. The tight economic relations between Germany and Russia have not brought about domestic transformations in the political system in Russia, and have not reduced its interest in regaining its imperial position in Eastern Europe, i.e. in the area of the former Soviet Union. Germany’s support for both the reform program in Ukraine and deepening its relations with the EU has shown that it is ready to critically evaluate its strategy toward Eastern Europe and review its ‘Russia first’ approach.

Rokokó Idill Vagy Egy Rossz Házasság Képei? Az Edelényi Kastély Festményeinek Programja

Abstract General Jean-François L'Huillier had a baroque country house built in Edelény in Borsod county between 1716 and 1728, on an estate he had received from the emperor for his military services. The wall paintings of the rooms as seen today are associated with the third generation of owners: contracts with several painters survive from the time of Countess Ludmilla Forgách, the granddaughter of the founder, and her husband István Eszterházy of Zólyom. The characteristic style and rococo motifs of the figural murals brought other works into connection with the Edelény paintings, those at Taktabáj and Lelesz (Leles) also preserving the name of Ferenc Lieb, a Viennese painter who can be demonstrated between 1758 and 1788 at Igló (Spišská Nová Ves); he was most likely the painter of the six rooms ordered by the countess in 1769. The decorative painting by János Voronieski, who was contracted four years earlier, perished. Later, in 1780, Lieb's son-inlaw Jakab Ignác Fabricius, a painter of Miskolc, adorned the walls of a seventh room in the western wing. In the meantime the count employed portraitist Sámuel Horváth in Pest in 1768 to create a historical series of 225 pieces: the models for the small full-length representations of Hungarian chieftains, kings and ancestors of the Esterházy family were the Nádasdy Mausoleum (1664) and the Esterházy Tropheum, family histories of engravings (1700) — a copy of the latter also included in the Edelény library. The prototype of the gallery of ancestors at Fraknó (Burg Forchtenstein) might have been known to the count, but in his Zólyom (Zvolen) castle there was also a similar series made after the Mausoleum: panels of a wooden ceiling from the first quarter of the 18th century. The Edelény paintings were arranged like a frieze in the upstairs great hall, until then only embellished by stucco work from the time of the construction and by stone carvings with the Forgách arms on the fireplace. The double enfilade upstairs in the eastern wing of the mansion — the sources claim — constituted the private sphere of the couple. In the first room the personifications of the four seasons in costumes appear in genre scenes of agricultural work, accompanied by putti symbolizing the four elements. The walls of the new dining room are adorned with idyllic scenes from the life of the mansion including the itinerary motif of the maiden on the swing, with Venus on a swan-drawn cart opposite her. The four battle-scenes imitating framed paintings allude to the heroic deeds of the ancestors. In the next room the walls of which are painted with wallpaper pattern the ceiling is dominated by Hermes and Amor, while the count's bedroom ceiling is devoted to Jupiter. Here in the door and window reveals a selection of emblems refers to the virtues of the husband, while in the vault sections contemporaneous portrait-like figures — two couples — are shown in fashionable costumes, in the company of Gypsy musicians. In the room of the countess next to the oratory the allegory of good government eulogizes Ludmilla Forgách; the cosmological symbols and personifications of the four parts of the world are depicted on the ceiling of the adjacent cabinet. While the count wished to emphasize the dynastic roots and imperial position of his family and conserved the earlier tradition of the gallery of ancestors, the wife adopted the recent European fashion of profane rococo wall paintings. However, István Eszterházy applied in vain to the empress for the chief administrator's post in the county on several occasions, nor did he receive the St Stephen order. The couple had no children of their own. In 1775 Ludmilla Forgách became a Dame of the Star Cross order; she was extolled for the support of orphans, but at the same time a mocking poem was also written of her supercilious way of life. It is a fact that she left Edelény burdened with debt to her son from her first marriage. The pictorial program completed with the — now lost — gallery of ancestors roots in the baroque tradition of representing the “connubium” of two families which may be fed by rivalry and mutual support alike. The surviving rococo wall paintings represent a singular, genrelike attempt at this iconography.

A Closed Book? British Intelligence and East Asia, 1945–1950

This article focuses on British intelligence in China, Japan, and Korea from the end of the Second World War to the outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950. It seeks to ascertain whether the collection of secret intelligence and its subsequent interpretation provided an accurate picture of Soviet and local communist intentions in East Asia. Since the war against Japan began, the region was largely an American responsibility and remained so after 1945 when they occupied Japan, Korea below the 38th parallel, and sent forces to China. Much of the intelligence effort for East Asia also devolved upon the Americans. Yet, the British retained an intelligence interest there not least because of their extensive commercial assets in China and the region's proximity to Britain's imperial position in Southeast Asia. That interest gathered pace after growing Communist threats inside China and Korea. However, the available intelligence resources for the Far East as a whole were scarce, making it difficult to piece together a clear picture of fast moving events in East Asia.

Form and content in early modern legal books: Bridging material bibliography with history of legal thought

According to common sense, a book is a way of conveying ideas. On their own books do not alter or add anything to what authors want to communicate to readers. The most recent history of books has produced a Copernican shift from this simplistic view of the nature of these companions. Books do matter. Their material naturefrom page-layout, to typographical devices, graphics, format and even their bindingconveys meaning. This article seeks to relate intellectual shifts in early modern legal theory to actual changes in the ideas dominating the understanding of law. The paper would like to examine the problematic the imperial position traditional legal history gives to an individual author (reviving the question once posed by Foucault: what is an author?). Is the author merely an intellectual evolution in the creation of new figures of legal discourse?

National Mobilization: An Option in Future Conflicts?

Following the terrorist attacks of 9/11, some commentators drew a parallel between al Qaeda's strike and Japan's bombing of Pearl Harbor, and between the ensuing struggle and the Second World War. There was sporadic talk of mobilization, which was easily enough dismissed as out of step with the realities of the War on Terror. Unconventional warfighters like terrorists are by definition immune to the massive concentrations of power that are the traditional object of a mobilization. At the same time, conventional war is generally regarded as oriented toward smaller, more professional, and high-tech forces fighting in demassified conflicts. (1) However, despite a great deal of hand-wringing on the part of social critics, the really difficult question was not asked: Would a World War II-scale mobilization even have been possible after 9/11 if it had been deemed an appropriate response? With a much reduced emphasis on military competition between the great powers and far less talk of American declinism today than there was 15 years ago, the ability of major economies to bear drastically enlarged military burdens has been discussed far less of late. Even Paul Kennedy, who popularized the declinist thesis in The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers in 1987, recently backed away from it. (2) Nonetheless, two major developments have set the stage for a new debate on rises in military expenditures. The first of these developments is a changed economic and fiscal outlook, specifically a return to the massive US budget deficits of the 1980s, and less exuberant economic expectations than was the case just a few years ago. The illusion of perfection at no cost has largely faded. The other development is the demands placed on US forces since 9/11, with talk of their being stretched too thin by commitments in Iraq and elsewhere becoming fairly widespread. While the possible emergence of a large peer competitor has never disappeared from consideration, other motivations for mobilization have emerged in recent years. One is the drive to terrorist-proof the United States, the final bill for which may run into the trillions. (3) Another is a more open embrace of an imperial position likely to involve more preventative and unilateral actions, as well as prolonged occupations and nation-building projects, and the extension of America's sphere of influence to new regions like sub-Saharan Africa and Central Asia. These factors already have led to the post-9/11 expansion of the defense budget and the institution of the Department of Homeland Security, hailed as the biggest reshuffling of the executive branch since 1947. They also have brought renewed discussion of conscription and the expansion of the armed forces, with bills pending in Congress to increase the US armed forces by tens of thousands of personnel over the next five years. American requirements, capacities, and investments aside, the question of military expansion also speaks to the capacities of other nations and the relationship of the United States with them, in terms of both the dangers of great power conflict and the international distribution of security responsibilities. The European Union and Japan, for instance, have been seeking to develop militaries capable of meeting enlarged international responsibilities since well before 9/11, efforts which have been extremely sluggish. Europe set for itself the relatively modest goal of being able to deploy a 60,000-strong force 3,000 miles away for one year by 2003. That target date has come and gone, and it seems unlikely that any such force will be made operational before 2012--if then. The Defense Capabilities Initiative, intended to close the growing technological gap between Europe and the United States, has been similarly disappointing. (4) Observers looking to explain that sluggishness, like Robert Kagan in his recent book On Paradise and Power, have commonly focused on the relatively pacifistic political cultures of the EU's member states. …