Imperial Coronation Research Articles

Образ Пятидесятницы в иконографической программе алтарного кивория Собора во имя первоверховных апостолов Петра и Павла в Санкт-Петербурге

The article is devoted to the unique monument of Peter the Great Baroque – the altar ciborium of the St. Petersburg Peter and Paul Cathedral. The study presents an analysis of the decoration of the ciborium (1722-1729, I.P. Zarudny). First of all, the connection of the iconographic and iconological program of the monument with the circumstances of the apostolic dedication of the cathedral of the new capital of the Russian Empire in the context of the church reform carried out by Peter I is traced. The synodal reform is proposed to be considered from the point of view of the principles of the structure of the ancient Church as a justification for the transition from patriarchal governance in favour of the conciliar Most Holy Governing Synod.In the article, the altar canopy of the Peter and Paul Cathedral is compared with the baldachin of the Assumption Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin, with the imperial coronation baldachins of Catherine I and with the baldachin of D.L. Bernini from Saint Peter's Basilica in Rome. The external imitation of the European fashion for baldachins was perceived as an embellishing decoration, which didn't prevent the continuation of the Moscow tradition of church decoration in the St. Petersburg monument, and the preservation of its archetypal relationship with the Jerusalem temple. Thus, the semantic connection of the royal and Divine thrones, laid down in the early Byzantine period, continues until the beginning of the XVIII century. It has found its artistic interpretation, including in the composite monogram crowning the Cathedral of Peter and Paul, the variant of interpretation of which is proposed by the author. The theme of the kingdom in the decoration of I.P. Zarudny's ciborium is intertwined with the theme of apostolic succession and the foundation of the church. The apostolic dedication of the Peter and Paul Cathedral was embodied in the artistic solution of the entire altar composition, for which the image of the "Descent of the Holy Spirit on the Apostles" became central. The establishment of a new Church and a new Jerusalem, manifested in the image of "Pentecost", indicated a particularly important role for the new state symbolically denoting its continuity from both the artistic tradition of Byzantium and the tradition of the Western Christian world.

Liturgical Tradition of Rome in the 11th Century: A Preliminary List of Manuscripts

This article examines manuscripts that help reconstruct the authentic liturgical tradition of the city of Rome in the eleventh century. This tradition goes back to the early Middle Ages and, contrary to the hypothesis of Th. Klauser and M. Andrieu, did not undergo “Germanisation” after the imperial coronation of Otto I the Great but existed with certain changes until the thirteenth century. To determine whether manuscripts belong to this tradition, it is necessary to use a complex methodology that considers the data of palaeography, art history, musicology, and liturgy. It should be distinguished from the liturgy of some monastic congregations (Cluny, Monte Cassino), which were represented in Rome and its suburbs. The books of the Canons Regular of the Lateran, which represent a distinct version of the reformed worship, should be considered separately. The analysis of the manuscripts is carried out in the article according to the types of liturgical books: Lectionaries, Sacramentaries, Graduals, Antiphonaries, etc. Additionally, the article analyses surviving medieval lists of books kept in Roman churches. The author concludes that authentic Roman liturgy is reflected in 32 surviving manuscripts of different types (3 more require additional study). For most of them, the author establishes their affiliation with a particular Roman church or monastery. Most of them reflect the state of worship during the period of the Gregorian reform, but some of them make it possible to study the previous stage in the history of liturgy in Rome. As an excursus, the author considers the origin of the Evangelistary-Sacramentary Arch. Cap. S. Pietro. F 12, which, according to the author, was not created in Rome, as was commonly believed, but in the abbey of San Tommaso in Foglia.

An Imperial Portrait Cameo of Antonia Minor in a 14th-Century Reliquary Cross in Prague

The present study explores a little-studied and reinterpreted early Roman Imperial cameo depicting Antonia Minor (36 bc–ad 37), which came into the possession of the Holy Roman emperor, Charles IV of Luxembourg (1316–78), a collector of ancient gems. It was presumably by his order that the ancient cameo was set in a splendid gold reliquary cross which he commissioned after his imperial coronation to house relics of the True Cross. Thus, in the new setting, the cameo could be perceived as the divine Antonia Minor; Helena, the mother of Constantine the Great, who allegedly discovered the True Cross; or Saint Catherine, Charles’ heavenly protectress. The cross is today preserved in the Treasury of Saint Vitus Cathedral, Prague.

Die Kaiserkrönung Friedrichs III. vom 19. März 1452 – ein Problemaufriss

The coronation of Emperor Frederick III as King of Lombardy-Veneto and his coronation as Holy Roman Emperor on March 19th 1452 must be seen as two separate events in terms of preparation and procedure. However, they were perceived by contemporaries as being part of the same event. Not only did Frederick III’s imperial coronation mark the end of a tradition, but – due to the fact that this event is regarded as being closely interwoven with the Lombardy coronation – it definitely paved the way for something new. In fact, during the ceremony of 1452 Frederick III was given the title of canon of both St. Peter’s Basilica and of the Lateran. The golden rose was conferred not only because the ceremony had been restructured but also because it took place on Laetare Sunday in 1452. A medieval coronation ceremony can be understood only if it is seen in terms of an ensemble of interlinked events in which the act of handing over the imperial insignia plays a very important role. The service as strator, which Frederik III performed for the pope on his way between St. Peter’s Cathedral and Castel Sant’Angelo, was intended to demonstrate the emperor’s newly won dignity. Particularly important is also the march of the emperor, wearing his crown, through Rome to the Lateran’s Church, to which little attention has been paid so far. In a special way, the imperial coronation of Frederick III in 1452 can be seen as an example of how history interprets an event in a different way and how, over time, the event and the history of the interpretation of this event have merged together seamlessly.

Maximilian I. oder Friedrich III.? Überlegungen zur sogenannten Heinrichstafel in Münster

The so-called “Heinrichstafel”, which has been attributed to the “Master of the legend of St. Barbara” (last quarter of the 15th century) and is now in the Westfälisches Landesmuseum (LWL-Museum of Arts and Culture) in Münster, is a triptych depicting some events reported in the biography of Emperor Henry II. Some research studies concerning the scenes represented on the board which are not mentioned in the source, the Vita Sancti Heinrici, and which clearly aim at describing the real political events, have considered these to be a clear reference to the age of Emperor Maximilian I. This study raises the question of whether this second level of interpretation should not rather be referred to Maximilian’s father, Emperor Frederick II. In fact, the coronation scene – that has been so prominently portrayed on the triptych and has no equivalent in the Vita Sancti Heinrici – can hardly be associated with the imperial coronation of Maximilian, which occurred only in 1508 and was not performed by the pope. Moreover, the scene probably contains some crypto portraits of Frederick III and Nicholas V. If this interpretation applies, and even if far from any realistic representation of the scene, the “Heinrichstafel” would in this case contain additional pictorial evidence of the imperial coronation of 1452.

Pomysły na „nowy porządek świata”: podróż Karola IV na koronację cesarską do Rzymu w świetle korespondencji Niccolò Acciaiuoliego i Petrarki

Koronacja cesarska Karola IV w 1355 r. była dotąd powszechnie uważana przez badaczy za wydarzenie mało istotne i bez większego wpływu na przyszłość. W rzeczywistości było jednak odwrotnie. Podróż koronacyjna Karola IV musi być rozpatrywana w szerszym kontekście walki o władzę we Włoszech między Świętym Cesarstwem Rzymskim a papiestwem. W artykule przeprowadzono analizę skomplikowanej sytuacji z perspektywy Karola oraz jego przeciwników i zwolenników we Włoszech. Ukazano, jak koronacja cesarska Karola IV doprowadziła do zasadniczej zmiany układu sił politycznych we Włoszech i w Europie, co skutkowało w konsekwencji wydaniem Złotej Bulli (1356) i Konstytucji egidiańskich (1357). Autorka po raz pierwszy odwołuje się w swoich rozważaniach do nieznanego wcześniej listu Niccola Acciaiuoliego, który kierował polityką Królestwa Neapolu. List ten rzuca nowe światło na taktykę opozycyjnego stronnictwa gwelfów i wpływu obecności Karola w Rzymie na jego polityczne cele. W artykule postarano się również udzielić odpowiedzi na od dawna przykuwające uwagę uczonych pytanie, dlaczego Karol nie zaakceptował prośby Petrarki, aby podjął we Włoszech działania na rzecz obrony tego, co określano mianem res publica, i dlaczego humanista nie przyjął zaproszenia, aby towarzyszyć Karolowi w jego podróży do Rzymu.

Dos procesos dinásticos paralelos en la década de 1520 Carlos V y su hermano Fernando I

Hasta 1520 Carlos había cumplimentado la primera etapa en su proceso dinástico, la obtención de casi toda su herencia patrimonial. La segunda etapa, la conservación de tan vasto imperio, se mostró harto difícil y por ello, desde 1522, Carlos fue cediendo partes de su patrimonio y de sus derechos a su hermano Fernando, que a su sombra, fue creando su propio patrimonio dinástico, la Alta Alemania-Austria, las coronas hereditarias de Bohemia y Hungría y finalmente los derechos sobre el Imperio. La tercera etapa del proceso dinástico, la fijación de un heredero en que dejar asegurado todo el proceso, estaba ya también muy clara desde 1525. Carlos había decidido que necesitaba de dos herederos, un hijo propio para sus tierras patrimoniales, y su hermano Fernando para sus derechos sobre el Imperio. La consecución de ambos fines, sin fijar cual era el más importante de los dos, siguió un único camino con dos metas diferentes. Fundamental en esta tercera etapa dinástica fue el proceso de preparación de la boda imperial, su realización en Sevilla, el embarazo en Granada, y el nacimiento en 1527 del heredero en Valladolid. La meta que parecía ser la principal a lo largo de todo ese proceso, la unción y coronación imperial en Roma y la elección de Fernando como rey de Romanos, fue quedando postergada por los acontecimientos y sólo se alcanzó en 1530 y 1531, cerrando la tercera etapa en la carrera dinástica de Carlos V.

The Receptions and Rejections of Sicilian Regalia in Late Medieval Nuremberg

When the imperial coronation garments, the Reichskleinodien, arrived in Nuremberg in 1424, they were celebrated as the relics of Charlemagne. In reality, however, this collection included various Norman and Hohenstaufen Sicilian clothes, including the red mantle of Roger II, the white alb of William II, and the jeweled gloves of Frederick II. While scholars have studied the place of these textiles in Sicily, their afterlives remain unexamined. This study explores the mechanisms of conversion that transformed the Sicilian garments into holy objects in late medieval Nuremberg, focusing on the role of the representations of the clothing in constructing their new identity. The article argues that Nuremberg’s relic sheets and relic books, together with Albrecht Dürer’s fictive portraits of Charlemagne and Sigismund of Luxembourg, worked in coordination with the changing imperial conception, the myth of Charlemagne, and organized public performance to embed in the cultural memory an idea of the garments as Carolingian. Through their play of real and imagined details, the images of the regalia effaced their Mediterranean characteristics and refashioned them as Germanic objects. This review of the Sicilian regalia’s place in Nuremberg illuminates how artifacts are integrated into new settings and the roles they play in the construction of history.

1111 and Canon Law in Rome

1111 and Canon Law in Rome Uta-Renate Blumenthal With the Concordat of Worms of September 1122 the bitter struggle between the reformed papacy and the Empire over investiture of ecclesiastics with ring and crozier came practically to an end.1 To be sure, it was a compromise as Robert Benson phrased it,2 but it endured despite occasional attempts from either the papal or the imperial side to introduce advantageous changes. Ernst Bernheim showed in a detailed textual analysis that the agreements exchanged in 1122 at Worms were based on the records of two earlier attempts to settle the burning issues that destroyed the traditional harmony of regnum and sacerdotium: the negotiations in February and April 1111 in Rome and of 1119 at Mouzon.3 This paper will focus on the first set of these, since [End Page 157] they form an often neglected but illuminating aspect of the background to the Concordat of Worms. In August 1110 King Henry V set out for Rome for his imperial coronation, accompanied by an unusually large army.4 Henry's chancellor, Archbishop Adalbert of Mainz, and lay magnates were sent by the king from Aquapendente as emissaries to Rome. They met in February 1111 with representatives of Paschal II, chief among them Petrus Leonis (Pierleone). The delegations negotiated in the church of Santa Maria in Turri, a part of the complex of the basilica of St. Peter's. The location was not chosen by accident as this paper will show, for nearby were three bronze portals leading into the basilica inscribed with the names of the possessions of St. Peter's, its patrimonium.5 On February 4 the imperial party presented Henry's promise, a document to be exchanged with Paschal during Henry's coronation as emperor, envisioned for February 12. 'Rex scripto refutabit omnem investituram omnium ecclesiarum in manu domni pape … in die coronationis sue … Et postquam domnus papa fecerit de regalibus sicut in alia carta scriptum est …'. read the most significant sentences in the [End Page 158] imperial document,6 supported by oaths there and then, and by an oath on behalf of Henry V on February 9 at Sutri.7 The alia carta is Paschal's promise, as first formulated on his behalf by Petrus Leonis on February 4 at S. Maria, and repeated in similar but briefer form in Paschal's Privilegium primae conventionis intended for Henry's imperial coronation.8 This 'other document' to be granted in exchange for the long wished-for renunciation of investiture by Henry V contained an order to the bishops present at the coronation to return the regalia to the king and to the kingdom, with the famous definition of what constituted the regalia:9 Civitates, ducatus, marchias, comitatus, monetae, teloneum, mercatum advocatias regni, iura centurionum et curtes quae [manifeste] regni errant, cum pertinentiis suis, militiam et castra [regni]. On the day of the planned coronation, February 12, these documents were to be exchanged by the two parties. But what should have been a highpoint of Paschal's reign, Henry's renunciation of investiture, turned into a 'dramatic … fiasco'.10 Violent opposition to Paschal's proposal prevented the coronation, and by nightfall the pope and almost all cardinals—including Cardinal Gregory of S. Grisogono, author of the canonical collection Polycarpus11—were captured and imprisoned by the king and his army.12 After two months of [End Page 159] captivity Paschal II abandoned the fight for the liberty of the church as formulated during the Gregorian reform. At Ponte Mammolo on April 11 he granted Henry V the imperial crown and the customary right of investiture, in a privilege that was known almost immediately as the Pravilegium and could have meant the end of Paschal's pontificate if not calmer voices like that of Ivo of Chartres had prevailed.13 'It is hardly possible to imagine the consequences the planned action [regarding the regalia] would have had for the government and for the economy', concluded Tellenbach.14 Fried emphasized that the regalia that were to be returned, 'Herrschaftsrechte, Gerechtsame und Grundbesitz', constituted the essential parts of the regnum, the kingdom, and stood in contrast to everything that did not pertain to...

Rom 1312: Die Kaiserkrönung Heinrichs VII. und die Folgen; Die Luxemburger als Herrscherdynastie von gesamteuropäischer Bedeutung, ed. Sabine Penth and Peter Thorau

This stimulating and wide-ranging collection sets itself the task of assessing the European significance of Emperor Henry VII’s coronation in Rome of 1312 and the subsequent rise of the Luxemburg dynasty. Such a focus is welcome, for the Luxemburg dynasty, despite ruling vast tracts of land across western and central Europe for centuries, frequently suffers from a lack of attention, squeezed as they are between the characterful and exotic dynasts of the Hohenstaufen and the powerful and long-lasting Habsburgs who attract more consideration from historians. The volume, edited by Sabine Penth and Peter Thorau, is composed of an introduction and twenty-two chapters, divided into two sections. The first deals with Henry’s preparations for his journey to Rome, the mechanics and machinations that supported his stay in Italy, and perceptions of the coronation in contemporary sources. The second (much longer) section engages with various topics relating to Luxemburg dynasts and central Europe in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. From the first section, Knut Görich’s chapters is particularly impressive. Richly illustrated with scenes from a near-contemporary illustrated chronicle and with useful maps and images of seals and coins, Görich skilfully places Henry’s passage to Rome against the political background of the time. In doing so, he draws out beautifully the hopes and fears aroused by Henry’s imperial coronation in the ruling courts in Paris, Savoy, Rome, Naples, Aragon and further afield, as well as making some insightful comparisons between Henry’s coronation with those which came before and after. Robert Antonín highlights the political manœuvring which took place between Henry and the Czech nobility before Bohemia could be secured for his son, King John the Blind (1296–1346), while Michel Pauly argues that Henry’s substantial material and military preparations for his coronation suggests that his plan to restore imperial authority in northern Italy was not necessarily doomed to fail. In his chapter on the Guelphs and Ghibellines, Peter Herde pays particular attention to the rhetoric and diplomacy underpinning Florentine resistance to Henry, while Susanna Passigli reconstructs the rich and varied landscape of the Roman Campagna at the start of the fourteenth century. To conclude the section, Michel Margue deftly spells out some of the deeper ramifications behind fourteenth- and fifteenth-century constructions of Henry’s coronation and his dynasty in art and historical writing from Metz, Trier and Liège.

THE IMPERIAL CORONATION OF LEOPOLD II AND MOZART, FRANKFURT AM MAIN, 1790

ABSTRACTIn the autumn of 1790 Mozart undertook the penultimate journey of his life to participate in the coronation of Leopold II as Holy Roman Emperor in Frankfurt am Main. His attendance and performance at this significant imperial gathering were an investment designed to improve his fortunes. But Mozart's gamble failed. Though it was a key political event, and despite its significance as one of Mozart's final sojourns, not much more is known about the music of the Frankfurt coronation. This article offers a new understanding of Leopold II's imperial accession, positing the coronation as a vibrant context for music culture. Contrary to narratives that position Mozart's concert above all others, I argue that this was far from the case according to his contemporaries. During the coronation festivities the city hosted three theatre companies and many celebrated musicians, including Ludwig Fischer, Johann Hässler, Vincenzo Righini, Antonio Salieri and Georg Vogler, among others. Frankfurt was indeed filled with musicians who cooperated with and competed against one another in the hope of attracting substantial audiences comprised of the Empire's elite. Yet for Mozart, whose concert was poorly advertised and unfortunately timed, this competition proved too intense. By investigating the musical and political events of Leopold II's imperial coronation, I assert that Mozart's investment, which had the potential to alter his life forever, was unsuccessful in part because of a rumour that caused his desired audience to leave Frankfurt temporarily the very morning his performance took place.

‘Equip Yourself to Inflict Vengeance […] Thus it will be Recognised that You are the Founder of Peace’: Laudation and Attempted Persuasion through a Sermon for the Emperor Sigismund

This essay concerns a previously unexamined sermon by the Franciscan preacher Giovanni Coltellini da Bologna (c. 1355-1437) delivered in the presence of the Emperor Sigismund following the imperial coronation in 1433. The text provides insight into contemporary papal-imperial relations, the desires of the papacy, and the place of Coltellini’s hometown of Bologna within these, as well as developments in sermon style and technique. At the same time, however, its existence raises intriguing questions concerning the actual delivery of the sermon, the reason behind the selection of Coltellini (a previously well-known figure within Bologna, but one who had disappeared from the public eye for fifteen years), the roles of ecclesiastical ambassadors, and the use of preaching and sermons outside of a liturgical context. A further defining feature of the sermon is its heavy reliance on John of Salisbury’s Policraticus, a work on political theory, rather than on scriptural or classical sources. The possible reasons for this novelty are explored. The essay concludes that the sermon was commissioned by, and Coltellini appointed to represent, the papal government rather than the city of Bologna, with a twofold objective: an attempt to persuade Sigismund of the merits of Bologna as part of papal efforts to transfer the Council of Basel to that city; and to convince the new Emperor of his obligations towards the practical (and military) defence of the Church, by which it is understood to mean the papacy.

O nowej koncepcji okoliczności powołania biskupa Jordana

The article provides a systematic analysis of a body of conceptions on the beginnings of the bishopric in Poznan presented by Tomasz Jasinski in several of his lesser studies. In the light of the performed analysis it must be concluded that the basic points of Jasinski's conception, such as the criticism of Thietmar's account of the beginnings of the Magdeburg metropolis, the circumstances of the creation of Jordan's episcopal see on the occasion of the Roman imperial coronation and the legal status of Jordan's episcopacy are either contestable or simply unsupportable. Consequently, the entire claim should be rejected.

Kaiser Ludwig IV. Imperiale Herrschaft und reichsfürstlicher Konsens

<bold>Emperor Louis IV. Imperial Rule and Princely Consent</bold> The rule of Louis IV (1314–1347) has provoked controversial judgments – by his contemporaries as well as by modern scholars. He was both condemned as a predecessor of the Antichrist on earth by the popes in Avignon and praised as a most Christian emperor by his followers. Modernhistoriography has addressed him as “Louis the Bavarian”.But this name implies the absence of the universal virtues attributed to a Roman emperor and accepts the damnation of Louis's enemies. This article discusses the controversial memories of the 14th century as well as the political framework of the Roman-German monarchy. The latter was established by princely elections and accepted by the important political players; one of its features was the imperial coronation in Rome. Louis's struggle for power determined the first decade of his reign. From 1325 to 1330 he shared rule with his Habsburg relative Frederick of Austria, a unique period of double-kingship in medieval German history. The imperial coronation in Rome in 1328 aggravated the hostility against the Avignonese pope John XXII but simultaneously created a new tradition, for Louis's coronation by three excommunicated bishops and four Roman <italic>syndici</italic> was based on a new type of legitimization. The recently elected anti-pope Nicolas V, who belonged to Louis's Franciscans supporters, supplemented the imperial dignity by a second (only affirmative) coronation four months later. This article reexamines the boundaries and the margins of Louis's rule by analyzing both the initial roots of princely consent and the paths to imperial glory. It provides a new interpretation both of the famous manifestos of 1338, which outlined the princely self-confidence about electing the Roman king and future emperor, and of the imperial positions of Louis vis-à-vis papal ambitions about influencing the election of a Roman king or emperor. These documents do not indicate a combined strategy on the part of Louis and his princes, but rather show competitive or oppositional ways to legitimate late medieval emperorship. Louis's failure should not be explained only by his opposition to the Avignonese curia but rather by his inability to integrate his aristocratic environment.

Architecture and Liturgical Space in the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela. The Libro de la Coronación de los Reyes de Castilla

The Libro de la Coronación de los Reyes de Castilla (Real Biblioteca de El Escorial, &-III-3) is an extraordinary manuscript that combines two fourteenth-century coronation ordines of the kings of Castile and Aragon. The first was seemingly prepared for the coronation and anointing of Alfonso XI of Castile, an event that eventually took place in 1332. It is the only such liturgical codex preserved for a Castilian king. Its status as a historical and codicological unicum reflects the Spanish monarchy’s lack of interest in such ceremonies or their sacred character. The text is, first, an introduction intended to highlight the virtues of the king and his consecration, and, second, the ceremony itself, which adapts an imperial coronation Ordo, the so-called Ordo of Constantinople. The text remained unfinished after the description of the ceremony of the king’s taking up of arms. Its twenty-four full-page miniatures and one decorated initial illustrate key elements of the ceremonial, but they too were left unfinished. The manuscript describes and illustrates a coronation and anointing ceremony in the cathedral of Santiago de Compostela that did not occur because, in the end, the king was only knighted in Santiago, and was instead crowned at the monastery of Las Huelgas de Burgos. In this article, some of the peculiarities of the codex are discussed, including the original choice of Santiago de Compostela as the location for coronation.El libro de la coronación de los reyes de Castilla (Real Biblioteca de El Escorial, &-III-3) es un códice singular en el que se reunieron dos ceremoniales de coronación del siglo XIV, pertenecientes a los reyes de Castilla y de Aragón, respectivamente. El primer ceremonial fue realizado para la coronación y unción de Alfonso XI de Castilla que finalmente tendría lugar en 1332. Cabe destacar que se trata del único códice litúrgico de estas características conservado para un rey de Castilla. De hecho, se trata de un unicum codicólogico e histórico, dada la escasa afición de la monarquía castellana a este tipo de ceremonias y a su carácter sacro. El texto consta, por una parte, de una introducción dedicada a subrayar las virtudes del rey y su consagración y, por otra, del propio ceremonial, en el que se adapta un Ordo de coronación imperial llamado Ordo de Constantinopla. El texto quedó sin finalizar tras describir la ceremonia de toma de armas por el rey. Está decorado con veinticuatro iluminaciones a folio completo y una letra capital, ilustrando el desarrollo del ceremonial, pero que también quedaron sin terminar. El códice describe e ilustra una ceremonia de coronación y toma de armas en la catedral de Santiago de Compostela que no tuvo lugar ya que, finalmente, el rey se armó caballero en Santiago y fue coronado en el monasterio de las Huelgas de Burgos. En este artículo se analizan algunas de las singularidades del códice, entre las que cabe destacar una de las más importantes, que originalmente la ceremonia debiera haber tenido lugar en la catedral de Santiago de Compostela.

Can silence speak volumes? Widukind's Res Gestae Saxonicae and the coronation of Otto I reconsidered

The Res Gestae Saxonicae, Widukind of Corvey's chronicle of the rise of the Ottonian kings, waxes lyrical about Otto I's coronation as king at Aachen in 936 but passes in silence over his coronation as emperor at Rome in 962. This causes difficulties of interpretation, because the text is generally considered to constitute a unified narrative up to the end of its shortest surviving recension, dated to 967 or 968; scholars have previously dealt with these difficulties by claiming that Widukind's work was a ‘subtle polemic’ against the role of the pope in the making of an emperor. This article suggests instead that only the sections documenting events up to c.961 constitute a unified text, subsequent chapters being no more than hastily compiled addenda. Widukind's notorious omission of the imperial coronation was thus an accidental feature of the text, not the cornerstone of an ideological claim about the emperor's direct connection to God. His portrayal of the Aachen coronation establishes Otto's multiple claims to be the rightful king without differentiating qualitatively between them.

Il caso della Cena Cypriani: riflessioni sulla circolazione alto-medievale di un libellus tardo-antico

The late-antiquity libellus known as Cena Cypriani (Cena) represents an odd form of intellectual and perhaps convivial entertainment, wherein readers and listeners are made aware of biblical episodes through its story. Literarily, the Cena can be considered as a unique result arising from the mixture of Greek and Latin works from both the Classical era and Late Antiquity. Only during the Early Middle Ages, such work was attributed to Saint Cyprian and, for this reason, began circulating in the Carthaginian martyr’s body of writings. Nevertheless, the fate of this Early Medieval script is not connected solely to the auctoritas Cypriani. Indeed, the Cena circulated in the Carolingian scriptoria as disputatio, used as a means of teaching the Bible while also helping to amuse its readers and listeners. During Charles the Bald’s imperial coronation (875), the Cena was required to be read in Rome, where most likely it was unknown to the public. Subsequently, John Inmonides transformed the text into a well known rhythm composed for the convivial entertainment of the Carolingian sovereign and that of Pope John VIII.

The Most Prudent Virgin and the Wise King:Isaac's Virgo prudentissima Compositions in the Imperial Ideology of Maximilian I

Isaac quoted the chant Virgo prudentissima (Most Prudent Virgin), Magnificat antiphon for the Feast of the Assumption, in four compositions. Three of them can be shown to have connections to the Hofkapelle court chapel) of Emperor Maximilian I, Isaac's employer starting in 1496. They are: (1) the six-voice ceremonial motet Virgo prudentissima, composed in 1507 while Isaac was in Constance for the imperial Reichstag that Maximilian had convened in order to plan his coronation as Emperor; (2) the six-voice Missa Virgo prudentissima, which has sometimes been thought to be an earlier work but probably dates from around the same time; and (3) Gaudeamus omnes, the Assumption Introit in volume 2 of the Choralis Constantinus, which quotes Virgo prudentissima as a secondary cantus firmus. All three of these works appropriate the liturgy and theology of the Assumption of the Virgin so that Maximilian's ascent to the Imperial throne and coronation as Emperor might be aligned symbolically with the Virgin Mary's Assumption into heaven and Coronation therein as Queen. The symbolism of Isaac's compositions helped Maximilian, who crafted his public image very carefully by commissioning numerous large-scale propagandistic textual and visual works, to portray himself as a noble and enlightened ruler seeking protection for his imperial crown and empire from the Virgin Mary. Isaac's musical imagery also aligns very closely with the visual iconography of Albrecht Dürer's painting Festival of the Rose Garlands.

Investitures et rapports de pouvoirs : réflexions sur les symboles de la querelle en Empire

Starting from the observation that royal investiture, which was denounced towards the late 11th century, was considered quite natural towards the end of the Carolingian era, this article sets out to analyse the cristalisation, during the second half of the 11th century, of the critique of investiture by ‘staff and ring’, showing how the grant of these insignia came to be reduced to its purely spiritual dimension, whereas it was originally polysemic. Renunciation by the Emperor of the investitute of bishops by the Emperor, as it was proclaimed by the Gregorians, had as its corrollary the renunciation by the clergy of regalian rights. Because of the imbrication of powers in the Empire, this was unrealistic, as is illustrated by the failure of the agreement of 1111 which preceded the imperial coronation of Henry V (presented here in detail). It proved therefore necessary to negotiate, from both the institution and symbolic point of view, and to invent a new ritual, the basis of which lay in the symbolism of power associated with the staff, while avoiding any spiritual suggestion. This happened with the concordat of Worms (1122). The appendix contains two documents in French translation — the renunciation of the regalia by Pascal II (12 February 1111) and his ‘privilege’ for Henry V (12 April 1111).

Entering of Stefan Dusan into the Empire

Entering of Stefan Dusan into the Empire