Illiberal Research Articles

CHINA, THE ILLIBERAL COUNTER-ORDER, AND THE ROLE OF VALUES IN THE STRATEGIC RESPONSE

This study examines how the People’s Republic of China’s advance of its economic and other objectives both supports, and benefits from the challenges by illiberal states to the rules-based international order. It argues that one of the most important dynamics of the current international system is how, in the context of interdependence and interaction accelerated by new technologies, the feedback loop between those activities of the PRC, and its international partners, are simultaneously enriching and empowering the PRC, and expanding the space in which such illiberal actors can operate, while also weakening the institutions and rule of law which have created the basis for interdependence, security, and prosperity since the end of the Second World War. This work recognizes the variety of goals of illiberal actors with which the PRC engages for its own benefit, distinguishing the dynamic from the structure of competing “blocks” that characterized the Cold War. This work further looks at the interaction between political and economic systems under stress new technologies, and the role of the state in this transformational period, It argues that the new dynamic is reopening fundamental questions about the relationship between the state, individual, and society, and associated questions about economic and political organization itself is in question. In addressing these challenges, this work concludes that transactional “competition” between Western democracies and their opponents for the loyalties of the rest is not enough. It argues that that Western democracies must both hedge against the coming destabilization of the international system, while leading by example and advancing more compelling arguments in the new context for why societal interests are best served by the protection of individual rights and individual choice as the foundation of government legitimacy, as well as for individual ownership and initiative, rather than government as the principal generator of economic value and technological progress in society.

De jure powersharing 1975–2019: Updating the Inclusion, Dispersion, and Constraints Dataset

Powersharing institutions are often prescribed to enhance civil peace, democratic survival, and the equitable provision of public services, and these institutions have become more prevalent over time. Nonetheless, the past decade has seen a rise in democratic backsliding and competitive authoritarianism, raising questions about how the relationship between powersharing, democracy, and civil peace may be evolving. This article introduces an update to the Inclusion, Dispersion, and Constraints (IDC) powersharing dataset that adds nine years of data, up through 2019. These new data include enhanced intercoder reliability checks, a significant reduction in missing values, and the documentation and correction of some coding errors in the original data. We also employ latent variable models to estimate each of three types of powersharing, allowing scholars to account for measurement uncertainty in analyses of the causes and consequences of powersharing. This dataset allows scholars to address urgent questions about whether previously observed relationships between powersharing and democracy and powersharing and civil peace still hold in this new era, and in what contexts powersharing institutions remain advisable.

Book review: Fong Siao Yuong, Performing Fear in Television Production: Practices of an Illiberal Democracy

Book review: Fong Siao Yuong, <i>Performing Fear in Television Production: Practices of an Illiberal Democracy</i>

The Day After a Broken Democratic Polity

Abstract Lon Fuller’s fictional Purple Shirt regime, Victor Orbán’s illiberal democracy in today’s Hungary and the Kaczynski brothers’ recently ended unconstitutional republic of Poland are three examples of a ‘broken democratic polity’ in which many aspects of the rule of law and constitutional democracy have been compromised and cannot be fixed without a qualified majority, even if democratic forces come to power. In this article, I address the question of whether illegal state action of a democratic government is an appropriate means of restoring legitimacy to what I call a ‘broken’ polity. Put differently: Is it morally defensible for a new democratically elected government to override and replace the rules of illiberal constitutional reform in violation of formal legality? If so, under what conditions? I argue that a positive answer to this question is justified if we adopt a neo-republican approach to politics and legitimacy.

Slow resistance: Feminist and queer activism in ‘illiberal’ contexts

In recent years in China, NGO activism, street gatherings, and the direct expression of gender and sexual rights have been curtailed, yet paradoxically, online feminist expression and organizing, as well as gay visibility, are happening on an unprecedented scale. Inspired by the notions of slow violence and slow hope, this article proposes the concept of slow resistance in relation to ‘illiberalism’ to think through this paradox. Analyzing recent rich and multifaceted, yet often overlooked, feminist activism in China as an example of slow resistance, the article considers slow resistance in ‘illiberal’ contexts as characterized by its context-dependent (in)visibility due to censorship and limitations in global knowledge production and information circulation. Furthermore, slow resistance can be used to understand activism on a global and transnational scale, beyond the oversimplified liberal/illiberal binary. This binary often fails to capture the complexity of political shifts and social changes within ‘illiberal’ contexts. Moreover, the concept of slow resistance challenges the understanding of power solely as state power and resistance solely as opposition to state power. Developing the concept within feminist activism also highlights the importance of gender and sexual politics in understanding social and political change. Slow resistance offers an indeterminate temporality of resistance that challenges narratives of progress in modernization projects and narratives of decline and despair often associated with ‘illiberal states.’ It is important to note that an excessive emphasis on state oppression or illiberal tendencies may paradoxically hinder, rather than facilitate, the potential for (slow) resistance in such contexts.

The theory of democratic integration

The outcome of the 2024 European Parliament elections highlights the need for the EU to underpin its functioning as a European democracy with a proper political theory. This article introduces the theory of democratic integration as a political philosophy of the EU. It aims to provide the EU with a philosophical foundation by analysing its evolution as a deviation from the Westphalian system of international relations and its doctrine of absolute sovereignty. The article finds that the EU is succeeding in creating a new democratic home for its citizens and its member states. In times of increasing support for parties which promote national sovereignty as the recipe for the future and which consequently call for the dismantling of the European Parliament and the deconstruction of EU democracy, the theory will empower the Union to defend its constitutional achievements and prevent it from backsliding into an undemocratic organisation of illiberal states.

THE POLITICS OF FIDESZ-KDNP OF HUNGARY UNDER V. ORBÁN IN WESTERN MEDIA, 2010-2024

This article offers a comprehensive analysis of Western media coverage of the Hungarian government's political course under Viktor Orban and the FIDESZ-KDNP coalition from 2010 to 2024. The study encompasses a wide range of aspects of Hungary's domestic and foreign policy, tracing the evolution of "Orbanism" perception in international media discourse. The author examines in detail the key themes that dominated Western media regarding Hungary, namely: The transformation of the country's democratic system and discussions around the concept of "illiberal democracy". Systematic conflicts between Hungary and the European Union, especially on issues of rule of law and democratic values. Hungary's strict migration policy and its impact on European policy in this area. Economic reforms known as "Orbanomics" and their controversial perception in the international arena. Changes in Hungary's media landscape and discussions about press freedom. Hungary's foreign policy course, including its relations with Russia, China, the USA, and neighboring countries. Special attention is paid to the impact of the Hungarian governance model on regional politics in Central and Eastern Europe, as well as its perception by right-wing and conservative movements in Europe and the USA. The article also examines the dynamics of Hungary's relations with the EU and NATO, particularly in the context of Russian aggression against Ukraine and Hungary's position on this conflict. The research is based on a wide range of Western media sources, including leading newspapers, magazines, television channels, and online publications. The author traces changes in the tone and focus of coverage of Hungarian politics during the specified period, identifying key trends and turning points in the international perception of Hungary. The article also examines Western media's reaction to Hungary's presidency of the Council of the European Union. The author summarizes the main trends in Western media coverage of Hungarian politics and assesses their impact on Hungary's international reputation and its relations with key partners.

Mosque Construction as Nation-Building: The case of Turkey

ABSTRACT This article analyzes the question of mosque construction and its interrelationship vis-à-vis nation-building in contemporary Turkey. The dynamics of a secular state ruling over a conservative society have always been conflictual in republican Turkey, and this ever since the modern state began initiating a number of radical secular reforms in the 1920s and the 1930s. Among those reforms, disruptive in a previously conservative society, were the dissolution of the caliphate and dismemberment of religious institutions, coupled with widespread Westernizing policies including the adoption of Western sartorial habits, emphasis on science and technology, and changing the alphabet from the traditional Arabic to the current modern (romanized) Turkish script. On the other hand, the advent of democracy and changeover of government in 1950 brought with it the emergence of a renewed religious discourse and a desire for more mosque construction in order to accentuate the Islamic facet of Turkish culture. Therefore, the religious dimension of Turkish identity has increasingly been buttressed by mosque construction by right-wing governments, reaching its zenith with the current Justice and Development Party (JDP) government (beginning in 2002). Coupled with the emergence of an illiberal democracy bolstered by Turkish populism, this article proposes to analyze the linkage between mosque construction and the building of an Islamic conservative Turkish nation contrasting the secular Turkish identity of the ancien régime.

Job Market in the Era of Illiberalism, Trade Wars, Artificial Intelligence and Big Data: A Study

This article aims to scrutinise the job markets and the impacts on jobs due to quite new themes which the world has witnessed, such as rise of illiberal democracies, trade wars between nations, artificial intelligence and big data. It is quite interesting to see the impact of ideologies of states on the jobs they create. Artificial intelligence is going to be a huge disruptor and so is managing of big data by companies. Based on the secondary data already available and the literature review, this article argues that job markets get impacted by the ideology of states, which in turn leads to trade wars. In a similar breath, data show that artificial intelligence and big data are going to create new ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’ in the world. The answer to this problem lies in regulating the artificial intelligence climate and bringing in new rules for the game where big players operate, which amass humongous data. Rules should be framed in a way so that digitally deprived people do not lose their jobs.

Mobilising youth for elections: electoral inclusion of youth in Turkey under competitive authoritarianism

Scholars have paid scant attention to how state–society relations are shaped in contexts where democratic and authoritarian institutions co-exist under new forms of authoritarianism. Furthermore, the realm of youth citizenship in such regimes is a nascent area warranting deeper exploration. This study draws on the case of Turkey to address these gaps by investigating why political parties, which previously marginalised young voters, have fervently mobilised youth during elections that paradoxically coincided with the process of autocratisation. We employ a content analysis of party programmes, election manifestos, and social media campaign content of major political parties, as well as secondary sources on Turkish and youth politics spanning from 1983 to 2023, to address this puzzle. Our analysis unveils three key findings. Firstly, transformative events such as the Gezi Park Protests and digital activism have invigorated youth political involvement, compelling both government and opposition parties to prioritise youth electoral engagement. Secondly, the shift from a parliamentary to a presidential system has heightened political parties’ focus on securing the youth vote to win elections. Lastly, political parties strive to align youth political values with their own ideologies, and the process of election campaigning provides ample opportunities for such a goal.

Deceitful autocratization: Subverting democracy through electoral reform in Mexico

AbstractAntipluralist incumbents often resort to opaque and deceptive strategies to subvert democracy. One such strategy involves devising formal institutions that pretend to promote and deepen democracy while enforcing authoritarian rule instead. This study labels such a strategy as “deceitful autocratization” and argues that a case that illustrates how antipluralist presidents promote it is the electoral reform launched by Andrés Manuel López Obrador in Mexico. The analysis shows that López Obrador is a populist leader who also features prominent illiberal and antipluralist attributes. The article examines the political process that led to the legal modifications he introduced, which aimed at an overhaul of the country's system of electoral governance, one of the crucial foundations of Mexican democracy. The reform was supposed to democratize the regime, eliminate electoral fraud, and reduce the cost of elections. In fact, it represented a step forward in establishing competitive authoritarianism.

From Civil Liberties to Surveillance: The UK’s Path Toward Illiberal Democracy

From Civil Liberties to Surveillance: The UK’s Path Toward Illiberal Democracy

Privacy, Decisional Autonomy, and the Right to Intimate Association—Insights on the Cost of Being in Live-In Relationships in India Under New Legislation

ABSTRACT The trend of states actively policing intimate arrangements does not remain unseen in the context of illiberal democracies. The prioritization of societal morality has continuously been a consideration within the conservative fold, whether it is in the denial of marriage rights to same-sex couples or active state intrusion into the intimacies of interpersonal relationships. The passage of the Uniform Civil Code (“UCC”) Bill in the State of Uttarakhand in India forms a segment of this concerning trend. Being a part of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party’s (“BJP”) lofty aspirations, the UCC brings about a peculiar requirement. Couples in live-in relationships are now required to undergo a ‘mandatory’ registration procedure. As the implementation of a nationwide UCC becomes more imminent, the mandatory registration of live-in relationships raises important constitutional questions regarding the extent of state interference in private decision-making. Indian jurisprudence around the concept of ‘decisional autonomy’ peaked in Justice K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India. (“Puttaswamy”) But in the backdrop of the newly reconceptualized ‘Right to Intimate Association’ in Supriyo@Supriya Chakraborty v. Union of India (“Supriyo”), the Registration of live-in relationships is yet another peculiar constitutional conundrum to be explored.

From Cooptation to Violence: Managing Competitive Authoritarian Elections

From Cooptation to Violence: Managing Competitive Authoritarian Elections

The Role of Public Relations in an Illiberal State: The Case of Russia

Drawing upon in-depth interviews with seasoned public relations practitioners, this study suggests that the field of public relations in Russia has gradually transformed over the last 30 years from being relatively independent to being largely subordinated to political and business elites. Failure to sustain the role of public relations as a driver of democratization has coincided with the overall decline of democratic institutions in the country. Current practices in the field primarily focus on promoting government and business interests and lack a systemic approach to developing relations with citizens to address social problems. This study, which focuses on the Russian context, contributes to the body of literature on business communications and international public relations by analyzing how a country’s sociopolitical and economic context can influence transformations within the field of public relations; in this case, evolving from being relatively independent to becoming subordinate to political and business elites.

Book Review: Performing fear in television production: Practices of an illiberal democracy

Book Review: Performing fear in television production: Practices of an illiberal democracy

Where Are the Sore Losers? Competitive Authoritarianism, Incumbent Defeat, and Electoral Trust in Zambia's 2021 Election.

How do electoral turnovers shape citizen perceptions of election quality in competitive authoritarian regimes? We argue that electoral outcomes are crucial for determining perceptions of electoral quality. While detailed evaluation of electoral trust is complex in competitive autocracies with institutional uncertainty and polarized electoral environments, turnovers send strong and unequivocal signals about election quality. Previous literature has noted a strong partisan divide in electoral trust in competitive authoritarian regimes, but turnovers can boost trust among both incumbent and opposition supporters. We test this argument in the case of Zambia's 2021 election, a case where a ruling party lost despite electoral manipulation and strong control over the Election Management Body (EMB). Empirically, we leverage the first-ever panel survey carried out during Zambian elections. Comparing trust in elections before and after the election, we find that perceived election quality increased after the 2021 electoral turnover among both losers and winners. We find that trust in elections increased the most among winning opposition supporters. Moreover, despite the outgoing president's attempt to portray the election as fraudulent, losing ruling-party supporters also increased their trust in elections after the turnover. The study has important implications for the literature on democratic consolidation and institutional trust.

Illiberal democracy has now come to Florida: what can academics do?

Illiberal democracy has now come to Florida: what can academics do?

The Institution of Prime Minister and Government in A Hybrid Regime in Ukraine (1996–2021)

Abstract Hybrid regimes are characterised by a balancing act between democracy and authoritarianism, with neither political regime type being dominant. The balancing of the state between democratic and non-democratic modes of functioning can take the form of a state transforming from authoritarianism to democracy and a form of regression from democracy to authoritarianism, when the democratic system is upset by non-democratic mechanisms. The functioning of the political system in Ukraine during the years 1996–2004 was such that the authoritarian aspects of Ukraine’s hybrid regime overshadowed its democratic elements. Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way (2002; 2013) refer to this phenomenon as “competitive authoritarianism”. This term denotes regimes where authoritarian features are more prevalent than democratic ones, according to the concept. Since 2004, the Ukrainian political system has transitioned towards a hybrid regime that places more emphasis on democratic characteristics. In the following twenty years, the Ukrainian hybrid regime was transformed between democratic-authoritarian hybrid regime (as a result of the events of the “Orange Revolution”, and the “Revolution of Dignity”) and authoritarian-democratic hybrid regime (during presidency L. Kuchma and V. Yanukovych). The hybridity of the political regime also translated into the functioning of the chief state bodies. The aim of this study was to find an answer to the question whether and to what extent did the hybridity of Ukraine’s political regime imply on the specificity of the functioning of the institutions of the prime minister and government in the state. The research hypothesis is that the hybridity of the Ukrainian political regime, as a stage of transition from authoritarianism to democracy, partly contributed to changing the traditional order of functioning of the institutions of prime minister and government in the state just formally losing the head of state’s dominant role in the process of government functioning.

A Historical Documentary Analysis Depicting Mass Media Manipulation in North Korea

The purpose of this investigation stems from the global need for recognition regarding the use of propaganda in North Korea by the Kim regime to survive. Acknowledging the propaganda tactics used by North Korea can help educate people globally, helping them understand the serious and dangerous threat North Korea poses to the world and even its citizens. It is of uttermost importance that the depiction of these techniques is acknowledged and received, as the mere knowledge of North Korea’s hermit status is not enough. Ultimately, this investigation aimed to answer North Korea’s propaganda and censorship techniques to ensure successful control. Sources converged to provide an answer: the evident use of North Korean daily lives, museums, culture, and media are used as propagandistic measures to ensure the Kim regime stays in power. Without this use of propaganda, North Korea would not have been able to flourish into such an illiberal and hermit republic. The North Korean citizens are entirely isolated from the outside world; due to this, they are completely unaware of the dangers their country holds, as well as what the global world holds. Overall, this research paper aims to decipher and locate numerous propaganda techniques North Korea uses to keep the power of its illiberal state.