Ideologies Of Citizenship Research Articles

The logistics of neoliberal slavery: legal production of illegality

ABSTRACT The rapidly rising global capitalism and the increasing competition of neoliberal markets have speeded up temporary migrant workers' flow and exacerbated labor extraction through a sophisticated logistics system that contributes to neoliberal slavery in the twenty-first century. This essay argues that the legal ideology of citizenship in contemporary societies has contributed to the legal production of illegality, and consequently, new forms of internal colonization. This essay also urges the conceptualization of “citizens” to de-link with the notion of nationality based on abstract ideas of blood, religion, language, etc. “Citizens”—“city-dwellers”—should refer to those who live and work here belong to the place and should enjoy equal access to the social space. To elaborate my argument, I take the image of the sardine can at sea on Tempo magazine as a metaphorical trope for the complex logistical network that supports the neoliberal slavery system in the twenty-first century. From this axis of the logistic chain, I shall analyze the engine that drives the regeneration and transformation of the slavery system of today. The geo-historical parameters and the local economic demands are constitutive figures that pave the path to recruiting temporary migrant laborers as surplus reproductive troops. The discourse of multiculturalism is convenient for recruitment as a disguise. The juridical stipulations based on the legal ideology of citizenship further aggravate civic space's physical and symbolic violence. I shall conclude with the logistics of neoliberal slavery locked up with the citizenship ideology and propose a new conceptualization of citizenship and civil rights.

Language and identity: an inquiry of church-based U.S. citizenship education for refugee-background Bhutanese adults

This 17-month ethnographic case study, which is grounded in the notions of citizenship, language, and Bakhtin’s ideological becoming, examines the complex interplay of ideologies of citizenship, language, and identity in a church-based citizenship class in a Northeastern U.S. city. This study reveals the disconnects of ideologies of citizenship between refugee-background Bhutanese adults and their instructor. It also reveals the educational, cultural, and linguistic disconnects of citizenship practices in the class. This study illustrates that ideologies of citizenship education are not just about citizenship acquisition alone. Rather, they also index and enact ties of language and culture to being, to becoming, to doing, to valuing, and to knowing. This study contributes to a nuanced, situated, complex, and contested view of citizenship and fills a theoretical gap in the conceptualization of citizenship pedagogy.

The Body Politic and the Citizen’s Mouth: Oral Health and Dental Care in Nineteenth-Century Manhattan

As American democracy burgeoned in the 19th century, citizenship was expressed in the young nation in part through bodily-care regimes as well as consumption practices. The mouth, in particular, might therefore be considered a locus at which class, medical practices, and ideologies of citizenship and identity articulate. Historical bioarchaeology is uniquely situated to approach the broader social context of dental health in the past. Using multiple lines of evidence, including archaeological and archival sources, bioarchaeologists can investigate the ways discourses on health and the body, as well as urbanizing and industrializing forces, influenced both dental disease and dental care. This study investigates oral health in the skeletal remains from the Spring Street Presbyterian Church burial vaults (ca. 1820–1850) in New York City. Rates of carious lesions, abscesses, and antemortem tooth loss are contextualized through artifacts and historical documents. Archaeological evidence in the burial vaults for dental care includes prosthetic devices and fillings, while archival sources document preventative dental care, dietary choices, and engagement with discourses on the body and citizenship.

Концепции гражданства и сословность в русской истории — преемственность и / или разрыв

The author studied the development of the concept “people” in contemporary history tak­ing into account its possible interpretation as a bearer of sovereignty. This concept goes back to the time of early bourgeois revolutions. The author holds that there are certain parallels between the ideology of citizenship, the development of the concept “people / nation” and the interpretation of the concept “citizenship”. Contemporary theoretical debates about citizen­ship are fully applicable to the history of the interpretation of citizenship in Russia. The Unit­ed States or Great Britain have a century-long tradition of citizenship. Unlike them, Russia has gone through several stages of radical changes associated with deep political and social transformations, hence a variety of understanding of the concept analysed. A paradoxical interpretation of the concept "citizen" in Russia became evident in the 18th century. Then a citizen and a subject tended to be used either as synonyms or “citizens” were understood as a social group related to nobility. Thus, the concept analysed was used in a variety of meanings and contexts. The same duality in the interpretation of citizenship within the class society manifested itself on the eve of the 1917 Revolution. The class-based duality of citizenship was also noticeable during the Soviet period. After the radical break with the past proclaimed by the Bolsheviks, the old class stratification system had to be changed. In the first month after the Revolution, the Bolsheviks officially abolished estates, titles and ranks. Under the 1918 Constitution of the RSFSR, the concept “class” became a legal term in Soviet Russia. Only “workers” received political rights and thus full citizenship. The official civil status or citi­zenship was an integral part of the ideology of workers and “exploited” classes as opposed to “non-working, bourgeois elements”. The idea of citizenship ceased to depend on territory and nationality. As a result, a group of people was legally deprived of citizenship while perma­nently residing in the state. Paradoxically, in Soviet Russia citizenship was defined through its absence, through what it was not. The concepts of citizenship and classhood during the Imperial and So­viet periods often coexisted, complementing each other and forming a bizarre synthesis of traditional and modern approaches to the interpretation of the concept of citizen­ship.

A Rhetorical Matter of Life and Law: The Speculative Futures of (Bio)political Reproduction

This essay argues that the ‘materiality’ of life and law are today technological artefacts of a biopolitical project, and that sexual-reproductive and legislative boundaries are the boundaries around which power coheres and materializes—making life law’s matter, an effect that is slyly taken up as legal ‘cause’. I offer as case studies readings of two incommensurable texts: Milan Kundera’s political fiction, The Joke, and the contemporary fertility industry, an instantiation of biopolitical techno-science. Bringing into tension the ‘materiality’ of life and law across these two sites, I hope to surface some of the vernaculars of (bio)political power—rhetorical matters of historical, political, socioeconomic, and technological concern that nevertheless claim the objectivity of ‘matter’. Both texts also concern reproduction—sexual, artificial, cultural, political—and how it is used to promote a certain ideology of citizenship and to regulate political ‘freedoms’. While Kundera’s novel, written in the 1960s, represents a critique of ‘old’ materialism as the reproduction of Communist State power, here, in juxtaposition, Kundera’s fiction occasions my critique of (legal) ‘new’ materialism—as neoliberal and biopolitical investment in the speculative futures proffered by the fertility industry.

Citizenship as Barrier and Opportunity for Ancient Greek and Modern Refugees

Some dominant traditions in Refugee Studies have stressed the barrier which state citizenship presents to the displaced. Some have condemned citizenship altogether as a mechanism and ideology for excluding the weak (G. Agamben). Others have seen citizenship as an acute problem for displaced people in conditions, like those of the modern world, where the habitable world is comprehensively settled by states capable of defending their territory and organised in accordance with interstate norms, which leaves very limited space for the foundation of new communities with their own meaningful citizenship (H. Arendt). This paper engages with these prominent approaches, but also with more recent arguments that, when handled and adapted in the right way, the practices and ideology of citizenship also present opportunities for the displaced to form their own meaningful communities, exercise collective agency, and secure rights. It is argued that the evidence from ancient Greece shows that ancient Greek citizenship, an early forerunner of modern models of citizenship, could be imaginatively harnessed and adapted by displaced people and groups, in order to form effective and sometimes innovative political communities in exile, even after opportunities to found new city-states from scratch became quite rare (after c. 500 BC). Some relevant displaced groups experimented with more open and cosmopolitan styles of civic interaction and ideology in their improvised quasi-civic communities. The different kinds of ancient Greek informal ‘polis-in-exile’ can bring a new perspective on the wider debates and initiatives concerning refugee political agency and organisation in the ‘provocations’ in this special issue.

City and Reciprocity: The Role of Cultural Beliefs in the Roman Economy

Over the past decade, the New Institutional Economics have become a popular model for analyzing ancient economic history. However, the notion of cultural beliefs, which plays a central role in Douglass North’s recent work and Avner Greif’s analysis of institutional change, has been largely ignored. This article argues that a neo-institutional approach taking this notion into account offers a better means of understanding how ideology and moral values influenced the ancient economy than the Finleyan model. Rather than acting as a deterministic constraint on human behavior, cultural beliefs help to orient decision making and allow one to anticipate the (re)actions of others. This article explores two key sets of norms and values in Roman culture that profoundly marked the economy’s institutional framework. The first focused on reciprocity, which supported social networks beyond the confines of the familia-freedmen group and underlay the development of contract and agency law. The second was based on citizenship, which shaped political culture by creating individual rights and obligations that the political elite was given the authority to enforce in order to secure and stimulate both private and common interests. This resulted in Roman law and the distribution of justice. Ideologically, the Roman Empire presented itself as a meta-city that incorporated local communities, which were in turn gradually transformed to fit the civitas model. Both sets of beliefs lowered transaction costs without threatening the preeminent position of local and imperial aristocracies. Toward the end of the second century CE, local communities weakened as the imperial administration grew stronger, causing local and regional aristocracies to turn to the imperial court and army for status, influence, and power. The ideology of citizenship as the guiding principle of political culture gave way to that of the sacred emperor, who guaranteed divine justice and order.

“Tendrils of Association”: World War I Narrative and the U.S. Political Imaginary

Vincent considers the way U.S. literature of the 1920s and 1930s used the rhetorical occasion of World War I to promote revisions of U.S. liberalism and its prevailing ideologies of citizenship. Urged on by desires for a more cohesive polity, Vincent argues, numerous war novelists made use of the cultures of allegiance and collectivity fostered by war mobilization as rhetorical means by which to bridge gaps in notions of political obligation enabled by the flimsier, more local interests of laissez-faire. Borrowing from supplementary logics of valuation extrinsic to the liberal-democratic tradition—religious, masculine, statist, militarist—many war narratives advanced discourses of sacrifice and preparedness to promote broader metrics of affiliation more likely to achieve national community and the accommodation of a more managerial state. In part, this essay seeks to revise the sometimes monolithic focus on modernist or experimental writing in assessments of the postwar moment as an antiwar watershed. Vincent emphasizes war narrative's continuities with prior Progressive-Era longings for compulsory civic foundations as well as the bourgeoning culture of national security that, in some respects, grew out of the Great War's political crucible.

Training Researchers in Cultural Psychiatry: The McGill-CIHR Strategic Training Program

The authors aim to summarize the pedagogical approaches and curriculum used in the training of researchers in cultural psychiatry at the Division of Social and Transcultural Psychiatry at McGill University. We reviewed available published and unpublished reports on the history and development of the McGill cultural psychiatry programs to identify the main orientations (conceptual and methodological), teaching methods, curriculum and course content. Student evaluations of teaching were reviewed. Follow-up data on research and other academic activities and employment of trainees who graduated from the program was obtained by e-mail questionnaire. The McGill program includes a Master of Science program, an intensive summer school, annual Advanced Study Institutes, and the McGill-CIHR Strategic Training Program in Culture and Mental Health Services Research. The interdisciplinary training setting emphasizes the cultural history and embedding of psychiatric knowledge and practice; the social construction of ethnicity, race, and cultural identity; the impact of globalization, migration, and ideologies of citizenship on individual identity and the configuration of cultural communities; and the integration of quantitative and qualitative ethnographic methods in basic and evaluative research. This critical transdisciplinary approach provides researchers with conceptual tools to address the impact of the changing meanings of culture and ethnicity difference in the contemporary world on mental health services.

A More Meaningful Citizenship Test - Unmasking the Construction of a Universalist, Principle-Based Citizenship Ideology

principle-centered community, but to expand the notion of citizenship to include notions of othemess, through which we can identify with democratic principles and forge a unified identity. This is the rhetorical and ideological challenge we face. Only then will citizenship be sufficiently inclusive and truly meaningful. This content downloaded from 157.55.39.255 on Wed, 25 May 2016 06:48:23 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 1032 CALIFORNIA LA WRE VIEW [Vol. 96:999

Admitting hospital patients: a qualitative study of an everyday nursing task

In recent years new modes of nursing work have been introduced globally in response to radical changes in healthcare policies, technology and new ideologies of citizenship. These transformations have redefined orthodox nurse-patient relationships and further complicated the division of labour within health-care. One distinctive feature of the work of registered nurses has been their initial assessment of patients being admitted to hospital, and it is of interest that this area of nursing practice remains central to the registered nurse's role at a time where other areas of practice have been relinquished to other occupational groups. This qualitative study, drawing on conversation analysis and ethnographic techniques, explores this area of everyday nursing work. Initial nursing assessments have attracted considerable interest in the nursing literature, where it is clearly stated that assessments should be patient centred and seen as the important first step on the road to a therapeutic nurse-patient relationship. Results from this study lead to the conclusion that the actual nursing practice of patient assessment on admission to hospital is at odds with the recommendations of the literature and that a more routinised, bureaucratic form of work is devised by nurses as a means of expediting the process of admission.

The Greek house and the ideology of citizenship

This paper explores the relationship between the egalitarian ideology of the Greek polis and the development of the complex, self-contained courtyard house. The polis was a ‘corporate’ state in which power was shared among a body of nominally equal citizens, rather than being centralized in the hands of an individual or small group. Elevating the citizen male to the status of head of an independent household, free from outside interference or ties of patronage, was one of the ways in which this equality was fostered; the enclosed form of the courtyard house advertised its owner's autonomy and adherence to shared moral codes, and thus his eligibility for access to power. The preference for new housing to be arranged in regular grid-plans also suggests a desire to avoid kin-based patterns of residence, replacing them with a new kind of solidarity based on membership of the citizen group.

The 'womanly vote' and women citizens: Debates on women's franchise in late colonial India1

This article explores the formation and gendering of Indian nationalist ideologies of citizenship through an examination of suffrage debates in India in the period 1917 to the 1940s. The article draws attention to citizenship as a terrain of struggle, where a multitude of socio-political forces and ideological formulations exist in unequal and conflicting relationships. It starts from the premise that the defining parameters of citizen ship in India emerged in the historical context of the anticolonial movement and the assertion of a national self-identity. The 'vote' assumed significance in this context as a claim to equality and to the political rights of citizenship that were denied to colonised subjects. However, the debates surrounding the vote as a measure of equality, disclose complex intersecting layers of socio-political forces-nationalist, colonialist, feminist, masculinist and conservative. This article focuses on the debates over women's franchise and the manner in which gendered meanings came to be attributed to the 'vote', with wide ranging implications for articulating women as citizens.

U.S. Immigration Officers of Mexican Ancestry as Mexican Americans, Citizens, and Immigration Police

U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) officers of Mexican ancestry do not identify with Mexican and other Latin American immigrants. Instead, they understand themselves as U.S. citizens who reject both domestic racism and ethnic loyalties that cross national borders. Their selfunderstandings emerge from processes that include U.S. citizenship ideology and social mobility into primarylabormarket jobs with stability, benefits, and progressive careers. These processes insulate them from the experience of immigrants in casual and insecure labor markets devoid of social benefits. Thus they differ from immigrants not only in being on opposite sides of the bureaucratic encounter but also in being at opposite poles of bureaucratized social citizenship. This suggests that a cause of opposition to immigration in advanced capitalist societies is that citizenshipbased job and benefit systems restrict the scope of empathy.

Naturalization language testing and its basis in ideologies of national identity and citizenship

National belonging is a central facet of modern social identities. In Europe, nation-building often went hand in hand with linguistic nationalism. While the monarchial empires that preceded the modern nation had been multilingual polities (e.g., the Habsburg Empire), nations were founded on the ideology of “One Language, One Nation.” Nations are not only “Imagined Communities,” that is, systems of cultural representation whereby people come to imagine a shared experience of identification with an extended community, but also exclusionary historical and institutional practices to which access is restricted via citizenship. Linguistic restrictions to such access can be found in naturalization language testing, which usually takes place during the naturalization interview and tests the applicant's proficiency in a country's official and/or majority language. In this paper I examine the interrelationship of ideologies of national and linguistic identity and the ways in which they impact upon ideologies of citizenship. I describe current naturalization legislationina number of countries and the ways in which it is based on these ideologies. The paper has a special focus on Germany where naturalization legislation changed on January 1st, 2000. I describe the linguistic tests as they are stipulated by law and as they are conducted in actual practice. Finally, I turn away from the national ideologies behind these language tests to the linguistic ideologies that (mis)inform them. The data for this analysis come mainly from legal texts pertaining to naturalization, but also from newspaper accounts and interviews with naturalization candidates. I will show that the relationship between naturalization and language requirements depends on the different national ideologies that the various countries hold. The paper ends with the conclusion that most of the practices I report on are compatible neither with a contemporary understanding of citizenship nor with recent advances in linguistic research and the study of multilingualism.

Marriage, naming and the state

A name is not merely a personal identifier but an object over which state and corporate bodies regard themselves as having the right of control. In the modern state, ideologies of citizenship, ethnocentrism, colonialism, have long entailed the manipulation of personal names. The married change-name is, among other things, a psychological act, an imprinting by society on the (bride-bridegroom) initiate’s consciousness. A newly-coined married name encodes new information about the man or woman. It connotes primarily that a new social relationship has occurred. A new name is a symbol of allegiance to a new person, a new nexus of relations, a starting-over. Fufu bessei is the practice in Japan of the retention of former surnames after marriage. Retention of the surname is a ruptus in traditional symbolic reference, a social and psychological discontinuity. A review of global practice regarding post-marriage naming reveals no uniformity but rather variation. At the same time, there appears to be many possible reasons why an individual decides to change or not to change. Marriage name-change/name-retention thus comprise an ideological speech-act: a linguistic expression of a form of consciousness which sustains and legitimates a state of affairs or which, conversely, indicates rejection of particular practices and institutions.

Political Science, the Labor Movement, and the Struggle for Freedom of Expression

This article examines the role of the labor movement in the struggle for freedom of expression between 1877 and 1919. Conventional scholarship has not addressed the fact that from the end of the Civil War to the passage of the Wagner Act in 1935 the most significant institutional actor in the struggle for freedom of expression was the labor movement. Workers, struggling both for narrow, immediate interests and for broader social justice, had to use associational and expressive activity to further their goals. While the labor movement did not have a modern civil libertarian perspective, its activities did lead to serious thinking about rights. Prior to 1900, organizations like the Knights of Labor and craft unions tended to associate freedom of expression with a broader republican ideology of citizenship. After 1900, the American Federation of Labor and even the Industrial Workers of the World began to articulate a more specific, First Amendment conception of these rights. In the process, they raised significant questions about freedom of expression and played a major role in forcing the judiciary to confront these issues.

The future of cultural psychiatry: an international perspective.

Cultural psychiatry has evolved along 3 lines: 1) cross-cultural comparative studies of psychiatric disorders and traditional healing; 2) efforts to respond to the mental health needs of culturally diverse populations that include indigenous peoples, immigrants, and refugees; and 3) the ethnographic study of psychiatry itself as the product of a specific cultural history. These studies make it clear that culture is fundamental both to the causes and course of psychopathology and also to the effectiveness of systems of healing. The provision of mental health services in multicultural societies has followed different models that reflect their specific histories of migration and ideologies of citizenship. Globalization has influenced psychiatry through socioeconomic effects on the prevalence and course of mental disorders, changing notions of ethnocultural identity, and the production of psychiatric knowledge. A cultural perspective can help clinicians and researchers become aware of the hidden assumptions and limitations of current psychiatric theory and practice and can identify new approaches appropriate for treating the increasingly diverse populations seen in psychiatric services around the world.

From Welfare to Work? Social Policy for Disabled People of Working Age in the United Kingdom in the 1990s

Disabled people of working age have been at the heart of recent welfare restructuring in the United Kingdom, but this has received little attention from mainstream social policy analysis. Both Conservative and Labour governments have introduced measures to promote labour force participation among disabled people, whilst discouraging dependence on welfare benefits. Whilst this new approach has been justified in terms of reducing poverty, its underlying imperatives are essentially inegalitarian. The welfare reform process has been driven by a number of official concerns including a perception of unsustainable fiscal pressures and a belief that perverse incentives in the social security benefit system have undermined economic efficiency. Moreover, it has been legitimated by an ideology of citizenship, which has shifted the moral responsibility for needs satisfaction away from the state to the individual. The paper concludes by identifying a better approach to welfare reform for disabled people of working age.