Racial Ideology Research Articles

Color-Evasive/Conscious? A Content Analysis of How Engineering Faculty Discuss Race and Racism in a U.S.-Based Equity-Focused STEM Professional Development Program

Against a backdrop of calls for increased access and participation in science, technology, engineering and mathematics, Hispanic-Serving Institutions (HSIs) in the United States have emerged as critical access points for Latina/o/x and other Students of Color. Federal grants can become important levers for building institutional capacity for broadening participation in STEM and transforming HSIs toward better serving Students of Color, specifically as it relates to curricula and pedagogy. In this study, we focus on the engineering faculty at an HSI who are participants in a National Science Foundation-funded, equity-focused professional development program. Operationalizing Bonilla-Silva’s color-evasive racial ideology framework, we use content analysis techniques to explore how engineering faculty discuss race and racism as part of the professional development experience. First, we find that engineering faculty largely rely on color-evasive racial frameworks (i.e., abstract liberalism, minimization of racism) when describing their motivations for participating in the program. Moreover, we find that engineering faculty responses depict a range of surprise and familiarity when reflecting on issues of race and racism. Finally, regardless of prior exposure to module concepts, at the end of the program, the majority of action projects reflect a recognition of race and racism as important.

Visualising Heritage: a critical discourse analysis of place, race, and nationhood along the Erie Canal

ABSTRACT The Erie Canal forever changed the American environment, both materially and ideologically. Since 1825, the iconic New York waterway’s primary use has evolved from transportation to recreation. Today, leisure along the Erie Canal celebrates the “Empire State” throughout a Rust Belt still reeling from the racialised environmental injustices of industrial development and decline. This study collectively examines a wide sample of Erie Canal representations along its historic corridor to see their most recurring pattern: the dominant Erie Canal discourse. Through critical discourse analysis, this research qualitatively examines what is most often included and excluded in Erie Canal communication. The findings reveal a nostalgic, imposed gaze underpinned by the powerful ideologies of place, race, and nationhood that sustain inequality. We argue that in order for Erie Canal heritage spaces to initiate a democratisation process, these reproducing discourses of exclusion must be taken seriously.

Racism Dissemination Model and Simulation Analysis Considering Crowd Classification with Intervention Strategies

The extensive propagation of racism and the endless occurrence of racist speeches on social outlets imperil the harmony and resilience of societies. Consecutively, it is required to work in-depth analysis of the structure process, dynamical interaction, and intervention impact on racism spread and related devastation. As such, the diffusion of racism may flow via a socially contagious approach, in which racist ideologies bear like an infectious disease transmission. In this study, we propose and analyze the S 1 S 2 S 3 H R C I compartmental mathematical model to comprehend how racists disseminate their opinions and influence society with intervention strategies. We proved the well-posedness of the proposed model. Convection, hesitation, and rejection of racist ideology measure the strength of racist militancy. Through rigorous theoretical analysis, racism-free and racism-addicted equilibrium are locally and globally asymptotically stable if the effective threshold value R e < 1 and R e > 1 , respectively. Sensitivity analyses are performed based on the effective threshold value to seek influential control parameters of the model. The result implies high levels of racist combativeness and low likelihood of rejection of awarded individuals have fostered racism dissemination. Nevertheless, effective antiracism education and racist confinement create a social environment beyond racism and reduce the peril of bigotry. Through extensive simulations, we study the racism dissemination process will decline and vanish if the community resilience boots via antiracism education and efficient racist confinement. Furthermore, racist confinement is more effective when compared to antiracism education. We examine the impact of integrating interventions, and the result exhibits that combining intervention strategies is better relevant than a sole intervention.

Blackness, Koreanness, and Han: Unmasking Race in Korean Hip Hop

Previous studies have analyzed Korean hip hop through the lens of authenticity, language, and cultural hybridity, but not through the lens of race. One of the main characteristics of hip hop culture is that it emerged in the form of resistance against dominant hegemony and as a form of resistance to systemic injustice; however, it is difficult to find K-hip hop artists that defy the racial supremacy of Koreanness and racism through their art. This article utilizes Yoon Mi-rae, who is half-Black and half-Korean, as a significant text to explore how race plays a role in Korean society and how Blackness, Koreanness, and han intersect in the K-hip hop scene. Utilizing the concept of community cultural wealth, interest convergence principle, and Koreanness, the study analyzes how Yoon Mi-rae’s “Black Koreanness” was consumed by Korean media and music industry, and how Yon Mi-rae, as an embodiment of Blackness and Han, uses hip hop and her intersectionality as a tool of resistance to both the mainstream American and mainstream Korean racial ideology and discourse. With the growing influence and popularity of K-hip hop globally, the article problematizes the message K-hip hop is reflecting and sending the world about race.

The Religion of Life: Eugenics, Race, and Catholicism in Chile

Sarah Walsh's original history of intellectual elites, science, health, and white supremacy in Chile covers the associations between eugenics, the idea of race, women, and Catholicism in the early twentieth century. The Religion of Life: Eugenics, Race, and Catholicism in Chile is Walsh's first book and examines social constructions from the previously unexplored angle of science, medicine, and religion. The last, as the author illustrates, converges with eugenics within secular approaches, the majority of which address the “harmonious relationship” between science and religion and the notion of race as a biological categorization (p. 51). In a period in which the social question emerged and flourished, modernization, urbanization, and the tensions of modern life overlapped with disputes concerning political power voiced by the traditional sectors, with increasing input from secular groups. Here, the traditional charity of the Catholic Church and Christianism began to be seen as an inefficient strategy that merely made problems tolerable, while the scientific methods involved in social work were seen as outstandingly efficient in creating eugenic fitness. Catholic and secular Chilean intellectuals agreed on gender differences and the homogeneity of race. On the latter, the imaginary of mestizaje as a route of progress predominated. The book shows how, following the separation of church and state in 1925, the strength and influence of Catholics in Chile endured throughout the remainder of the twentieth century through eugenics. Walsh exposes how the local Catholic eugenic narrative supported positive eugenics and perpetuated the primary role of women in preserving racial health.The book explores how the imaginary of the “Chilean race” is both visualized and shaped through exclusion, a point exemplified by the work of Nicolás Palacios. The elimination of the local Indigenous peoples and the narrative of their amalgamation into a single homogeneous local race served as a point of commonality, perpetuating the myth of mestizaje across the field. Although mestizaje was also present in Brazil and Mexico, in Chile as a racial ideology it fit with ideas of national racial supremacy over other countries in the region based on the myth of the Araucanians.The Religion of Life is well founded on primary sources—namely, articles in local publications, newspapers, medical journals, and monographs from throughout the period. Walsh connects the local eugenics scene with a worldwide network of knowledge production from which developed the imprecise ties between environment, heredity, and eugenic fitness that allowed Catholic intellectuals to find a niche within the field of eugenics. The book's introduction clearly locates the field both globally and regionally, establishing the origins of eugenics in Latin America as the “synthesis of neo-Lamarckism and Darwinism” (p. 7). The book is then divided into six chapters. The first three deal with Catholicism and eugenics as intellectual frameworks that converge and interact, while the last three focus on the role of eugenics literature in the early twentieth-century emergence of racial thinking. Although repetitive at times, the book is well grounded in the history of eugenics, although it could have better contextualized this within local history. Walsh concludes by proposing a connection between Salvador Allende and Augusto Pinochet based on a shared cultural context and privileged background. However, this assertion is somewhat forced and arguably inaccurate, as Pinochet belonged to neither an intellectual elite nor a cultural aristocracy, as evidenced in a variety of research. Although certain military figures were connected with such elites, Pinochet held a lower rank than such figures, and the infantry branch to which he belonged was less well thought of among the various bodies of the armed forces. If he did indeed succeed in climbing the social ladder, this was due to his marriage to Lucía Hiriart, whose family had a richer cultural background. The fact that he was not well received initially by Hiriart's family reinforces Pinochet's nonelite background.Walsh's contribution would have been strengthened by more profound reflection on gender, social class, and the patriarchy through theory that extends the human sciences framework. Nevertheless, the book valuably explores the global, regional, and local history of eugenics and Catholicism. She unravels how the local imaginary of race was constructed and how it evolved, shedding light on subsequent interpretation of the taboos of sex, sexual desire, physical sexual malformations, and dysgenic deviance in relation to pigmentocracy as a physical expression of abnormality. She also exposes how eugenic fitness was linked to environment in a way that supported a hierarchized, classist, and exclusionary society that endures in Chile to this day. This contribution makes The Religion of Life highly relevant to current identity debates in Chile concerning its Indigenous peoples.

Writing Chinese Nationals into the History of Nazi Germany

Writing Chinese Nationals into the History of Nazi Germany Kimberly Cheng (bio) In 1944, thirty-eight-year-old Cheng Shu Chi (鄭紹箕) arrived in Germany as a forced laborer from Poland.1 Cheng first left Zhejiang province for Lodz in 1935 to assume a position in his cousin's silk factory. In 1939, he moved to Warsaw, where he earned money as a transportation worker. There, he married Maria Ugorowska in April 1941, converting to Catholicism and adopting the name Stanislaw. Later that same year, Nazi officials deported Cheng and his wife to Saalfeld, Thuringia, to undertake forced labor for the German war effort. Cheng worked as a sawmill worker until the war's end.2 A part of the 1.7 million Polish laborers whom the Nazis forcibly relocated to Germany, Cheng's story raises many questions.3 Did the Nazis categorize Cheng as a forced laborer from Eastern Europe or as Chinese? How did Cheng live day-to-day in Germany? What happened to Cheng's wife, and how did the Nazis regard the married couple? While the historical record does not reveal much else, Cheng's story complicates our notions of who constituted a Polish forced laborer in Germany and prompts us to question whether the Nazis adjusted their racial categories for someone like Cheng. From the 1820s onwards, Chinese nationals consistently journeyed to Germany.4 When Hitler came to power, the June 1933 census counted 827 Chinese within Germany's borders.5 At its height, the Chinese population of the Third Reich reached approximately 1,600 people, made up predominantly of men. Most were diplomats, merchants, ship-hands, traveling circus artists, and study-abroad students, who resided in cities including Berlin, Hamburg, Bremen, and Munich.6 The stories of Chinese people in the Third Reich demonstrate the myriad ways that Nazi authorities treated Chinese nationals, exposing the contradictions between Nazi racial imaginings and the actual implementation of racial policy. In the Third Reich, some Chinese did end up in concentration camps. For example, in 1944, the Hamburg Gestapo rounded up 130 Chinese, sending them primarily to Fuhlsbüttel.7 Others, however, survived relatively unscathed. In fact, when a Chinese military mission arrived in Germany in 1946 to evaluate the wartime damages incurred by its nationals, the mission found that some commended how well Germans had treated them.8 Moreover, during the Nazi period, especially before 1938, some Chinese were even able to help those more vulnerable to racial persecution. Chinese [End Page 130] restaurateurs in Berlin served German Jews who were unwelcome in German-run restaurants, and some Chinese men saved German Jewish women from deportation through marriage.9 What accounts for this spectrum of Chinese experiences in Nazi Germany? Although Hitler deemed the Chinese racially unfit, Chinese nationals' foreign citizenship, socio-economic standing, and small numbers led Nazi officials to treat its Chinese population in a varied manner. Before Germany broke relations with China for Japan in 1938, the importance of Germany's China trade sometimes swayed Nazi authorities to override their own racial policies.10 Moreover, the upper-class status and societal connections of some Chinese shielded them from persecution. Lower-class and politically active leftist Chinese bore the brunt of Nazi maltreatment.11 Last, the Chinese population was so small that many Chinese simply slipped through the cracks. Regarding Germany's Chinese population, Nazi authorities at times subordinated their own racial ideology for the sake of foreign relations, the consolidation of power, and the pursuit of more salient threats. The history of Chinese nationals in the Third Reich exposes the chasm that existed between Nazi racial thinking and how Nazi authorities erected their racial state. The curious status of Chinese people reveals the tensions that lay between Nazi racial ideology, racial policy, and the application of law. Furthermore, focusing on Chinese nationals complements existing scholarship on smaller communities of racial minorities in Nazi Germany, such as the Afro-German, Korean, and Arab populations. Although demographically insignificant, the Chinese community of the Third Reich, sheds significant light on the making of race and status in the Nazi Germany. Kimberly Cheng kimberly cheng (kac780@nyu.edu) is a visiting postdoctoral fellow at the German Historical Institute...

Algorithms of Oppression: How Search Engines Reinforce Racism

Algorithms of Oppression: How Search Engines Reinforce Racism

Race-Making across Empires: The Racial Formation of Louisiana’s Filipino Communities from the Antebellum Era through Jim Crow

Race-Making across Empires: The Racial Formation of Louisiana’s Filipino Communities from the Antebellum Era through Jim Crow Michael Menor Salgarolo (bio) At the height of southern Jim Crow and the dawn of America’s colonial empire in the Pacific, Filipino nationalist intellectual Sixto López paid a visit to Louisiana. López was surprised to learn that communities of Filipino fishermen had settled in Louisiana’s bayous decades before America’s colonization of the Philippines in 1898. He was even more surprised to see the way they were treated by their white neighbors. “[I]t might be thought,” wrote López, “that in New Orleans, where southern racial or ‘color’ prejudice is said to run to extremes, the Filipinos would be subjected to all the disabilities and prejudices attaching to the negro.” López found, however, that such was not the case. He noted that many Filipinos had close personal and commercial relationships with Cajuns, Italians, and the other white inhabitants of southern Louisiana. Many Filipino fishermen had married white women and sent their children to white schools. The apparent lack of discrimination faced by Filipinos in Louisiana was all the more unexpected given the context of American colonialism in the Philippines, where the United States justified its domination of the islands by propagating the notion that Filipinos were racially unfit for self-governance. While “in his own country, [the Filipino] is a semi-savage, incapable of exercising the rights of citizenship,” López observed, “the Filipinos of New Orleans are in all respects treated as white men.”1 [End Page 25] By the time of López’s arrival, Filipino men had established settlements in lower Louisiana for nearly half a century.2 Their arrival was a result of Western commercial expansion into East Asia in the nineteenth century. As Spain’s imperial government began to open Philippine ports to trade with all nations, a spike in foreign commerce led to a demand for native Philippine sailors, known in the English-speaking world as “Manilamen.” Often recruited through deception or coercion, “Manilamen,” like nineteenth-century sailors of all nationalities, frequently evaded brutal working conditions by deserting when ships came to port. Filipino deserters formed communities in port cities such as New York, Philadelphia, Liverpool, and Barcelona and built fishing villages in Australia’s Torres Strait and Kalk Bay, South Africa.3 In Louisiana, Filipino sailors established a semi-autonomous settlement at a place called Bayou St. Malo, located deep in the coastal marshes of St. Bernard Parish. St. Malo was named for Juan San Maló, the leader of an eighteenth-century Black maroon community who lived on the site.4 By the late nineteenth century, St. Malo had become home to nearly 150 people, mostly Filipino fishermen and their families.5 [End Page 26] In this article, I contextualize López’s observations about race by reconstructing the racial formation of Louisiana Filipinos from the mid-nineteenth century to the early twentieth.6 Using newspapers, census manuscripts, memoirs, and court records, I shed light on a process shaped by both imperial racial knowledge and local racial ideologies. Much of the historical literature on Asian American migration to the U.S. South has focused on the issue of racial formation. A number of important studies have focused on the segregated South in the mid-twentieth century, seeking to answer the paradigmatic question, “where did the Asian sit on the segregated bus?” Scholars have built on Leslie Bow’s nuanced understanding of Asian Americans in the South as “interstitial” figures whose presence reveals both the limits and the flexibility of Jim Crow’s Black-white racial binary.7 These studies form part of a growing field of writing on “third” or “inbetween” peoples in the South and the nation that examines the ways non-Black racialized peoples have navigated, challenged, and upheld systems of white supremacy rooted in anti-Black racism.8 Scholars have tackled similar questions in studies of Creoles of color in New Orleans, seeking to understand how this population of mixed European and African descent claimed rights and defined their social identities within the rigid [End Page 27] Black-white racial binary...

Raising “Antiracist Disruptors”: Illuminating Socialization Practices that Support Antiracism in Multiracial Households

Although an emerging body of literature has advanced our knowledge of how monoracial parents can support their multiracial children in understanding the ethnic-racial identities they hold, there is a dearth of research exploring how parents socialize their children towards antiracism. Drawing from ten interviews with monoracial parents of multiracial children, this paper illuminates how parents leverage multiracial socialization practices, as identified in previous academic research, to instill an antiracist orientation in their children. Using consensual qualitative analyses, we find that although all parents had a vested interest in the wellbeing and identity development of their multiracial children, parents qualitatively differed in their ability and willingness to instill an antiracist orientation in their children. Specifically, parents in our sample exhibited five approaches to multiracial socialization, ranging from those that reinforced dominant racial ideologies to those that explicitly aimed to prepare youth to become antiracist activists. We also describe how monoracial parents’ lived experiences are implicated in their engagement in multiracial socialization practices, especially those that better position them to prepare their children to engage in antiracism. Our findings illuminate how monoracial parents may engage in a repertoire of strategies in order to foster antiracism in multiracial children, molding the next generation of “antiracist disruptors.”

Ideology of the West in Hamid’s the Reluctant Fundamentalist

This study intends to explore the ideology of the West in The Reluctant Fundamentalist by Mohsin Hamid who successfully portrayed the impact of 9/11 to view the ideology of the West for the East (Muslims). Edward Said’s Orientalism is an idea that represents views of the West about the East that fails to understand the cultural differences and perceives the East as biased, and subvert being opposed to reality. This idea of the West is rooted in the history of colonization and racism. The study follows qualitative research in the literary work of The Reluctant Fundamentalist by Mohsin Hamid through the dialogues of Changez. The novel depicted Changez as a reluctant fundamentalist and he was encountered of being Muslim due to the violent acts of some extreme radicals, and gave rise to the racist ideology of Islamophobia of the West.

The Colors of Masculinity: Experiences of Power and Intersectionality in Nuestra América

This article proposes that masculinity in Colombia can be better understood by examining the extent to which masculine norms, positions, and identities are relative and shaped by the interactions between class, color, race, and region. To do this, I outline theoretical positions that have informed my research on the gender experiences of men in Colombia. Ideas put forward by Black Feminism, and concepts such as Nuestra América (Our America), Amefricanidade, and intersectionality have allowed me to understand the different “colors” of Colombian masculinities, in a context where the overlap of racial ideologies with gender domination plays a central role.

Reconstruction and Social Development

Reconstruction, after slavery and the Civil War, helped lay down the foundation of what we call Constitutional Democracy in America. As the world wars ended, countries woke up after a long oppressive night of bad dreams. These “undeveloped states” of the post-postcolonial heritage have evolved into the so-called Third World, aka, the “underdeveloped” or “developing” nations. There is a developmental dialectic in the becoming of these “welfare states” striving for democratic governance for progressive social change. A general rubric of reconstruction or “nation building” is usually referred to as Social Development (SD) with implicit specificity of regional goals. This article is a critique of the developmental processes which have impacted human lives and social structures in the global North and South with emphasis on the American history, racial ideology, and political structuralism, loosely entitled “Third Reconstruction.”

Walk Down Memory Lane: Racial Injustice in Lewis Nkosi’s Mating Birds

Using as a stepping stone Mating Birds by the late South African novelist Lewis Nkosi, I take a trip down memory lane to grapple with the issue of justice in apartheid era South Africa. The paper argues that the scales of the judiciary under the system of institutionalized racism was heavily weighted in favour of the white minority who ruled the roost in South Africa from 1948 to the early 1990s. Underpinned by a racist ideology that foregrounded the supposed purity of Afrikanerdom, the steamroller of the judicial system under apartheid denied any rights to South African blacks and coloured alike to the point of forefending love across the colour bar. The lead character in Mating Birds, to wit Sibiya, knows only too well the strictures of an unfair administration of justice. Sentenced to death by hanging for allegedly raping a white girl, his dogged impassioned denials fails to pack a punch as the laws of his country make it a crime for a black man to even have designs (no matter how sincere) on a white girl. Tapping into a methodology based on philosophical, sociological, psychoanalytic, psychological perspectives, the paper brings to light the multifaceted cruelty of race-spiked injustice as evidenced by Sidiya’s plight.

Taking the “Race” Out of Master Race: The Evolving Role of the Jew in White Supremacist Discourse

Abstract Across Europe and North America, political leaders and elites use ethnoreligious appeals based on white supremacist ideology with increasing success. Yet this rhetoric frequently includes positive references to Jews and Israel. What explains this pivot away from the historic reliance on the so-called “nefarious, menacing Jew”? Rather than interpret the transformation of the white supremacist Jewish trope as an ideological shift, this article demonstrates that the transformation reflects a mainstreaming of white supremacist discourse. More specifically, as white supremacist discourse increasingly finds a home in successful nativist political parties, framing Jews as a religion rather than a race sidesteps hurdles to attracting votes. Second, positive references to Israel rather than Jews demonstrates the evolution of an identitarian strand within white supremacy rather than a de-escalation of racist ideology. A comparison of the German AfD and the American Republican Party, two parties that increasingly employ white supremacist rhetoric alongside pro- Jewish rhetoric, illustrates the phenomenon. Within a larger political context, the de-racializing of Jews in white supremacist discourse reflects a shift in twenty-first century nativism from a preoccupation with race and nationality, to a focus on civilizational, cultural, and religious identities.

Introduction and Response to Special Issue

Introduction and Response to Special Issue

The Biopolitics of Education in the Third Reich's ‘Special Schools’ and ‘Elite Schools’

AbstractWhile discussion of eugenics and biopolitics during the Third Reich has largely focused upon the regime's most destructive and genocidal policies, this article concentrates on Nazi ‘special schools’ and ‘elite schools’ as a crucial sphere of quasi-eugenic thought and praxis, drawing attention to education as a previously under-researched category of intervention in the history of modern biopolitics. The article also sheds new light on the racialized nature of the Nazi ‘national community’ (the Volksgemeinschaft), and contributes to recent debates on the Third Reich's status as a ‘racial state’ which suggest that the National Socialist regime was driven less by fanatical adherence to racial ideology, and more by a mixture of anthropological and eugenic racism, combined with productivist pragmatism. The two case-studies draw attention to less familiar corners of the National Socialist pedagogical landscape, covering both extremes of the spectrum of biological selection in education, from the negative, eugenic policies applied to supposedly ‘abnormal’ pupils at the so-called ‘special schools’ (Hilfsschulen), to the ‘positive’ biological selection of elite-school applicants at the National Political Education Institutes (Nationalpolitische Erziehungsanstalten, NPEA), the regime's principal training institutions for the future elite of the Third Reich.

Negotiating between East and West: The Case of Russian Orientalism

This article examines Russian Orientalist visual and material culture and its entanglement with, first, imperialist ambitions and racial ideologies and, second, institutional critique and anticolonial resistance. Given the country’s perpetually conflicted self-identification as neither fully European nor Asian, the demarcations between the ‘self’ and the ‘other,’ first theorized by Edward Said, remained ambiguous and elusive in the Russian context, resulting in an Orientalist mode that was prone to hybridity, syncretism, and even self-Orientalization. Through close readings of several representative artworks by Vasilii Vereshchagin, Ilia Repin, and Mikhail Vrubel, among others, the article argues that the instability and rupture inherent in Russian Orientalism open up new modes of studying art in the age of empire that hold important implications for current calls to decolonize art history. Finally, it provides a brief overview of the historiography on Russian Orientalist art and concludes with a discussion of the latter’s ongoing relevance to contemporary Russian culture and politics.

Whites Only: Race and Mobility in Kym Ragusa's The Skin Between Us: A Memoir of Race, Beauty, and Belonging and Claudia Rankine's Citizen: An American Lyric

Whites Only: Race and Mobility in Kym Ragusa's <i>The Skin Between Us: A Memoir of Race, Beauty, and Belonging</i> and Claudia Rankine's <i>Citizen: An American Lyric</i>

STATE IDEOLOGY IS AN ESSENTIAL COMPONENT OF SUCCESSFUL POLICY AND CREATING STATE DEVELOPMENT

Introduction. The subject of the scientific analysis presented in the report is the concept, the main content characteristics, patterns and priority directions of the content transformation of ideology as a social phenomenon, the problems of the possibility, necessity and difficulties of forming a state ideology, the specifics of its implementation in the context of both new opportunities and a great variety of internal and external threats. It is emphasized that ideology, being in a state of dialectical development, appropriately rethinks the constants and contradictions of objective reality, while maintaining its "civilizational code" and its functional purpose. Methodology and methods. Dialectical-materialistic research model; methods of observation and comparison, analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, mental modeling, ascent from the abstract to the concrete. The results of the study. Attention is focused on the dangers of the ideology of great-power chauvinism and geopolitical hegemonism, the fusion of liberalism with the ideology of racism, radical nationalism and fascism, the ideology of spiritual poverty and imbecility. In a comparative cross-country and intercivilizational way, the features of a great variety of ideological concepts are analyzed, the author's position on the prospects for the formation of state ideology in the conditions of pluralism and broad political freedoms of modern Russia is presented. The strategic expediency of maintaining the prohibition of state or mandatory ideology is questioned, the answer to the question of the possibility, necessity and practical significance of state ideology is presented. Justifies the justice of the fact that the state cannot exist without a scientifically based ideological platform in a long historical perspective, that the rejection of the state idea provokes serious failures in values. Discussion and conclusion. Attention is drawn to the ideological, scientific and legal difficulties of the formation of state ideology in the value space of a modern democratic state. As a final conclusion, itis proved that the dominant ideological system consolidating society and ensuring the sovereignty of the Russian statehood can be the ideas of patriotism, legal legality, social justice and humanism, categorical rejection of the ideology of liberal-globalist egocentrism, aggression and political hypocrisy. Which fully corresponds to the ideals and values of a true democratic, legal, social, secular state. The proposals concerning the complex and far from unambiguously interpreted problems of ideological construction and propaganda support of public administration are formulated.

“White at heart”: making race in Marine Corps recruitment advertising

AbstractFocusing on interviews with advertising professionals, this article identifies racialized logics at work in the cultural production of United States Marine Corps recruitment advertisements and reads them as crucial contributors to the late-stage war on terror as a racial project. Characterized by the emergence of post-racial discourses, an ongoing commitment to warfare, and an embrace of diversity and inclusion within the U.S. military as hallmarks of American exceptionalism, the late-stage war on terror was represented in recruiting ads as a war fought by a racially representative Marine Corps dedicated to benevolence. Identifying primary themes through which race was constructed and contested in Corps recruitment advertising between 2012 and 2016, this article makes visible the processes through which racial ideologies manifest in cultural production. Though seemingly guided by a commitment to inclusion, the production of recruitment materials consolidated Whiteness while making limited space for the representation of a racially diverse military.