Ideological Resistance Research Articles

Does gender-fair language matter?

Abstract Gender-fair language (GFL), a linguistic practice that aims to avoid gender bias or discrimination by using gender-inclusive terms, has been increasingly recognized in various contexts. Despite this growing recognition, the question of how Filipinos view the use of GFL in the workplace remains underexplored. The present study contributes to this evolving discourse by investigating the perceptions of Filipino professional writers in English toward GFL, an area that has received relatively little attention in the literature, particularly in more restrictive cultural contexts such as the Philippines. Using a qualitative survey with 34 Filipino professional writers, ten of whom participated in follow-up email interviews, I examine the views of these writers on GFL and the aspects that influence them in using GFL in writing. The findings demonstrate that while GFL is seen as positive for social change, practical and contextual considerations affect its use. Factors that facilitate GFL adoption are identified, such as confidence and awareness, commitment to gender equality, and professional growth. In contrast, hindering factors include cultural and ideological resistance, practical and linguistic challenges, and the lack of comprehensive GFL guidelines and resources.

‘China’s Disequilibrium’ in ISDS: an interplay of China’s trade-offs and domestic institutions to investment treaty policy

Abstract This article explores China’s limited engagement in Investor-State Dispute Settlment (ISDS) despite its significant foreign investment inflows, termed “China’s Disequilibrium”. Despite having liberal ISDS provisions in its Bilateral Investment Treaties(BITs), China has faced only nine claims and has never lost a case. Using a political-economic framework, the article examines domestic factors influencing China's stance on ISDS, highlighting its shift from ideological resistance to acceptance. The paper argues that China’s ambivalent mood to ISDS render it to adopt a bifurcated strategy: internationally, it incrementally liberalizes investor-State Arbitration to protect Chinese investors abroad; domestically, it relies on local remedy to protect foreign investors and discourages the use of investment treaty arbitration. This approach contrasts with other jurisdictions and partly explains China’s Disequilibrium in ISDS.

Polysemous Tradition as a Common Basis for Ideological Resistance in Windsor Forest and The Communist Manifesto

This paper delves into the nuanced use of tradition as a foundation for ideological resistance in Alexander Pope’s “Windsor Forest” and Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels’ “The Communist Manifesto.” Despite their divergent contexts—Pope’s text emerging from early 18th-century England and the Manifesto from mid-19th-century industrializing Europe—both works leverage historical and literary traditions to critique and resist dominant ideologies of their times. “Windsor Forest” subtly confronts ideologies of Protestant ascendancy and anti-Catholic sentiment prevalent in England following the Glorious Revolution of 1688, promoting peace and the unity of Great Britain under Queen Anne’s Stuart monarchy as alternatives to war and division. Through literary devices such as allegory and panegyric, Pope employs tradition not only to question the contemporary political and social landscape but to posit the Stuart dynasty as a symbol of national prosperity and harmony. Contrastingly, “The Communist Manifesto” openly challenges the capitalist ideology that Marx and Engels argue perpetuates class struggle and exploitation of the proletariat. The Manifesto calls for a revolutionary overhaul of the social order, drawing on traditions of socialist thought and the historical precedent of class struggle to justify its radical aims. Despite its revolutionary stance, the Manifesto similarly relies on the manipulation of tradition—both embracing and rejecting it—to articulate a vision of communist society. Both texts, therefore, are situated at the intersection of literary expression and ideological conflict, illustrating how tradition can serve as a versatile tool in the articulation of resistance. Whether through the invocation of historical continuity and national identity in “Windsor Forest” or the revolutionary call to arms in “The Communist Manifesto,” tradition is employed to critique existing social and political orders. The abstract underscores the complexity of these texts’ engagement with tradition, highlighting their shared emphasis on the transformative potential of ideological resistance. This comparison illuminates the rich dialogues between literature and politics, demonstrating how textual analysis can reveal deeper insights into the mechanisms of ideological critique and resistance.

Ideological Resistance in Adrienne Rich’s “Diving into the Wreck”

Adrienne Rich’s poem “Diving into the Wreck” takes an issue with woman identity. Questioning the ideologically preoccupied masculine stereotyping of woman, Rich envisions a world of independence and harmony in which male-female dichotomy ceases to exist. The poem symbolically states three distinct phases of journey to express protest and psychological victory over gender disparity in the male-controlled society. It raises the idea that the false stereotypical and socio-political framing about gender and its roles are inimical to maintaining equality in society. The main objective of the study is to infer how the patriarchal society generated a conventional system to keep women out of mainstream and also the way typical females planned to gain control of the vagaries of and ocentric culture. I used Tyson’s resistance theory as the main theoretical tool to analyze and interpret the poem. This theoretical stratagem preserves the literature related to the struggle for freedom and impartiality. This article argues that the poem challenges the institutional apparatuses that naturalize women's role and identity and advocates to establish gender impartiality in the society. I contend that this poem is the bedrock for the establishment of independence. The overall inference of the paper is that the protracted prejudice that leads to life-threatening exploitation creates revolt through literature and leads to plausible upheaval in society. Thus, it is discernible that literature, far from being the innocent figment of imagination, represents a subtle voice of resistance against exploitation and prejudice.

Велика й мала літери як ідеологеми в українському дискурсі

The article presents the results of research on the expressive and stylistic load of graphemes in Ukrainian discourse from the end of the 19th century till today. Capital and lowercase letters are noticeably developing their expressive potential in modern Ukrainian discourse, becoming a significant means of text creation. At the same time, the issue of a capital letter going beyond the orthographic index of its own name (and the beginning of a sentence), transferring this function partly to a lowercase letter due to the ideological instructions of the speaker / speakers is on the fringes of scientific observations, while such use of these graphic signs was and is popular in the 20th–21st centuries. The purpose of our investigation is to trace the formation of the grapheme capital/lowercase letters as an ideologeme and to find out the productivity of this process at the current stage. During the research, it has been determined that capital and lowercase letters perform a crucial ideological function along with distinguishing names and appellatives. In general, Ukrainian spelling codes have been declaring a departure from the principle of “a capital letter is a proper name” for more than a century, giving these graphemes an expressive and evaluative meaning. The article traces the acquisition of a capital letter with the stylistic meaning of respectability, positive and evaluative connotations, and the reflection of this process in the spelling codes of the Ukrainian language. It has been also found that because of the intervention of the Soviet authorities in purely linguistic issues, expressions of contempt, insignificance, and pejorativeness, in general, were fixed in lowercase letters. The axiology of these graphemes is determined by extralinguistic factors, primarily the political situation and ideological guidelines of society, and is directly related to the evaluation of the referent of the corresponding lexical unit. The process of using capital/lowercase grapheme as an ideologeme is highly productive at the current stage of the development of the Ukrainian language. The powerful connotative potential of the lowercase letter became an indicator of the new linguistic thinking of Ukrainians and ideological resistance to Russian aggression. Despite the mass of “derogatory” spelling of proper names, one way or another connected with the Russian Federation, the issue of introducing a new spelling norm seems to be quite debatable.

Pasolini’s Greeks and the Irrational

This article traces Pasolini’s engagement with Aeschylus Oresteia and the concept of the “irrational,” through which he sought to excavate patterns of ideological resistance in the classical past. I argue that Pasolini’s translations and adaptations of Aeschylus ultimately failed to achieve his desired ambition to forward an Aeschylus fit for the proletariat, and whose words might spark new kinds of Marxist thought. However, there is value in reading into Pasolini’s practices and his reflections on his work. Acknowledging and parsing his affects of disappointment and resignation, the broader conceptual outlines of his ambitions become clearer as gestures of kind of “failed” classical reception – an attempt to turn the classics to new political ends. An analysis of this kind of failure teaches us broader theoretical lessons about what it might mean to perform a generative and politically fruitful appropriation of the classics, necessarily confronting the entrenched ideologies of the past and their tenacious ability to reproduce themselves even in the most unexpected literary and political contexts. The article engages with selections from Pasolini’s literary, personal, and political writings from the 1960s until his death – connecting his translations and adaptations of Aeschylus to other contemporaneous essayistic, novelistic, and cinematic projects.

Ideological resistance to veg*n advocacy: An identity-based motivational account.

Animal-based diets in Western countries are increasingly regarded as unsustainable because of their impact on human health, environmental and animal welfare. Promoting shifts toward more plant-based diets seems an effective way to avoid these harms in practice. Nevertheless, claims against the consumption of animal products contradict the ideology of the omnivorous majority known as carnism. Carnism supports animal-product consumption as a cherished social habit that is harmless and unavoidable and invalidates minorities with plant-based diets: vegetarians and vegans (veg*ns). In this theoretical review, we integrate socio-psychological and empirical literature to provide an identity-based motivational account of ideological resistance to veg*n advocacy. Advocates who argue against the consumption of animal products often make claims that it is harmful, and avoidable by making dietary changes toward veg*n diets. In response, omnivores are likely to experience a simultaneous threat to their moral identity and their identity as consumer of animal products, which may arouse motivations to rationalize animal-product consumption and to obscure harms. If omnivores engage in such motivated reasoning and motivated ignorance, this may also inform negative stereotyping and stigmatization of veg*n advocates. These "pro-carnist" and "counter-veg*n" defenses can be linked with various personal and social motivations to eat animal products (e.g., meat attachment, gender, speciesism) and reinforce commitment to and ambivalence about eating animal products. This does not mean, however, that veg*n advocates cannot exert any influence. An apparent resistance may mask indirect and private acceptance of advocates' claims, priming commitment to change behavior toward veg*n diets often at a later point in time. Based on our theoretical account, we provide directions for future research.

Literary and ideological resistance in the 1950s — 1960s (on the example of literary connections and creativity of A.Ya. Yashin)

Literary and ideological resistance in the 1950s — 1960s (on the example of literary connections and creativity of A.Ya. Yashin)

POLITIK RESISTENSI DALAM MASYARAKAT JAWA POSKOLONIAL

Resistance does not exist autonomously but as behavior or responsive attitude to the situation. Resistance occurs in various forms depending on the relations between subjects or between subjects and objects. This article explained the practice of resistance at the subject level, while the limitation of Javanese society is intended as an arena for the subject's location. Resistance is used in the postcolonial perspective, the various forms of insubordination from postcolonial subjects dealing with postcolonial implications related to resistance. This study described the systems (a mechanism) of resistance such as silence, satire, imitation of physical and language plays, demonstrations, and violence. Meanwhile, this study elaborated on the nature of resistance in ideological resistance, half-heartedness, manipulative, narcissistic, and authentic resistance.

PHILOSOPHY OF ISLAMIC SCIENCE IN AL-FARABI'S PERSPECTIVE

Philosophy that makes reason as a rejection is contrary to religion that comes from revelation. This understanding often leads to ideological resistance. This study aims to determine the relationship between philosophy and Islamic science that uses reason as a role. The purpose of this research is discussed through a literature study that examines problems in Al-Farabi's perspective. From the analysis, it is known that the philosophical theories of Al-Farabi's thoughts such as emanation theory, political theory, and metaphysical theory are able to connect philosophical concepts with religious science. Al-Farabi views science as the result of theorizing on various observations of the five senses and the mind of the many phenomena that are physical in nature. Al-Farabi had also mastered philosophy and believed in Islamic sources, and accepted them with reason and logic. Among the evidence that states the relationship between philosophy and religion according to Al-Farabi is the existence of a reciprocal relationship in terms of truth/haqq, philosophers and priests, or the concept of state and religion.

Queer Politics of a Pandemic: LGBTQ + People's Conceptions of COVID-19's Politicization.

IntroductionLesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and/or queer (LGBTQ+) people have historically been at the center of contentious political debates in the United States. The pandemic’s divisive politicization has created societal stress in both hindering mitigation efforts and exacerbating social marginalization. Research has examined relatively privileged groups’ COVID beliefs; however, explorations are needed into ideological processes among those marginalized by COVID, such as LGBTQ+ people, to provide a holistic framework of queer politics.MethodsData come from in-depth interviews conducted with 43 LGBTQ+ people collected between October 2020 and January 2021. Purposive sampling was used to recruit participants from a larger survey on pandemic experiences.ResultsThrough the “underdog” framework,” LGBTQ+ people held strong convictions to science-informed political beliefs, which informed their critiques of inadequate government leadership. Participants also engaged in ideological resistance to harmful individualistic rhetoric through an emphasis on collectivism. The divisive politicization of the pandemic shaped numerous social stressors that LGBTQ+ people adapted to using various strategies to maintain their mental health.ConclusionsParticipants viewed American individualism and Christian nationalism as a public health threat that led to resistance to health and safety measures putting other people at risk. Findings support the underdog theory, with LGBTQ+ people elevating evidence-based science and disadvantaged groups’ wellbeing by emphasizing social empathy as a collective good that supports community health.Policy ImplicationsFindings can inform policies and community programming that promotes equity across all social identities through the depoliticization of public health and centering LGBTQ+ people’s capacity for resistance and resilience.

British Colonial Imperialism and Pashtun Resistance under Islamic Jihad: An Analysis of Umbeyla Campaign (1863)

This paper attempts to analyze the British Colonial Rule in the Indian North-West Frontier Region with respect to the Islamic Jihad led by Pashtuns tribes at Umbeyla (Buner) in 1863. The British annexation of this region resulted in bringing the Pashtoons into direct contact with their new master. Afterwards, the British launched almost sixty expeditions against the tribes of this region between 1849 to 1899. The Umbeyla campaign-in 1863 was one such expedition which showed British imperial design, the first ever large-scale confrontation between the two opponents in this region. Here, the British tested their forces against the native Pashtoon tribes,where the latter engaged the colonial forces and attacked them frequently. Religious and ideological resistance by the Pakhtun tribes will be focused on in this work. The British successfully defeated the stronghold of Pukhtuntribes in the town of Malka. The Umbeyla Campaign was part of a Britain strategy to assert control of the North West Frontier by countering the increasing unrest and resistance in Buner to British rule. The British succeeded in extending their rule at Pukhtuns' territory but at the cost of huge losses.

Gamifying Green Consumerism Websites: Can Gamification Mitigate Moral Licensing and Ideological Resistance to Green Behaviors?

Green consumerism is a growing trend that may contribute to a more sustainable society. However, lack of motivation to pursue a green lifestyle might subject consumers to well-documented moral licensing effects. Moreover, individuals with conservative ideological leanings are also less predisposed to take environmentally friendly actions, suggesting that sustainability communication strategies may need to differ by user ideology. The present study tested gamification techniques as a way to boost green motivations for consumers with varying political ideologies. Through an online experiment (N = 531), we reported null findings with respect to the effects of gamification techniques and political ideology on consumers’ behavioral intentions. Implications and directions for future work on sustainability communication are discussed.

The Anti‐Imperialist Geopolitical Suburb? Caimanera as Guantánamo’s Revolutionary Frontier

AbstractThe spatialities of anti‐imperialist praxis are increasingly fraught with innumerable challenges that require complex epistemological considerations. As borderless US‐based militarisation regimes proliferate globally at an unprecedented pace, embedding their political‐territorial control more securely through state and logics of neo‐imperial extractive capitalism, they have prevailed through the strategic discourse of “progress, security and freedom”. This paper explores the geopolitical workings of Caimanera, the town closest to the Guantánamo Bay Naval Base (GTMO), as a counter‐hegemonic project to US imperialism. Referred to as the First Anti‐Imperialist Trench in Cuba—a territory lying within the shadow of one of the world’s most notorious prisons and oldest military bases—Caimanera’s history is fraught with tension since the base was first established by the US in 1903. Since the triumph of the 1959 revolution, the base continues to be held against the will of the Cuban people and is strongly denounced as an illegal occupation. Based on archival material, landscape analysis, and visits to Caimanera in 2015, 2017 and 2019, this paper explores how the anti‐imperialist geopolitical suburb has historically evolved through the territoriality of its governance and actions. This anti‐imperiaist geopolitical suburb is explored as a conceptual form and mode of praxis drawing insights from Fidel Castro’s theorisation of the “Battle of Ideas”, whereby the production of oppositional space in response to imperial threats and aggression is tackled through complexities of the city‐building process and the cultural ideological resistance of its closely interwoven educational landscape. The anti‐imperialist geopolitical suburb as a space of subaltern geopolitics creatively attends to the complex task of sovereignty and boldly promulgates a movement towards peace and solidarity in the larger transnational region.

Making Meaning of Women Who Have Late-Term Abortions from the Perspective of Mothers Who Terminated Wanted Pregnancies

ABSTRACT Women who have late-term abortions not only have to cope with losing a child but also the stigma associated with termination. Understanding the ways stigmatizing ideologies are resisted by alternatives has the potential to disrupt meanings that disenfranchise populations. Interested in ideological resistance, we framed this study in relational dialectics theory, which highlights how marginalized discourses resist dominant ones to make meaning of a semantic object. We used RDT’s corresponding method, contrapuntal analysis, which revealed two discourses that competed to illuminate the meanings of women who terminate wanted pregnancies due to health complications (WTHC): the Discourse of Independent Murder (DIM) and the Discourse of Collective Sacrifice (DCS). These discourses interplayed through contractive practices (i.e., disqualification, naturalization, ideal violation), synchronic interplay (i.e., entertaining, countering, negating), and dialogic transformation (i.e., hybridization and aesthetic moment) illustrating a struggle that both reified and resisted the DIM. Theoretical implications and practical applications are discussed.

Generating Political Commitment for Regulatory Interventions Targeting Dietary Harms and Poor Nutrition: A Case Study on Sugar-Sweetened Beverage Taxation in Australia.

Sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) taxes are an effective public health policy intervention for improving nutrition and public health. Although implemented in over 50 jurisdictions worldwide, this intervention remains vastly underutilised, and in Australia political commitment for such a tax is low. The aim of this study is to understand the politics of SSB taxation in Australia, what factors have constrained political commitment for a tax, and what might enable such commitment in future. We adopted a case study design, guided by a theoretical framework developed from the political economy of nutrition literature. Data were collected from 16 interviews with informants from multiple sectors, supported by media articles, journal articles, and grey literature. Data were coded and organized by thematic analysis, and synthesised into the final results. Nutrition actors have made significant progress in generating commitment for a SSB tax by producing relevant evidence, raising awareness, advocating for action, employing resonating frames, collaborating with civil society organisations, and forming coalitions increasing their overall cohesion. Nevertheless, political commitment for a SSB tax is low and was found to be impeded by the powerful influence of the food, beverage, and sugar industries, opposition from both major Australian political parties, ideological resistance to regulation, a low quality monitoring and surveillance system for food and nutrition, and limited public advocacy. The influence of nutrition actors was also impeded by weak connections to key policy-makers and missed collaborative opportunities with pro-SSB tax organisations. The identification of several impediments provides an explanation for why political commitment for a SSB tax is low in Australia and reveals several opportunities for how it might be generated in the future. Political commitment may come about through, for example, actions to limit the influence of industry in policy decision-making, and by strengthening the existing pro-SSB tax coalition.

Conservatism and infrequent mask usage: A study of US counties during the novel coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic.

ObjectiveAlthough the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention eventually recommended wearing masks in public to slow the spread of the coronavirus, the practice has been unevenly distributed in the United States.MethodsIn this article, we model county‐level infrequent mask usage as a function of three pillars of conservatism: (1) Republican political leadership (percentage of votes for Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election), (2) conservative Protestantism (percentage evangelical Christian), and (3) right‐wing media consumption (Google searches for Fox News).ResultsOur analyses indicate that mask usage tends to be lower in counties with greater support for President Trump (in majority Trump counties), counties with more evangelical Christians, and areas with greater interest in Fox News.ConclusionGiven the effectiveness of masks in limiting the transmission of respiratory droplets, conservative ideological resistance to public health and recommended pandemic lifestyles may indirectly support the spread of the coronavirus.

Trailblazing the gender revolution? Young people's understandings of gender diversity through generation and social change

ABSTRACT Against a backdrop of increasing cultural visibility of people who identify across, between or beyond the categories of male and female, young people have been positioned within the wider social imaginary as radical trailblazers for a new, progressive gender order. This paper provides original insights that empirically ground and interrogate such claims. Drawing on findings from focus group interviews held with 136 young people (aged 16–24) in the UK, the paper demonstrates how young people's understandings and narrations of gender diversity both support and contest linear progress narratives. We show how young people position their acceptance of gender diversity in contradistinction to older generations. However, this narrative of generational progress was undermined and complicated by tensions and ambiguities within young people's talk. Our findings suggest that, alongside being accepting of gender diversity, young people also experience confusion and misunderstanding which may mean that they are more comfortable with stable and binary forms of gender diversity. Moreover, some young people express ideological resistance to gender diversity, informed by wider debates around ‘identity politics’. Overall, we stress the importance of situating young people's gender talk amidst multiple discursive constellations through which increasingly politicised struggles around the meanings of ‘gender’ are currently playing out.

Not merely the absence of disease: A genealogy of the WHO’s positive health definition

The 1948 constitution of the World Health Organization (WHO) defines health as ‘a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity’. It was a bold and revolutionary health idea to gain international consensus in a period characterized by fervent anti-communism. This article explores the genealogy of the health definition and demonstrates how it was possible to expand the scope of health, redefine it as ‘well-being’, and overcome ideological resistance to progressive and international health approaches. The first part of the article demonstrates how the health definition was composed through a trajectory of draft ideas from scholars in the history of medicine, as well as political actors working to promote national health insurance. The definition was authored by League of Nations veteran Raymond Gautier, but secretly drew heavily on medical historian Henry E. Sigerist’s controversial book Socialized Medicine in the Soviet Union (1937). The second part analyses how it was possible to resist the ideological pushback against the WHO and secure US ratification. The WHO’s progressive constitution was not simply a deviation from dominant health ideas, but a direct outcome of the entrenched health conflict. The genealogy is based on original archival material from international organizations and US government archives. The article contributes to understandings of the political controversies surrounding the WHO and to scholarship on understandings of health. It also illustrates how influential health ideas cross the boundaries between politics and health sciences, as well as the boundaries between domestic health policy and global health.

Visiones utópicas y distópicas en las películas. La voz de la luna y Tiempo después

In the mid-1980s, the program of economic, political, and social restructuring —perestroika— and the new era of transparency and openness —glasnost— became the unintended catalyst for dismantling what had taken nearly three-quarters of a century to erect Communist states. While the reforms of perestroika and glasnost instituted by Mikhail Gorbachev, were not the sole causes of the dissolution of the U.S.S.R., the forces they unleashed destabilized an already weakening system and hastened its end. The political protests and the exodus of thousands of East Germans —Peaceful Revolution— fleeing to West Germany and Austria through the Hungarian border, contributed to the fall of the Berlin Wall on November 9th, 1989, and it also triggered the German reunification in 1990. But since the end of the Cold War (1947-1991), many disappointments such as the worsening of socio-economic inequality and global instability, have followed the initial euphoria associated with the victory of the Western Bloc over the Eastern Bloc. The resurgence of the dichotomous relationship capitalism vs communism, and the political polarization driven by a sharp generational divide, are portrayed by the Italian-French co-production “The Voice of the Moon” (Dir. Federico Fellini, 1990), and the Spanish-Portuguese co-production “Some Time Later” (Dir. José Luis Cuerda, 2018). Both cinematic approximations embrace the ideological resistance towards the ongoing process of dehumanization and its pernicious effects on society. The achievement of social justice is deliberately postponed by the technocratic power elite, and by youth generations that are disengaged with its historical past, and enslaved by digital technologies.