Ideological Paradigms Research Articles

The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction After Ninety Years. An Essay

The purpose of this essay is a reassessment of a problem posed almost 90 years ago, but which marked the modernism and postmodernism of the 20th and later the 21st centuries and which is still current. The aesthetic and historical research was carried out mainly through the prism of the art installation, the main element of my PhD thesis. This essay includes a critique of Walter Benjamin’ Marxist approach – in the system versus outside the system and the attempt of finding explanations of sociological and cultural phenomena under an ideological paradigm. The approach through the prism of Marxist ideology I consider it narrows the perspective of the problem addressed in ‚The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction’2. The dissemination of art through mechanical reproduction actually follows a law of the market and which, applied in the cultural field, involves increasing the target group and decreasing the level of value. Its implementation had produced a cultural mutation. The exception is made by cinematography, which appeared and evolved precisely from the modality of mechanical reproduction. The avant-garde promotes a destructuring tendency by challenging old artistic forms. This tendency of exceeding the limits was consonant with the atmosphere of radicalism and intolerance present in the interwar society, it led to the emergence and antagonism of ideological systems, culminating in the outbreak of the Second World War. The idea of mechanical reproduction of the work of art began simultaneously with the culture of mass production. The mechanical reproduction of the work of art later turned into digital reproduction, with a much increased degree of accessibility, and the mutual mirroring between the mode of production and culture was to rise to another level, that of artificial intelligence.

Strategic Imperatives of Muslim Leadership in Post-War Sri Lanka: Citizenship, Rights and Reconciliation

This study examines how a few selected mainstream Sri Lankan Muslim civil organisations have been responding to the Sinhala Buddhist ideological paradigm in post-war Sri Lanka. The ideology perceives that Sinhala Buddhists are true citizens of Sri Lanka while minorities are “others” or “guests”. Hence, the ideology plays a structural role in generating anti-Muslim sentiments in post-war Sri Lanka. Contrary to prevailing wisdom which argues that minorities attempt to deconstruct the majoritarian ideological foundation in their struggle for equality, dominant and mainstream Muslim civil society organisations in Sri Lanka have chosen to reconcile with it while resisting only its practical implications upon the community. Even though this strategy brings self-contradictory elements into play on theoretical grounds, Muslim civil society organisations think that it is a practically reasonable strategy given the developing socio-political context of the state. Based on primary and secondary data and the thematic qualitative analysis, this study builds an argument by analysing discourses of the selected mainstream Muslim organisations that minorities pick strategies for their struggle against majoritarian state and ideology taking their political and other demographical realities into account. Hence, their choices are not static but rather dynamic.

The Correlation of the Concept of «Traditional Spiritual and Moral Values» and the Foundations of the Constitutional System of the Russian Federation as a Semantic Issue of Russian Statehood for Public Discourse

The paper presents the author’s viewpoint and assessment of existing attempts in public discourse to reflect on the current situation of society and the state through the choice of an ideological paradigm, interpretations of the relationship between the concept of «traditional spiritual and moral values» and the foundations of the constitutional system of the Russian Federation. The author presents semantic, substantive meaning of this question and a scientifically based answer thereto, including for the discipline «Fundamentals of Russian statehood» that was introduced into the universities curricula. It is concluded that «traditional spiritual and moral values» is essentially a framework. Not being a rigid, once and for all established construct, it experiences a modification of its content, expression, semantic accents as society develops and strives for a meaningful basis, which is the universal, supra-constitutional values of human society, which have found consolidation in the foundations of the constitutional system of the Russian Federation. Therefore, at the present stage there are no grounds for contrasting these categories. The author substantiates the viewpoint according to which it is logical to correlate the concepts under consideration based on the idea of constitutional patriotism. Awareness of the potential of the idea of constitutional patriotism as a civic value, its social and personal internalization and transfer to the category of an integral component of the identity of a citizen of the Russian Federation is named as the desired result of social development.

Oikophobia and the crisis of modern Western civilization

The subject of this article is the phenomenon of oikophobia, which in recent decades has attracted the attention of philosophers, political scientists, sociologists and psychologists who tend to interpret it as the origin of many crisis phenomena affecting the modern Western civilization. The term has been used in political contexts to refer critically to political ideologies that are perceived as responsible for repudiating one's own culture, history, traditions and laud others. The simplest way of defining oikophobia is as the opposite extreme of xenophobia. As xenophobia means the fear or hatred of strangers or foreigners, reversely oikophobia means the fear or hatred of home or one's own society or civilization, oikos being the ancient Greek word for home, house, household. The article reveals the essence and content, characteristic manifestations of oikophobia in its narrow and broad meanings, the historical, cultural and intellectual background and sources of its origin and development. The author identifies signs of oikophobia in a number of key political, philosophical and ideological paradigms and concepts. Based on our findings, we suggest that various manifestations of oikophobia, especially those that may provide the ideological basis for mass protest movements, pose a serious challenge to public policy and government institutions not only in Western countries, but also in Russia. Government bodies and non-governmental organizations involved in the process of policy formulation in the spheres of security, information and education should pay attention to the threats and challenges that government institutions in the USA, Great Britain and a number of other Western countries have already dealt with. In our opinion, one of the most relevant areas of interaction between the Russian government and civil society in the field of countering the manifestations of oikophobia should be formulating general criteria for identifying Russophobia, which could be applied not only in the field of scientific research and educational practices, but also in the field of lawmaking and law enforcement.

Legal behavior and human identity in the debate paradigm of the philosophy of law

This article analyzes the peculiarities of the reflection of a person’s legal behavior in the light of various philosophical and legal scientific discourses. In general, the analysis of a person’s legal behavior in the debatable paradigm of the philosophy of law in the context of studying the problem of establishing legal cooperation illuminates the deep aspects of the interaction between the individual and the legal system. Philosophical concepts help to consider this topic on a metaphysical level, revealing the fundamental principles and moral aspects of legal behavior.
 It was established that the primary springboard for considering behavior in the context of legal reality is its consideration through the ideological paradigm of human rights, since the concept recognizes the inalienability and inalienability of the rights of each person, justifying their fundamentality due to the presence of dignity inherent to each person. The main idea is that these rights are not only legal norms, but also a key element that forms personal dignity and freedom and express the personal identity of a person, and in evaluating human behavior, the role of the state and society in ensuring and protecting rights as an unconditional axiological determinants.
 It is proved that a valid paradigm of reflection is the need to analyze behavior in the prism of a social contract, since the mutual agreement of people involves the exchange of a part of individual freedom for common order and security, ensured by the adoption of rules and obligations, which forms the basis for the creation of the state and the legal order. Thus, a person’s behavior is evaluated for its compliance with established rules and the ability to interact with other members of society in peace and mutual understanding.
 It is motivated that the philosophical analysis of ethical-philosophical concepts in the context of human behavior defines two key areas - deontology and consequentology. Deontology, focusing on duties and rules, determines the morality of actions regardless of their consequences, indicating the obligation of ethical norms, and consequentology focuses on the consequences of actions as the main criterion for their moral evaluation, emphasizing the importance of positive results.

Culture and Morality in the Nineteenth Century: The Origins of Modern European Tolerance

This publication aims to analyze the economic, social, and cultural phenomena that first appeared in the "era of revolutions" that occurred in the nineteenth to early twentieth centuries. The modern European trend toward tolerance, which is the basis of current social and cultural changes, including in our country, has specific intellectual grounds. The subject of the study was the ideosphere of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, including philosophical, economic, and psychological concepts that gave rise to modern trends in these areas. The result of this study was the determination of the reasons that caused the change of the ideological paradigm in Europe. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that, for the first time, the intellectual foundations of the formation of tolerance as an actual socio-cultural phenomenon are analyzed. This article consistently proves that among the first such grounds, it is possible to determine the emergence of machine production and, as a result, the appearance of a mass person with a culture corresponding to them, performing a compensatory and entertaining function. The most important cultural foundation is mainly the intellectual "background" created by the teachings of Friedrich Nietzsche, Karl Marx, and Sigmund Freud. The ideas of Anglo-American pragmatism played a significant role in forming a new morality, which included the denial of religion and its values, giving it a utilitarian character. During the subsequent historical period and at present, these views have become the basis for the creation of the so-called "individual faith," in which religion ceases to be the guide of human life but only serves the needs of the individual. The desacralization of religion leads to the study of different aspects of sexuality, which opens up the possibility for modern thinking about gender. The concept of "natural law" should also be attributed to the intellectual factors of the formation of modern European tolerance.

Overcoming the apocalypse in the pluralistic space of poetics and politics

In the shift toward the Early Modern era, the end-centric temporality of the Middle Ages underwent a critical reevaluation, which spawned four distinct historical paradigms in the interplay between eschatology and politics. This article delineates these paradigms as follows: the revolutionary, where political constructs undergo a metamorphosis toward the eschatological, culminating in their complete dissolution within it; the progressive, in which political elements evolve in the direction of eschatological thought while retaining their distinct existence; the conservative, where political structures act to curtail the influence of eschatological expectations; and the post-apocalyptic, wherein both political and eschatological spheres merge into the economic, exemplifying the cultural logic of late capitalism. Utilizing process tracing as a methodological tool within the framework of critical realism, the study investigates the dynamic processes through which societies confront and potentially overcome apocalyptic scenarios. It reveals that poetic and political pluralism serves as a transformative mechanism, facilitating the potential overcoming of apocalyptic threats. However, this overcoming is only achieved in the progressive model, which is marked by the adoption of a polytheistic political myth and a clear separation between the domains of politics and ethics. In contrast, the post-apocalyptic model is characterized by a radical proliferation of apocalyptic narratives, which leads to the normalization and institutionalization of a metaphorical ‘worldly hell.' In this context, the political and eschatological are reconstituted within the economic domain, signaling a shift to a new cultural and ideological paradigm dominated by capitalist ideology.

Язык как ключ к реальности: от философии имени к дискурсу

Language and consciousness are two transcendental categories that determine the processes of cognition, thinking, introspection, perception, and subject-object relations. At different stages of philosophy, they were interpreted depending on the dominant philosophical and ideological paradigm in relation to reality, the existential goals of the subject and society, and methodological approaches, e.g., phenomenological, hermeneutical, discursive, etc. This article systematizes the basic concepts of language in various historical epochs, i.e., from antiquity to the XXI century. The evolution of views on language is represented not from the standpoint of self-reference, but through the prism of socio-cultural and socio-historical changes in reality and its relation to the subject. The author traced the development of the philosophy of language and defined the reasons behind the evolution of approaches to language and consciousness. The article attempts to answer two questions: How do different paradigms of the philosophy of language and consciousness approach the matter of subject’s access to the real world? To what extent were paradigm shifts caused by the changing cultural, historical, and socio-political backgrounds? Since evolutionary epistemology identifies gnoseology as one of the main functions of language, the categories of thinking and understanding receive special attention. The growing complexity of the world order affects the relationship between language and consciousness, i.e., from singularity (philosophy of name) to continuality (discourse).

Cultural code as the quintessence of spiritual values of the nation: markers of transformation of ideological paradigms

Relevance. The relevance of the study is mainly driven by the active transformation of the cultural map of the world, and the shift in cultural paradigms, which also results in new understandings of the "cultural code" for each nation. Juncture periods, marked by military clashes and political and economic crises, are always particularly fruitful for the transformation processes of the cultural sphere, principally the "cultural code", which is the core of the essence of any nation. Purpose. The purpose of this study is to trace these transformations and analyse their nature and causes. Methodology. Comprehensive, historical, comparative, and cross-cultural methods were used to achieve the goal. Results. The "culture code" has been studied by researchers from various disciplines for more than half a century and always remains topical, as the question of a nation's self-determination, its self-identification under the new reality, is always at the top of the agenda. "Cultural code" is defined primarily as a universal key to understanding the spiritual essence of a nation, the quintessence of its moral and aesthetic norms and attitudes, a concentrated knowledge of its cultural nature shaped by art, tradition, language, and morality. Conclusions. Comparative analysis, however, seemingly a-priori impossible, is still interesting and useful for understanding the nature and character of a nation. Among the prerequisites are, first of all, political events provoking a change in the hierarchy of values, new vectors of the process of cultural synthesis, new favourites on the cultural map of the world, leading to the loss of the identity of the nation in case of its susceptibility to external factors or to isolation in case of radical rejection of external influences.

The system of government in colonial Kenya

The object of the study of this work is the government system of colonial Kenya (1890-1950's). The subject of the study is public authorities, their powers, area of responsibility and features of functioning in East African realities. The author has carried out a detailed analysis of the administrative structure, the law enforcement system, and key management links at the central and regional levels. Special attention was paid to the issues of urban development based on the principle of racial segregation and local self-government, as well as the problem of combating specific crime. The article focuses on a number of non-trivial aspects of the British approach to organizing the work of government agencies, including special recruitment, active lawmaking, largely based on borrowing decisions from British India, and also the introduction of the institute of chiefs at the local level. The methodological basis of the article was historical-legal and problem-chronological approaches, in addition, the author turned to general scientific methods of analysis and deduction. The British system of government was built up in Kenya during the 1900s and 1920s, acquiring features of completeness in the main institutions by the 1930s. Before the arrival of the European colonialists, there was no civilizational basis for the existence of state entities. Therefore the leading role at all levels of the administrative structure belonged to people of European origin. The full power in the colony actually belonged to the governor, who unconditionally pursued the policy of the metropolis. This state of affairs was consolidated by a cultivated ideological paradigm that presupposes the superiority of the British and Europeans in general in all spheres of society, including management. The strength and coherence of the work of the state mechanism was ensured by the homogeneity of the nomenclature. By the time of gaining independence in 1963, the newly-minted Kenyan authorities inherited a completely efficient system of government bodies from the colonial regime.

역사 안에서 완성되는 구원으로서의 종말

This study undertakes a theological critique of historical interpretation and eschatological thought within the corpus of Belgian theologian Edward Schillebeeckx, whose scholarship was prominent in the Netherlands. Drawing from the insights of M. D. Chenu, Schillebeeckx embraces a historiographical stance informed by the methodologies of the Annales School, which postulates historical progression through a lens that allows for the interweaving of Divine will and human action in the pursuit of God. This vista sets the stage for history's protagonists to be perceived not only as the Divine orchestrator of salvation but also as humanity, in partnership with the Divine directive.
 At the crux of this engagement is the fundamental belief in Divine self-disclosure and creativeness, which aligns humanity with the Divine will, confirming the thesis of God as the sovereign architect of history.
 Schillebeeckx's historiographical methodology recognizes the intricate interaction between the vicissitudes of socio-economic frameworks and shifts in ideological paradigms, associating such seismic shifts — comparable to historical cleavages — with the ecclesiastic vocation of navigating the path to salvation. His eschatological construct, an outgrowth of this historical interpretation, contends that the ultimate realization of salvation unfolds within the historical episode wherein individuals pursue self-fulfillment, placing this pursuit at the heart of eschatological discourse. Within this paradigm, God is posited as the definitive horizon for humanity, traversing from historical antecedents through the contemporary to the eventual.
 In this theological architecture, the Divine does not precipitate the eschaton by abruptly rectifying historical wrongs. Rather, the Divine presence engages with humanity in a concerted struggle against injustice, marshaling human agency toward redemptive ends throughout this journey. Schillebeeckx’s eschatological vision, characterized by its critical negation, offers a prophetic eschatology that integrates the theme of humanity's historical absence at the pivotal intersection where dogmatic theology's principal treatises meet.

The Basic Income Paradigm and Its Impact on Human Development Opportunities

The actualisation of research interest in the issue of basic income is driven by growing inequalities in various aspects of people's lives and the unfair distribution of material and social goods in capitalist states. Providing a basic income opens up opportunities to enhance social guarantees and the standard of living for citizens.
 The article examines the ideological paradigms of the social consequences of implementing basic income. It is shown that in capitalist states, this payment, judging by numerous experiments, is being implemented in transitional forms. Its introduction serves as one of the adaptive mechanisms for capital to adapt to the modern conditions of profit extraction. The antagonistic interests of ruling classes and the majority of citizens, as well as the fragmentation of the private interests of the latter, do not allow the widespread implementation of basic income in full accordance with its fundamental criteria. The main criteria include universality – payment to all citizens, unconditionality – payment regardless of employment and other characteristics of the economic and social status of individuals, and regularity – payment throughout the entire lives of basic income recipients.
 The possibility of adhering to the fundamental criteria for providing basic income is justified in the implementation of a socialist paradigm for the development of modern states. It is demonstrated that in contemporary Russia, an evolutionary resolution of accumulated contradictions and a phased implementation of a new socialist development paradigm are possible. This could potentially be a chain of humanitarian transformations, conditioned by the circumstances that have emerged. The beginning of this transformation has already been initiated after February 2022 with the expansion of state ownership in key economic sectors, the introduction of state planning within them, the demand for new personnel prioritising collective and state values to address these issues. All this does not contradict the development of market sectors of the economy, oriented toward individual citizens' needs and the development of their diverse personal potential, as well as servicing state ownership in key sectors and facilitating comprehensive international economic connections.
 Sociological research conducted under the author's guidance has shown that potential recipients of basic income in Russia confirm their intentions to develop their human potential and consider it advisable to conduct experiments on the provision of basic income.
 In conclusion, it is concluded that the introduction of basic income, in conjunction with other instruments of socialist evolution of Russian society and the state, represents an opportunity for the development and realisation of human potential in our country.

THE IDEA OF “SOCIAL EQUALITY” AND ITS INTERPRETATION IN THE MAIN IDEOLOGICAL PARADIGMS OF WESTERN POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

Actual scientific researches and issues analysis. In the analysis of the ideas of social equality, inequality and justice through the prism of the main ideological paradigms of political philosophy, we rely on the ideas of the classics of philosophical thought (Plato, Aristotle, J. de Maistre, K. Marx, A. Camus) and on modern theorists of egalitarianism (J. Rawls, J. Pole, H. Phelps Brown, F. Hayek, R. Dworkin, etc.). The research objective. First, we will consider the different gradations of social equality, and look at the main arguments in favor of equality from the point of view of egalitarianism. Next, we will analyze how the idea of equality is interpreted in three key ideological traditions (paradigms) of Western social and political thought: liberalism, socialism, and conservatism. The statement of basic materials. The main gradations of social equality are considered, in particular, formal equality, equality of treatment, equality of opportunities, equality of consideration. It is noted that the philosophy of conservatism, as nostalgia for the state system of the ancient regime, denies equality and acts as an apologist for social inequality expressed in the idea of natural aristocracy. The philosophy of liberalism focuses attention on the formal aspects of equality before the law and political equality. Liberalism is based on the idea of meritocracy, where the equality of starting opportunities allows us to reveal the inequality of human potential. If the tradition of liberalism is characterized by a combination of the ideas of equality and individualism, then for socialism equality is necessarily connected with the idea of the dominance of the collective over the individual. The highest non-ideological gradation of equality is equality of consideration, which can also be called the ontological equality of all people.

Eurasianism as claim to the ideological paradigm of russia

The article traces the emergence, evolution and transformation of Eurasian ideas, views and postulates over a considerable (almost a century) period of time, and states the theoretical inability of this phenomenon to acquire the status of the state ideology of the rf. In view of the transformation of the russian orthodox Church into a satellite of the criminal kremlin putin regime, the author refutes the idea of the leading role of russian orthodoxy in shaping the spiritual personality of russians proposed by Eurasians and criticises the postulate of the church's formation of a “symphonic personality”. The author analyses in detail the substantive components of the ideological paradigm of Eurasianism as a defining component of the views and orientations of its authors from the standpoint of the civilisational achievements of mankind, critically assesses certain postulates of Eurasianism regarding the reduction of the functions of the people to the satisfaction of economic needs, the preservation of the hierarchical division of citizens, the ideological, elitist way of forming power, and aggressively messianic views towards other peoples. It is concluded that these views can objectively contribute to the growth of russia's geopolitical ambitions and attempts to realise them in the most dangerous, military way.

Globalizing dissent: the Soviet response to the Truman doctrine at the United Nations and the (Re)making of global governance at the end of ideology

ABSTRACT This article considers the role of dissent in the making and remaking of contemporary international relations. The immediate aftermath of World War II was a period of interregnum. Prior security paradigms were exhausted while the three major political ideologies of conservatism, liberalism, and left radicalism competed around the world. The creation of the United Nations in 1945 was meant to facilitate the creation of a new global governance model for the sake of peace. However, when in 1947 U.S. President Harry S. Truman made a speech to Congress in which he inaugurated a unilateral foreign policy doctrine premised on Soviet containment, he escalated ideological differences into security concerns. The Soviet Union responded by intensifying their investment in the U.N. and by developing a rhetorical playbook meant to aid smaller nations and oppressed peoples in challenging Western racism and colonialism. I examine the Soviets’ dissent at the United Nations to highlight (1) how dissent figures differently across political ideological paradigms; (2) the connection between dissent and institutional forums in the development of global security models; and (3) the role of dissent as a form of material rhetoric that makes possible the creation of novel political alliances.

On the Historiography of the Stalinist Modernization of the Regional Peasant Society in the USSR (based on the materials of Mordovia)

The object of the study is the historiographical aspects of the modernization of the peasant society of Russia during Stalinism, which is usually identified with the continuous collectivization and dispossession of the late 1920s – early 1930s. The subject of the study is the corpus of scientific works on Stalinist agrarian modernization in the Mordovian region during the first five-year plans, the first of which appeared in the second half of the 1950s, analyzed taking into account the change of ideological paradigms in Russian historical science in the early 1990s. Within the framework of this study, the authors tried to trace the transformation of assessments of Stalin's agrarian modernization in the scientific community of regional historians on the historiographical material of Mordovia. The main conclusions of this study concern sufficiently high degree of elaboration of the issues under consideration in the regional historiography of the Republic of Mordovia. At the same time, despite the growing attention to the pre-war agrarian modernization in the post-Soviet period, a number of problematic issues have been identified that require more in-depth study. Among them: the economic efficiency of collective farms and state farms organized in the late 1920s – the first half of the 1930s, the degree of mechanization of agricultural production, solving the problem of providing the growing urban population with food, changes in the socio-cultural appearance and public attitudes of the multinational and multi-confessional peasantry of the Mordovian Region.

THE ORIGINS OF THE FORMATION OF A UNIFIED LITERARY AND CREATIVE ORGANIZATION IN THE TASSR (the 20s of the XX century)

This article is devoted to the process of formation and activities carried out by literary organizations that existed in the 20s of the XX century.
 
 The purpose of the study is to consider the trends of formation and some aspects of the activities carried out by literary and creative organizations in the 20s of the XX century in the territory of the Tatar ASSR. This period is characterized by creation of many literary organizations, as well as uniting writers and theater workers in associations, which becomes a prerequisite for the formation of a single literary organization.
 
 Materials and methods. The methodological foundation for examining the subject of research is made by the principles of historicism and historical reconstruction, as well as the descriptive-narrative method. Based on the results of analysis of archival documents and published sources, the article reflects: the history of creation and some aspects of the activities carried out by literary organizations of the TASSR in the context of socio-cultural policy in the 20s of the XX century. The research materials made it possible to supplement the existing source base and can be used when writing scientific papers and preserving the historical and cultural heritage of the region.
 
 Study results. The article presents information about the activities of some literary organizations of the 20s of the XX century. The analysis of their activities showed that literary organizations were very active in their desire to reinforce proletarian culture.
 
 Conclusions. The association of writers and artists is considered as a necessary trend in the conditions of a new ideological paradigm evolvement, as the foundation of their professional, cultural, political identification in the new historical realities. Writers’ organizations of the 20s of the XX century contributed to preservation of literary heritage and gave impetus to the development of fiction in the Soviet period. In the early 30s of the XX century, a movement aimed at creating a unified literary organization was set out and intensified.

Social Tradition: Theoretical Problems and Practical Implementation

The article examines the historical, logico-conceptual and politico-pragmatic content of an ideological trend, such as “social traditionalism”. The idea of combining socialism with the core tradition of Orthodoxy can be traced back in our history to the last quarter of the nineteenth century. In Konstantin Leontiev’s statements, in particular. Later on, it appeared among the members of the “Christian Brotherhood of Struggle”: Valentin Sventsitsky, Vladimir Ern, and the Priest Pavel Florensky. Nikolai Berdyaev upgraded this idea to its logical fi nish, by describing the phenomenon of “Russian communism” as the metamorphosis of Russian religiosity: they created the Third Rome, but got the Third International instead. Alexander Shchipkov’s thesis, according to which the traditional ideological paradigm of modernity (“liberalism — conservatism — socialism”) is undergoing the reformatting stage and is being replaced by the “nationalism — socialism — traditionalism” paradigm, implies that “liberalism” is being driven out by “nationalism” as its alternative. However, in the fi eld of international relations, “nationalism” can be interpreted as a projection of liberal individualism justifying the right of a national state to freedom, that is, sovereignty. Against the background of evaluating the outcome of the Cold War, the USSR breakup can be understood as the victory of liberalism over socialism. Today, China embodies the idea of socialism, while the liberal West faces inner culture wars: liberalism is being attacked by supporters of multiculturalism and the “cancel culture”. In the course of evaluating the prospects of “social traditionalism” as a Russian state ideology, one should take into account that both the United Russia party and President Vladimir Putin defi ne their ideological position as “conservatism”. At the same time, the latest edition defi nes presidential conservatism as a political management technology. In this regard, the defi nition of traditionalism as a “set of methods” and “procedures for ethicization” proposed by Alexander Shchipkov can also be considered technological rather than ideological. But in this case, a contradiction emerges: social traditionalism claims to replace conservatism precisely as an ideology, striving to synthesize socialism and Christianity. Socialism becomes the result of an arbitrary choice procedure, while Christianity remains a tradition, but not in the sense of the basic defi nition of traditionalism.

The Ideology of Social Traditionalism (Social Tradition)

The Ideology of Social Traditionalism (Social Tradition) scientifi c manifesto off ers a modern concept of traditionalism. Today, this line is based on the principles of “double” social solidarity: both between contemporaries (horizontal solidarity) and intergenerational (vertical solidarity). The idea of the fi rst type of solidarity has historically evolved against the background of the leftist thought. The second type of solidarity dates back to classical traditionalism. It insists on placing the priority on the historical heritage, traditional values and on the rejection of historical gaps in public life. According to the author, the relevance of social traditionalism (social tradition) is growing as the crisis of neoliberal globalism deepens and currently observed deglobalization processes accelerate. The opposition of the ideas of social justice and traditional values is one of the false alternatives imposed on the society. It emerged and is still maintained within the framework of the ideology of neoliberalism, which is now in a state of decay. The article highlights the common value basis of colonialism, Nazism and neoliberal globalism. A way out of the historical impasse is possible if two conditions are met: the neoliberal ideology must be rejected and the cultural and spiritual connection with the native tradition — authentic Christianity — must be restored. After the ideological paradigm and the socioeconomic model are changed, the synthesis of socialist and traditionalist ideas can take priority in the society. The right-wing traditionalism needs to be opposed to the left-wing social traditionalism, in which the ethics of justice comes fi rst. Instead of the classic triad “conservatism—liberalism—socialism”, the society will have to develop within another political triangle: “nationalism—socialism—traditionalism”. Social traditionalism assumes the equality of nations, peoples and cultures, aff irms their incomparability, incommensurability and uniqueness. It also advocates the society governed by the social justice and supports the overcoming of painful historical gaps in the life of each people. The author proceeds on the basis that “tradition is a set of ways to preserve the historical continuity based on endowing inheritance procedures with ethical meaning”. Tradition is a method of social and cultural construction rather than a subject of restoration. The basis of the Russian (Russian-Byzantine) tradition and identity can be defi ned using the well-known formula by Max Weber as follows: “Orthodox Ethics and the Spirit of Solidarity”.

Activities and Counterstrategies; Populism during the COVID-19 Pandemic

Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic has created an impetus for action for governments and citizens, but these actions can be challenging to understand. As a riposte, we use The Populist Divide as a framework for understanding the patchwork of populist responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. Our approach brings nuance to how crises are framed dependent on the trust levels between actors, thus presenting populist relationships as determined by selective trust allocation and not necessarily one of fixed ideological paradigms. Additionally, we introduce activities as the response to a measure, whether accepting or even protesting, but ultimately consenting to the legitimate powers of the leaders imposing these measures. On the other hand, counterstrategies emerging as challenges to the legitimacy of the leaders themselves.