Ideological Environments Research Articles

Better to Receive Than to Give

Three generations ago, intellectual historians wrote books in which central texts and intellectual figures were held to be the sources of entire bodies of thought. The metaphors of “influence” and “origins” were common; particular arguments associated with those texts and thinkers were imagined as shaping and creating traditions of thought. Adjectives like “Lockean,” “Jeffersonian,” “Nietzschean,” and “Kantian” attached themselves to whole strains and schools of philosophical, political, and social thought. Two generations ago, a wholesale shift in intellectual historiography, best represented by the Cambridge school historians Quentin Skinner and J. G. A. Pocock, but evident well beyond them, pushed historians away from the centrality of major figures and texts understood as shaping long traditions, and toward “languages” and “discourses” that were historically localized and bounded. Individual texts were to be understood not as the source of a stream of ideas, but as creatures of very specific discursive and ideological environments; understanding their history meant understanding authorial “intention” contextually, rather than “influence” and long-term consequence. Along with this turn was a commitment to historical discontinuity and an understanding of the alterity and “otherness” of past ways of thinking. Whatever our vision of Kant might be today, said this school of thought, it is not the Kant of the eighteenth-century world in which he thought, and we should be wary of projecting our contemporary understandings into that foreign world.

Political Ideology Distance, Firm Location, and Acquisitions

Scholarly interests on the effects of the political ideology on firms’ strategic choices have been burgeoning. While previous studies have shown evidence of the strategic choices of firms as a reflection of organizational or CEO’s ideology, less attention has been paid as to ideological environments such as that of state or federal governments and their implications on firm strategies. In this paper, we introduce the concept of ideological distance between state and federal governments and examine the extent of its impact on firms’ acquisition strategies based on their headquarter location. We further examine the moderating effects of prevailing ideology of federal governments and a geographical distance from firm headquarter to the political center of the U.S., Washington DC. Using a sample of S&P 500 firms between 2005 and 2011, we find that firms engage in more acquisitions when state and federal governments are ideologically more distant and even more so when the federal government is largely controlled by Democratic Party, but less so when their headquarters are geographically distant from Washington D.C.

Landscape memories of land struggles in plateaus of two Nsukka villages in Nigeria

The memories of landscapes that people hold can stabilize histories and traditions in rural areas, are entwined with everyday lives and have several meanings. The paper explores the memories that people hold about plateaus in two adjoining villages (Alor-Uno and Edem-Ani) in the Nsukka area of Enugu State, Southeastern Nigeria. This area is an exciting and essential area of the world, distinctly underrepresented in landscape memory scholarship. The paper shows that the plateaus separating Alor-Uno and Edem-Ani are landscapes of political memory of the ancient wars between the two communities and more contemporary disputes regarding territorial extent of the communities and use of the land behind the plateaus if you are in Alor-Uno. Alor-Uno claims that wars waged against it by several kingdoms displaced the community, permitting occupation of parts of the community’s land, and they seek to reclaim it from Edem-Ani. However, extant narratives often recognize the disputed area as part of Edem-Ani because of the use of the plateaus as a boundary by colonial administrators. The presence of the plateaus helps the people recollect these ancient wars’ memories, and they use it to seek legitimation of their claim over the land. The paper argues that the memory of past land use reinforces the legitimacy of current land tenure configurations and shapes sensitivity to territoriality leading to exclusion. This can sustain group identities across generations translating into a ground for future fighting. It calls for more attention to the non-human agency and in connection to landscapes’ political memory, which speaks to the current post-human thinking in human geography. It suggests that resource conflicts analysis should take social meanings, memories and identities connected to the physical landscape seriously, as they contain ideological and symbolic elements foregrounding conflict environments.

The Historiography of the Greek Revolution of 1821: From Memoirs to National Scholarly History, 1821–1922

This study discusses the historiography of the Greek Revolution of 1821, what in Greek is often referred to as “Twenty-One” (Eikosiena) or the “Struggle” (Agon). Since 1821 constitutes the founding condition of the Greek state and autonomous existence of the Greek nation, it can be considered as the main historiographical field of modern Greek history. Throughout most of the twentieth century it represented a field of conflict between opposing historiographical but also ideological and political currents. Opposing ideological environments and collective identities formed different readings of Greek history in which the Greek Revolution played a central role. Its reading and interpretation served as the compass for reading and interpreting the whole process of modern Greek historical development. Opposing collectives also made selective use of the history of 1821 by searching for their “ancestors” in the revolutionary past; thus they formed historical genealogies through which they could claim authentic continuity with leading social groups and figures of the revolution. Consequently, 1821 obtained exemplary power. Accordingly each of its readings functioned as the starting point in shaping the political practice in the present. In other words, each and every reading of 1821 formed or supported directional guides of political practices in the present.

Globalization and Neoliberalism: Structural Determinants of Global Mental Health?

Globalization is reshaping the world, the conditions in which we exist and the societies in which we live. However, globalization is not politically neutral; in its current form, it is enmeshed with the ideology of neoliberalism. This ideology encompasses both economic theory and normative ideals of self and society. Thus, neoliberal globalization spreads both the economic and normative elements of neoliberalism across the globe. Neoliberal globalization influences global mental health in three spheres. Firstly, it alters the material conditions of life through its interactions with inequality, recessions, employment, and living environments. Secondly, it changes the cultural and ideological environments it encounters, with implications for the goals, values, satisfaction, and self-conception of those within. Finally, the globalization of psychiatry itself poses new challenges and questions for how we can address mental illness in heterogeneous global contexts, promoting mental health for all while avoiding the mistakes of the past. Ultimately, I argue that those involved in mental health must not only be more willing to discuss the ways in which upstream sociopolitical factors act as structural determinants of mental health, but they must also be prepared to challenge these determinants.

Citizenship Education in a Fragile State: NGO Programs for Democratic Development and Youth Participation in Haiti

This research centres on NGO citizenship education programs in Haiti to better understand youth experiences, outcomes, and perceptions of democracy. The findings from this study illustrate how programs from Western-based NGOs with liberal democratic traditions typically construct citizenship education in relation to the individual agency of the learners, whereas youth living in the context of fragility note the prerequisite for stable social structures as a foundation for citizenship. Through multi-dimensional analyses, this article highlights the importance of historical perspectives, the value of comparing disparate societies, and the necessity to explicate social locations in cross-cultural research. The concluding proposition states that not only does context matter in international research, but illustrates specifically how context affects youth participants subject to curriculum emanating from competing ideological environments. The issues explored here are among the key concerns for the future of comparative and international research in a globalizing and diverse world.

Private Troubles, Master Narratives: Dilemmas of Dementia Care in a Short Story.

Mary Gordon's short story, Mrs. Cassidy's Last Year, is about a family trying to cope, not only with Mrs. Cassidy, who has dementia and is physically and verbally abusive, but also with her elderly husband's difficulties caring for her at home. Mr. Cassidy's dilemma, expressed through the dissonance between his private "inner talk" of emotions and desires that he feels are forbidden and shameful, and his insistence to his son and daughter-in-law that his wife is still the woman he married and her care is not too much for him. This article attempts to open up conceptual space on such questions of caregiver perceptions of the personhood (who they are now), and "personness"-the motivations and intentions-of the person with dementia; caregiver and family motivations and feeling states; and the ways that cultural narratives of obligation in family caregiving affect a caregiver's sense of self and moral certitude. In addition, the story helps us to consider the implications of a bifurcation between a caregiver's inner feelings, and what he or she understands to be the way he or she should feel and act publically. The article attempts to illustrate the interplay and tensions between narratives-master narratives from the culture, those from more immediate ideological environments, auto- and biographical stories, memories, and the stories we tell ourselves about who we are-and how these come into stark relief in the context of a radically altered intimate relationship.

Perception Operation in Shakespeare's Julius Caesar

Perception Operation in Shakespeare's Julius Caesar Abstract Contemporary Shakespeare studies have gained a new perspective and created an unprecedented synergy in dramatic criticism with the introduction of Cultural Materialism and New Historicism as critical theories. Within the contexts set by New Historicism and Cultural Materialism, Shakespeare's plays, through polyphonic discourses and dialogues, create environments constructed in the relationships of his characters with one another and with the society on the basis of political and ideological considerations. In Shakespeare's theatrical environments, his characters play their political and ideological roles in a way similar to what happens in the real world politics. In such political and ideological environments, analysing polyphonic discourses and dialogues, critical readers can come up with some political and ideological concepts to analyse and explain the ways things happen and the reasons for why they happen. This study argues that one of these concepts is perception operation/management which Shakespeare uses in Julius Caesar as a means of political and ideological propaganda in the same way as is used in the contemporary real world, which creates a close association between the play's original context and contemporary political context through contemporary interpretations. Hence, this study deals with the role of perception operation/management in Brutus' manipulating attempts at political resistance to Julius Caesar's ruling, which paved the way for Caesar's assassination.

Challenging ideological environments: international teachers’ experiences in an outside-of-country teacher training programme

Teacher training for developing nation contexts is often conducted in short, intensive inside and outside-of-country programmes. Concerns have been raised in relation to the uncritical take-up of the western-centric material provided by these programmes, which are usually funded by national and international government organizations. This paper explores an approach used in an outside-of-country teacher training programme funded by an Australian government grant. The research focused on teacher trainers from the Monastic education system and their reflections on whether critical literacy approaches could be incorporated into curriculum in Myanmar. It used a Bakhtinian framework to analyse the teacher trainers’ ideological environments and their hybridizations of critical literacy discourses for their own contexts. It was found that while the teacher trainers were passionate about the worth of developing critical literacy skills for their teachers and pupils, they struggled with a range of constraints that existed for them within their country. The research illustrated the importance of providing spaces for participants in programmes such as these to critically reflect on the relevance of non-government organization (NGO) and international non-government organization (INGO) training programmes, especially in light of the multiple challenges that are a part of their everyday lives.

Rapid Diffusion and Policy Reform: The Adoption and Modification of Three Strikes Laws

AbstractDespite many important recent advances in the study of policy diffusion, this research has devoted limited attention to what happens after the adoption decision. This article attempts to fill this gap in diffusion research by examining the adoption and subsequent modification of “Three Strikes and You're Out” laws in the American states. Its analysis suggests that distinct political forces affected state-level outcomes at these two stages of the policymaking process. The rapid spread of Three Strikes laws in the 1990s seems to have occurred because states with more conservative leanings and higher proportions of African-American residents gravitated to a salient and visible policy. In contrast, the modification of Three Strikes laws appears to have been encouraged by financial necessity and shifting ideological environments but hindered by the mobilization of stakeholders with an interest in preserving the status quo, including private prison operators and prison officer unions. The contrast illustrates the usefulness of treating policy diffusion as a multistage process, and the stakeholder mobilization results provide empirical support for recent theorizing about policy feedback effects.

The Shareholder Value Principle: The Governance and Control of Corporations in the United States

AbstractIn recent decades, maximization of shareholder value has been a dominant business principle in the United States. This article reviews sociological accounts about the emergence, diffusion, and reality of the shareholder value principle. Although mainstream research in law and economics on corporate governance embraces the shareholder value principle and provides theoretical justifications for it, sociologists consider the shareholder value principle to be a product of specific economic, political, and ideological environments. Based on sociological research that reveals normative and political foundations of the shareholder value principle, I argue that the shareholder value principle is far from hegemonic in the contemporary United States. Indeed, faced with shareholder primacy, corporations and top executives have adopted various strategies, such as perfunctory conformity and symbolic acquiescence. The result is a highly volatile and contested system of corporate governance today.

Betweenstrategic nostalgiaandbanal nomadism: Explorations of transnational subjectivity among Arab audiences

This article discusses a bipolar and highly politicized set of positions adopted by Arab speakers in Europe, as they attempt to define the meanings and limits of their subjectivity, especially through their media consumption. The article draws from focus group research in three European capital cities: London, Madrid and Nicosia. Findings show that media consumption among Arabic-speaking audiences takes a political twist and contributes to blurring the boundaries between citizenship and identity. In trying to find a place between different cultural spaces and also between (or beyond) conflicting political spheres, participants adopt a number of strategic positions. This article focuses on two of the most often recurring ones, referred to as strategic nostalgia and banal nomadism. I argue that these positions represent discursive versions of a transnational strategy to manage presence and visibility within the tense and contradictory ideological environments they occupy.

Sociocultural origins of Turkish educational reforms and ideological origins of late Ottoman intellectuals (1908–1930)

The modern Turkish state and society have been greatly influenced by reforms of the education system. Second Constitutional Period reforms can be viewed as the preparatory stage of Republican reforms and a time when many of the later reforms were planned and given limited application. In this way both periods contributed to the foundation of modern Turkey. The innovations pioneered by Late Ottoman intellectuals stemmed from various origins, mostly European positivists and materialist philosophers. American pragmatism was added as an ideological source during the foundation of the Republic. It can be observed that ideological trends took root from Ottoman times according to the degree that intellectuals were affected by them. In this paper, the ideological origins of educational reforms during the Second Constitution Period have been studied in relation to the influence of European philosophers on Ottoman intellectuals of the time and their ideological environments. Late Ottoman intellectuals were found to have been largely affected by France’s positivism, German’s materialism and Comte, Durkheim, Büchner and Spencer. The paper reveals how modern Turkey’s educational philosophy parameters have been shaped by these intellectuals’ ideas.

The Euro-Pagan Scene: Between Paganism and Radical Right

The Euro-Pagan Scene:Between Paganism and Radical Right Stéphane François Translated by Ariel Godwin Music is a vector for identity. Indeed, music is something entirely social, maintaining complex relationships with the social world. It holds a position that has become central amongst the elements that form our perception of the world, the sense of hearing rivaling more than ever what we see and what we read. The social element is at the heart of the processes of the production and reception of the musical. It determines its developments, functions, and meanings to a great extent. In a continuous mirroring, music reflects and expresses the social space that, in its turn, invests in it, infusing it with new meaning. The musical object, a truly cultural generator of cultural practices, is not something given but something constructed, the product of a "here and now" in which codes, norms, values, and strategies of innovation and copying are tangled together in perpetual construction.1 Music can also be a method of engagement, at the same time individual (those who listen) and/or collective (those who play)—a medium for resistance to cultural or political domination. During the late 1970s and 1980s, there simultaneously appeared "alternative rock," with a left-wing message, and "rock identitaire" (identity rock), with an extreme right-wing message, these two genres succeeding the socially active, left-wing rock and the rediscovery of local, folk, and ethnic music that occurred during the 1970s.2 Thus music can be a medium for raising awareness. In fact, it is above all a social indicator and a generator of political symbols, but also of religious symbols (gospel music) and community symbols (rap, Yiddish music). The music analyzed here, which I here call Euro-pagan music, along with its scene (groups, labels, press, and so forth), is a musical and cultural movement [End Page 35] little known to the general public. It is an undercurrent of a larger but equally confidential scene: industrial music. The people involved in the diffusion of this scene are relatively few but highly active. This is also a style of music that has become popular and undergone a large expansion. Its themes relate to European paganism and to the history of Europe.3 The message of this scene evolved at the margins of the extreme revolutionary conservative right. This scene is therefore specific to the themes that power it. The term "Euro-pagan" is not innocent and was not chosen arbitrarily; it represents what the performers of this music wish to produce: a music that is "typically" European. The Origins of the Euro-Pagan Scene The relatively small Euro-pagan scene implies a widespread diffusion of the industrial music that is capable of reaching into the cultural and ideological environments of multiple generations and dispositions. "Industrial music" is a generic term, bringing together a multitude of musical groups, sometimes with vastly different styles. Coined at the end of the 1970s, it was made more widely known by Genesis P. Orridge, leader of the group Throbbing Gristle, who used it to define their music. This musical scene has its origins in various geneses, notably the psychedelic music of the preceding decades. The influence of the 1970s is particularly visible in the domain of this music through the use of atmospheric instrumental soundscapes, improvisation, and experimentation. The innovation lies in the systematic use of noise or dissonance, the absence of melodies, and in contrast with their predecessors, a confrontational message. These groups were influenced by punk, by the Dadaists of Fluxus and by the Italian futurists (such as Filippo Tommaso Marinetti). They appeared, historically, in the wake of or along with the repetitive music of American minimalists such as La Monte Young, Tony Conrad, and Steve Reich, and we can also mention here the atonality of the works of Karlheinz Stockhausen, Pierre Schaeffer, Arnold Schönberg, and Pierre Henry. Industrial music developed at an earlier time in an urban environment and/or in highly industrialized regions stricken by crisis: London, Sheffield, West Berlin, and the major American cities. We can distinguish four successive waves: the first from its origins (around 1974–75...

Ownership Structure of Cooperatives as an Environmental Buffer*

ABSTRACT In this paper, we propose that the ownership structure in the cooperative form acts as an environmental buffer. It is a mechanism to obtain stronger linkages with suppliers by internalizing them, and in this way, obtaining fundamental resources. Using this strategy, the cooperative form can isolate itself from adverse environments and from competition from other organizational forms. Although cooperatives have higher survival probability in any economic context, in rival ideological environments they have less support than other organizational forms. To test these ideas, we have chosen data from the Spanish olive oil milling industry for 1944–98. During this period, Spain changed from a dictatorial to a democratic regime and from a self‐subsistence economy in the post civil‐war period to a broad liberal international economy. The results show that, whereas other organizational forms are affected by economic and ideological influences, the cooperative form isolates itself by changing the competition level.

Institutional Transference and Changing Workplace Relations in Post Unification East Germany: A Case Study of Secondary Education Teachers

German Unification in 1990 was processed by the imposition of the `western' institutional framework on the former east. Legal, administrative and fiscal systems were transferred as part of the Unification Treaty together with the West German industrial relations machinery of co-determination in collective bargaining and participation at the level of the workplace. However the fact that the two Germanies had grown in different economic, social and ideological environments over the previous 40 years raises questions about the viability of such institutional transference. Feelings of `colonisation' and frustrated expectations have been identified as western dominance of officialdom and disappointment at the product of Unification has emerged in the east. Within the public sector these problems have been accompanied with ideological purges of public servants in social policy and education after investigation of past involvement with the former GDR secret police network. This article examines institutional transference with reference to the case of secondary education teachers. Disputes over wage equalisation, job cuts and non-recognition of former GDR teaching qualifications are examined together with attitudes of classroom teachers to the changing nature of their work, their status as teachers and their involvement as trade union participants in the German participatory system of industrial relations.

The Interplay of Preferences, Case Facts, Context, and Rules in the Politics of Judicial Choice

In this paper, we explore linkages between electoral politics and judicial voting behavior in the context of models that take into account personal, contextual, institutional, and case-related influences on courts. Using probit (ordered and binary), we examine the votes cast in death penalty decisions by supreme court justices in eight American states from 1983 through 1988 We anticipate and find evidence that institutional features are prominent in shaping the distribution of institutional preferences Fundamentally, justices have predispositions that are consistent with the states' electoral and ideological environments Moreover, these institutional arrangements subsequently enhance or restrict opportunities for individual members, once selected, to exhibit their predispositions Personal preferences notwithstanding, individual justices' support for the death penalty is affected by competitive electoral conditions and institutional arrangements that create linkages with the political environment Finally, ...

Informal Chinese Politics: Society in the State

Summary Harald Bøckman, ‘Informal Chinese Politics: Society in the State’, Forum for Development Studies, 1996:2, pp. 307–325. Informal modes of politics have for a long time been recognised as a vital part of Chinese political behaviour, the Chinese Communist ways of managing the state being no exception. This article analyses this phenomenon in a broader social and historical perspective, seeing it as a part of a tradition which is termed ‘Chinese strategic thinking’. Two central concepts are analysed, namely the concept of ren qing, which is rendered as ‘bonded sentiments’, and guanxi, which is usually translated as ‘connections’ but which has much wider social connotations than our Western term. These forms of strategic thinking are operative over a wide spectrum from the personal to the political, providing a good example of how informal networks are making themselves felt in bureaucratic and political structures. We therefore have a case of society penetrating the state. Why this has become so is explained by discussing two distinctive features of the traditional Chinese social formation, namely the pre-modern Chinese legal culture and its ideological corollary, namely patrimonialism. Traditional legal culture is characterised on the one hand by early use of laws and public regulations in the development of the imperial state, and on the other hand by the continued prevalence of customary ritualised norms as the main regulating force of social relations. The patrimonial ideology is not just a crude extension of kinship ties into a bureaucratic structure, but the transformation of a hierarchically ordered kin-based structure into a Confucian ideology, where ancestor worship served as the ontological glue. Such customary and ideological environments created exceptionally good conditions for the perpetuation of informal modes of politics into present-day China.

Princes and territories in medieval Germany (review)

Reviews Arnold, Benjamin, Princes and territories in medieval Germany, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991; cloth; pp. xiv, 314; R.R.P. AUS$120.00. This is a dense and difficult book for the non-specialist to read because it conforms to the requirements of the 'new' history. Lacking the dramatic, if artificial, theme of Geoffrey Barraclough's celebrated The origins of modern Germany (1946), or even the reduced sense of drama to be found in a textbook such as Horst Fuhrmann's Germany in the High Middle Ages c. 1050-1200 (Eng. trans. 1986, reviewed in Parergon, n.s. 7 [1989], 126-27) and without the thematic comprehensiveness and narrative interstices of Alfred Haverkamp's Medieval Germany 1056-1273 (Eng. trans. 1988), it presents German history from the structural point of view. Admittedly limited to the aristocracy, and overlapping somewhat with the author's other books, German knighthood 1050-1300 (1985) and Count and bishop in medieval Germany: a study in regional power 1100-1350 (1991), the work nevertheless conveys a thick sense of the fabric of the central medieval German past as perceived from the vantage point of one familiar with the attitudes, ambitions, and practices of the group of leaders, 'an endogamous caste of several hundred families' (p. 141), who owned, were enfeoffed with, or acquired in other ways, the lands,titles,followings, and prestige that ultimately constituted 'a multiplicity of autonomous states under secular dynasties, urban authorities, and prince-bishops, . . . a species of aristocratic congeries in which the crown enjoyed enormous prestige but minimal authority' (p. 1). For the industrious reader, there is a sense of historical progression, from 'the Carolingian institutional legacy consisting of homage, vassalage, fealty, fief-holding, and the consequent military services andrightsof counsel' (p. 30), through important changes in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, to the situation in the later medieval period when the autonomous principalities dominated the territorial and lordship scene. In particular, see pp. 31, 53, 62-3, 68-69, 72, 89, 98, 114-15, 117, 118-20 (changes familiar to readers of Barraclough's book), 121 ('remoulded . . . transmutation' and cf. 'remodelled', p. 128), 123,143, 14546 , 151, 212, 251, 280-84 (with which must be compared p. 1). This evolution is just enough to support interest in a rich diet of associated topics; for example, violence, feud, and territorial peace, the nature of kingship, the rise of towns, advocacy, territorial expansion eastwards (a topic deartoBarraclough and generations of European historians' hearts), woodland, justice, and questions of terminology in regard to lordship. The discussion throughout is illuminated by judicious insights and extraordinarily ample bibliographic annotation based upon a seemingly 136 Reviews encyclopaedic knowledge of the primary sources and the secondary discussions of generations of German historians. As such the book forms a lucid introduction to the specialist literature and is of particular value to those whose libraries do not contain the required material, or who do not read German. In its own right, however, the book makes a major contribution to current interpretative paradigms concerning the vast and detailed panorama of the medieval German past and, as such, to the interpretation of medieval history in general; for Germany, and the German Empire, have always been, as it were, two-thirds of medieval Europe. There is a comprehensive index, but there are no maps or illustrations. John O.Ward Department of History University of Sydney Baker-Smith, Dominic, More's Utopia, London, Harper Collins Academic, 1991; cloth; pp. xv, 269; R.R.P. AUS$120.00 (approx.) [Distributed in Australia by the Law Book Company Ltd]. Any doubts that Utopia could take the weight of yet another study are dispelled in the opening pages of Dominic Baker-Smith's splendid book. The work ranges over the political, social and ideological environments in which Utopia was written, gives an interpretation of the text, and concludes with a brief survey of its various receptions between More's century and ours. The first five chapters are concerned with establishing the ideological context in which More wrote. This entails an unpacking of the humanist curriculum. Anyone familiar with the Yale Utopia or Surtz's compendious lists of its classical and Christian authorities would know that a...

Cross-National Variation in Occupational Sex Segregation

I examine the relationship between the occupational distributions of men and women in 25 industrial countries and selected social, economic, and cultural factors. Recent research suggests counterintuitive international patterns of occupational sex segregation: low levels of segregation in some traditional countries like Japan and Italy, and high levels in the progressive countries of Scandinavia. I argue that the same economic structures that are associated with women's greater integration into the formal labor force also contributes to a deepening institutionalization of gender within the occupational structure. This may occur through the incorporation of women's traditional tasks into the formal economy, and/or through the hierarchical andfunctional differentiation of economic activity in highly industrial societies. Results indicate that some primary structural characteristics of modern economies (a relatively large service sector and a large employee class) are associated with greater female concentration in clerical, sales, and service occupations. However, other social and cultural characteristics of these countries low rates offertility and more favorable ideological environments -partially offset these segregative forces. Furthermore, the actual penetration of egalitarian principles into the labor market appears to be mediated by the structure of interest articulation, with corporatist systems showing greater propensity toward segregation.