Ideological Alignment Research Articles

Innovation on the Integration of AIGC and Ideological-political Education in Vocational English Curriculum

The integration of Artificial Intelligence Generated Content (AIGC) technology in vocational English curriculum offers innovative pathways for enhancing educational experiences and embedding ideological-political education. This paper examines the potential of AIGC to transform vocational English education by personalizing content, fostering interactive learning, and promoting specific values and beliefs. The study explores the innovative applications of AIGC in vocational settings, drawing on theoretical frameworks. The findings suggest that AIGC can significantly improve student engagement and ideological alignment when integrated thoughtfully into the curriculum.

Seeking friends and influencers: business and labor groups lobbying in the Chilean congress

Abstract This study analyzes direct lobbying in the Chilean Congress, contributing to the debate over which legislators are targeted by interest groups. Utilizing a comprehensive dataset constructed from legally mandated records of lobbying meetings, we test theoretical implications predominantly derived from the US context within a different presidential democracy. The focus is on the legislative targets of business and labor groups. The results reveal a marked preference for lobbying allies, aligning with recent theories of information transmission and legislative subsidies. This pattern holds true for both business and labor groups and highlights the significance of ideological alignment for legislative lobbying in Chile. Additionally, the study finds that legislators with influential positions, such as those on key committees or centrally located in the bill collaboration network, are more frequently targeted. This research provides key insights into the dynamics of legislative lobbying in a non-US context, underscoring the generalizability of established theoretical frameworks.

Relationship between state-provided Islamic education and Islamism

Abstract This article examines the relationship between state-provided religious education and support for Islamists. It first provides a historical overview of this debate in the Egyptian context. It then examines a survey of young adults from post-Arab-Spring Egypt, the largest education market in the Middle East and North Africa region. The findings show that recipients of state-provided Islamic education, Azharites, are more likely to hold favorable views of Islamists. This is likely attributed to the ideological alignment between Azharites and Islamists, since both favor a bigger public role of religion and stricter adherence to conservative social norms. However, the analysis does not support the notion that Azharites view Islamists as competitors in the religious market for followers. These results inform policy debates on Islamic education in Muslim countries and illustrate the limitations of mass indoctrination in authoritarian settings.

A generational shift: how partisan alignment and the rise of social issues have produced a generation of Democrats

ABSTRACT American political elites are today more neatly divided on a wider range of issues than at any other point in the postwar era. How have these trends affected the political socialization of American youth? We argue that two distinctive aspects of US polarization, namely ideological alignment and the emergence of non-economic issues, have formed the foundation of a generational shift in favor of the Democratic party. We find that Millennials and Gen Z display levels of ideological alignment across economic, civil rights, and moral domains that are equal to or greater than previous generations. Their liberal positions on moral and civil rights issues are not only strongly predictive of vote choice, but also tend to offset any conservative positions on economic issues – in contrast to the way previous generations resolved such ideological tensions. As such, the push for a non-economic political agenda – a popular strategy in the last few decades, especially among Republicans – might well benefit the Democrats electorally as older generations are replaced.

When ideologies align: Progressive corporate activism and within‐firm ideological alignment

AbstractResearch SummaryThis article examines the association between ideology and firm participation in sociopolitical activism. In particular, it focuses on the ideological alignment between a firm's upper echelons and its general employees. We theorize that participation in progressive corporate activism reflects the ideological views of both the top management team and general employees. By examining firm participation in letter campaigns supporting progressive causes, our findings indicate that ideological alignment between a top management teams and general employees' liberal political leanings is associated with a firm's participation in progressive corporate activism. The CEO's own ideological preferences do not have an independent association with this kind of activism. This article concludes with a discussion of implications for our understanding of corporate political action and nonmarket strategy.Managerial SummaryThis article looks at the relationship between political ideology and firm participation in sociopolitical activism. Although some have argued that firms' activism reflects a CEO's ideological preferences or employee activism, we find that neither explanation fully accounts for the kinds of companies that engage in this kind of activism. We find that progressive corporate activism reflects the ideological views of both top management and general employees. Our findings suggest that companies that have ideological alignment on progressive issues are more likely to take public stands on those issues because the stands reinforce core values held by employees and the top management.

Why do organizations take political stances? A review of reasons and risks

AbstractOrganizations and their leaders have begun publicly signaling political values in candidate endorsements, statements, and advertisements, yet political action often has negative organizational consequences, including lower public support, financial costs, and reduced trust. We review the costs of organizational politicization, moderators of those costs (such as ideological alignment and size of the organization), and potential reasons why leaders take political action. Scholars often attribute political action to public pressure to “take a stand”, but this public pressure may be misunderstood. Members of the public who want organizations to take political stances desire particular stances to be made in particular ways, tend to believe in the superiority of their own values, and are relatively likely to boycott businesses for political reasons. Catering to these individuals could lead to the accumulation of supporters who are especially politically zealous and likely to punish perceived political missteps. Demands to “take a stand” might seem like one unified call to action, but they may instead be a large set of directly conflicting demands. We make recommendations for future research to better understand leaders' reasons for political action and when, if ever, such actions support the interests of organizations and broader society.

Navigating Hybrid Governance

The governing balance between civilian regime and military leadership has become an important aspect of governance in Pakistan. When military and civilian life are pragmatically in touch with each other, both become an asset, otherwise, they are an aggressor to each other. It is their integration that ensures the convergence of their goals and directions as well as values and ideologies, as both depend on each other. This not only leads to the consolidation of democracy but also fulfills the effective civilian oversight over the military. For this, an efficient governing structure can keep in check the state’s civil-military equation and ensure that the incidence of military intervention or influence is minimized. The theoretical and structural construction of this integration and ideological alignment is particularly relevant to civil-military interaction under the National Security Committee (NSC) in Pakistan. This paper analyzes the civil-military relations in Pakistan under two different models i.e., ‘control theory’ and ‘convergence theory’ to bring a new perspective to the analysis of the topic. The paper begins with a brief review of both theoretical frameworks, followed by the history of civil-military relations under military rule, civilian setup, and NSC governance in Pakistan. The paper then looks into the case of hybrid governance under the NSC in line with the tenets of the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan. It suggests that far-reaching national strategic concerns and governing balance issues can be addressed under NSC, which is currently not being utilized to its full potential; instead it should function as a regular forum of dialogue and consultation, and not as an irregular decision-making entity. A consistently functional consultative NSC can help diffuse the ideological differences between civil and military elements of governance, creating more prospects of integration and decreasing chances of outright interference , as postulated by Janowitz in the convergence theory.

‘The future we want’? – the ideal twenty-first century learner and education’s neuro-affective turn

ABSTRACT We examine the ideal twenty-first century learner as discursively produced in recent future-oriented documents published by the OECD and UNESCO. Drawing inspiration from Bacchi’s question ‘What is the problem represented to be?’, we identify a constellation of interrelated discourses that together craft an image of a post-political, resilient, empathic, bio-perfected, transhuman learner. This learner is conditioned to endure, adapt and adjust to ongoing socio-political conditions and crises, rather than to contest, resist, or alter them. We argue that this portrayal is reflective of a deepening ideological alignment between the OECD and UNESCO – organisations that have traditionally held divergent views on the purpose and value of education. We conclude by advocating for the reinvigoration of subjectivities that prioritise political agency, defined as the capacity to act upon and transform the existing social order and power structures.

ENGAGEMENT IN BRIEFEN: FANNY TARNOWS TEILHABE AN DEN EREIGNISSEN VON 1848/49 ANHAND IHRER KORRESPONDENZ AUS DEN 1830ER UND 1840ER JAHREN

AbstractIn the time preceding, during, and following the revolution in France, Germany, and other European nations in 1848/49, numerous women writers actively participated in the fight for freedom and democracy. However, their involvement manifested in diverse forms. Besides the women categorised as ‘activist’ writers, there were others whose ‘engagement’ was less overt and public. Nevertheless, they too contributed through their writing and ideological alignment with the progressive political movements of their era. This article describes such subversive forms of engagement, using Fanny Tarnow and her correspondence with Karl August Varnhagen von Ense from 1833 to 1849 as a focal point for analysis. Central to this analytical framework is the notion of a dialogical exchange through letters, which served as a cornerstone for both Tarnow and Varnhagen in comprehending their socio‐political roles as mature writers navigating a new era's political landscape and community.

Rhetorical Strategies and Appraisal Markers in Online Civic Engagement of the Yoruba Nation Secessionist Agitation on Nairaland

This study examines rhetorical strategies and appraisal markers in the engagement of the Yoruba Nation (YN) secessionist agitation in Nairaland. Adopting the appraisal framework and Fairclough’s notions of intertextuality and interdiscursivity as a theoretical anchorage, analysis unveils historical and biblical allusion, proverbs and adages, rhetorical questions, code alternation and pidgin as prominent rhetorical practices and intertextual and interdiscursive resources that index cognitive positioning and ideological evaluations of the agitation and related social actors. While the anti-YN participants express negativity and ideological dissociation from the secessionist course, the pro-YN participants express positivity, solidarity and ideological alignment with the separatist agitation. As the secessionist movement generates concerns about ethnic synergy and national integration, participants take advantage of a heterogeneous virtual space to influence other online participants’ ideological positions on whether to sustain patriotic spirit to strive continually towards Nigeria’s nationhood or to join the vociferous call for the nation’s geo-ethnic dismemberment and ultimately secession.

The Same Views, the Same News? A 15-Country Study on News Sharing on Social Media by European Politicians

The Same Views, the Same News? A 15-Country Study on News Sharing on Social Media by European Politicians

Ideological Connections: An Integrated Humanistic-Social Psychological Approach to Examining the Relationship Between Controversial Opposing Opinions

The social, economic, political, and civil unrest surrounding the COVID-19 pandemic, the 2020 United States election, and the increased activity of the racial justice movement has seemingly divided not just the nation but the world. Thoughts and behaviors are guided by ideological beliefs—collections of ideas or philosophies associated with power structures. I examined the overlap between positions on controversial topics and identified how ideological alignment, values, and identity characteristics influenced the holders’ views. I found significant relationships among the variables categorized as social, political, health and medical, and safety, security, and legal ideologies. The results indicated that participants’ views in one ideological category were similar to those in the other ideological categories. Finally, the current study presents models of integrating worldviews in which ideological viewpoints in the various categories align, supported by the Moral Foundations Theory, Ideological-Conflict Hypothesis, and the Rigidity-of-the-Right Hypothesis.

More than Just a Business: Recasting Literary Publishing in Postwar Germany, 1945–1949

Like other creative industries emerging in mid-1945 from 12 years of Nazi rule, including six years of war, German publishing was ideologically suspect, internationally isolated, and insular. By the 1950s, however, the book trade in the two German successor states was once again varied and vibrant. And it was also tightly integrated into the international publishing business, within which it had become an increasingly active and important presence. This article analyzes the development of the German book publishing industry during the Allied occupation, 1945-1949, through the lens of knowledge transfer. It was a time during which capital-starved German publishers harnessed the political and ideological objectives of the occupiers and their prewar contacts to achieve their own commercial and cultural ambitions, including taking initial steps toward internationalization. The focus is on literary fiction, a genre that constituted a minority of all published output in the postwar period, but which also included all top bestsellers. Literature in translation, moreover, accounted for a substantial proportion of those bestselling books, and at the same time represented a key vehicle for internationalization. Two case studies, one drawn from the Soviet zone of occupation, the later East Germany, and one from the western zones that came to be dominated by the Americans, the later West Germany, illustrate two different, yet remarkably similar paths through which this interplay of ideological alignment and commerce played out among a range of actors and laid the basis for the subsequent development of the industry.

The impact of presidential elections on workplace satisfaction in the U.S. federal agencies: A longitudinal study (2004–2019)

While job satisfaction has been widely studied by public management scholars, little research has examined the impact of external political events on the federal workforce, and specifically how presidential elections might affect satisfaction over time. Using Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey data spanning sixteen years (2004–2019) and three U.S. presidential administrations (Bush, Obama, and Trump), we employ hierarchical linear modeling (HLM) to investigate how presidential elections affect workplace satisfaction at the agency level. We find that workplace satisfaction does shift in response to presidential elections, decreasing during the first terms while increasing in the second terms. We further find workplace satisfaction is largely unaffected by federal agency’s ideological alignment with the President’s party. These findings suggest that neutral competence endures among civil servants over time and points to the federal bureaucracy’s resilience in the face of ongoing political change.

Who Asked You? The (Dis)Use of Questions Presented at the U.S. Supreme Court

Abstract When the United States Supreme Court agrees to hear a case, it also determines what legal questions it will answer in that case. We investigate the variation in the Court's acceptance, alteration, and addition of questions presented (QPs) in petitions for the writ of certiorari. Examining data on granted cases from 2010–2020, we find that the Court is overwhelmingly passive, accepting the petitioners’ QPs without comment in most cases. We also find variation related to ideological alignment and petitioner identity. These findings have important implications for our understanding of the Court’s policymaking efforts and its exercise of agenda-setting power and underscore the important role that litigants play in legal development.

Ideological Alignment and Evidence-Based Policy Adoption

Ideological Alignment and Evidence-Based Policy Adoption

My kind of people: Political polarization, ideology, and firm location

AbstractResearch SummaryWith increased political polarization, Americans are displaying more animus across, and affinity within, ideological identity groups. We argue this dynamic incentivizes firms to minimize ideological misalignments across their workforce by locating new establishments in areas that are ideologically proximate to their current operations. We further argue that the desire to minimize ideological distance to new establishments is stronger in knowledge‐intensive industries and young organizations. We find support for these arguments through the analysis of over 220,000 new establishment openings from 2009 to 2014. Critically, we find the effect of ideological distance on location is stronger when societal polarization is high. Our theory, and findings, contribute to several literatures and advance our understanding of the impact of polarization on strategy.Managerial SummaryBeing a liberal or a conservative is central to many Americans' identity. As political polarization rises, individuals increasingly trust and favor others who share their ideological identity, while distrusting and avoiding those that do not. This study investigates how these societal trends affect where firms choose to locate new facilities. Because social ties and trust across workers support collaboration, resource‐sharing and organizational performance, we argue that managers will seek ideological alignment within their firms by locating new establishments in areas that are ideologically proximate to existing operations. Analysis of over 220,000 new establishment openings from 2009 to 2014 supports this contention, and shows that the tendency to avoid ideologically distant locations is stronger when societal polarization is higher.

Ideological alignment, public sector size and tax morale: empirical evidence from OECD economies

This paper analyzes the extent to which ideological differences between citizens and their governments, in conjunction with the observed size of the public sector, influence taxpayers’ intrinsic motivations to pay taxes. We utilize data from the World Values Survey and the European Values Study, encompassing 23 OECD economies from 1995 to 2018. Our findings indicate that the tax morale of citizens who hold right-wing ideological views in relation to their government significantly decreases when the public sector surpasses the OECD average. Conversely, citizens who hold left-wing ideological views in relation to their government exhibit a higher intrinsic motivation to pay taxes, particularly when the public sector is considered undersized.

Faction, Connection and Politics in the Civil Wars: Pembrokeshire, 1640–1649

Abstract This article considers the roles of faction and connections between centre and periphery as structuring elements of local politics during the civil wars of the mid-seventeenth century. It explores these issues through an examination of Pembrokeshire in south-west Wales. Using a considerable amount of previously unexamined printed and manuscript material, it argues that established but largely ignored factional alignments informed a good deal of the political manoeuvring in the county during and after the first civil war, and that these connected to and were complicated by evolving associations with rival political coalitions at Westminster. The article pays close attention to the connections between figures among the Pembrokeshire gentry and MPs and power-brokers in Westminster. It argues that establishing fruitful links with the political centre was vital to the success of an Independent group in the county following the war’s cessation and, conversely, the isolation and ultimate defeat of the Presbyterian party. The article throws new light on the origins of John Poyer’s 1648 rebellion, which initiated the ‘Second Civil War’. It rejects the established narrative which characterises Poyer’s revolt as borne from apolitical self-interest, arguing instead that it was the final act in a factional struggle that was at least a decade old. The piece contends that gentry faction has largely been written out of recent civil war history, but that scholars should be more attentive to its potential for influencing (although not conditioning) political and ideological alignments in the provinces.

Islam i muslimani u Bosni i Hercegovini kao objekat antiislamske propagande

In the years leading up to and during the aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina, what is now manifested in the West as Islamophobia was, at that time through Orientalism, one of the key elements of the Greater Serbian ideology directed against Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bosnian Muslims, both then and now, have not properly valorized and consequently have not adequately addressed these ideological constructs about them. In their political immaturity, they failed to understand that the creators of the Greater Serbian ideology had a keen understanding of Western perceptions of Muslims and extensively utilized them first in their propaganda against Muslims, and then in justifying their crimes against them. Today, similarly, destructive ideologies aimed at Bosnia and Herzegovina from neighboring regions, particularly those elements related to propaganda against Islam and Muslims, correspond to the increasingly prevalent Islamophobia in the discourse of European far-right extremism and neo-fascism, as well as the promoted perceptions of Islam and Muslims in the West, sometimes serving as their precursor and inspiration. In this paper, we intend to provide examples of this ideological alignment regarding Islam and Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina between the Greater Serbian ideologies directed against Bosnia and Herzegovina and certain perceptions of Islam and Muslims in Europe. Keywords: Islamophobia, genocide, Bosnia and Herzegovina, neo-fascism, ideology.