Identical Mobility Research Articles

An efficient certificateless blockchain-enabled authentication scheme to secure producer mobility in named data networks

Named Data Networking (NDN) aims to establish an efficient content delivery architecture. In NDN, secure and effective identity authentication schemes ensure secure communication between producers and routers. Currently, there is no feasible solution to perform identity authentication of mobile producers in NDNs. Identity authentication schemes in other networks are either weak in security or performance, such as privacy leakage, difficulty to establish cross-domain trust, and long handover delays, and are not fully adaptable to the security requirements of NDNs. Additionally, the mobility of producers was not fully considered in the initial design of NDNs. This paper first revises the structure of packets and routers to support the identity authentication and mobility of producers. On this basis, this paper proposes a secure and efficient certificateless ECC-based producer identity authentication scheme (CL-BPA), which includes initial authentication and re-authentication, aimed at achieving rapid switch authentication and integrating blockchain to solve single-point failure issues. Using the Canetti and Krawczyk (CK) adversarial model and informal security analysis, the proposed CL-BPA scheme is demonstrated to be resistant to anonymity attacks, identity forgery attacks, and man-in-the-middle attacks. The performance analysis demonstrates that the proposed CL-BPA scheme exhibits excellent capabilities in terms of computation delay, communication cost, smart contract execution time, average response delay, and throughput.

The ruling ideology or shared identity? The underlying causes of Iran’s influence in Iraq

ABSTRACT This article examines the role of both ideology and identity in Iran’s policy in Iraq. In each society, there are competing self-images such as ethnic, ideological, and religious perceptions that impact foreign policy. Which begs the question whether identity or ideology has more influence? I argue that shared religious identity in two different countries is more important than ideology in mobilizing segments within multi-confessional societies. In addition, these forces become operational after the collapse of the state. The existence of a formidable central state thwarts the mobilization of counter identity and ideology, but when it weakens the door opens for sub-identities. The Islamist ideology of the Iranian revolution, for example, galvanized Muslims from different sectarian backgrounds. However, these ideological precepts gave away to shared identity. The Iraqi Shia today do not believe in the precepts of velayat-e faqih as much as shared Shia identity with Iran.

The Effect of Parenthood on Care Workers’ Earnings: Exploring Identity Mobilization’s Applicability

ABSTRACT The parenthood wage gap is well-documented in professional work, but we know little about parenthood’s effects on earnings among care workers. As employers may use stereotypes linked to parental identity to determine rewards, care workers may leverage their parental identity to signal appropriateness for work, possibly leading to higher, rather than lower, earnings. At the same time, gender and racial identity may signal different levels of appropriateness to employers according to how they fulfill employer-held gender and racial stereotypes. Using data from the American Community Survey (ACS), we test the applicability of identity mobilization to show that mothers experience wage penalties compared to fathers and non-mothers, while fathers experience wage premiums. Additionally, mothers of color experience smaller penalties than White women, while fathers of color experience smaller premiums compared to White fathers. We also show differences across occupations. Overall, this study showcases the ways in which gender and racial inequality remain entrenched in society, rejecting identity mobilization’s applicability to care work wage gaps.

Religious Identity and Political Mobilization: A Comparative Study of Hindu and Muslim Leadership in British India

Religious Identity and Political Mobilization: A Comparative Study of Hindu and Muslim Leadership in British India

New Social Movement on Jokowi’s Impeachment Action in Indonesia

The elections in Indonesia in 2024 have ended and confirmed the candidate pair Prabowo Subianto and Gibran Rakabuming Raka as the elected president and vice president to lead Indonesia. One of the controversies in 2024 election that occurred was President Jokowi's abuse of power with the aim of winning certain candidate pairs in the elections. Therefore, some people created a group called Petisi 100 to carry out a social movement, namely the impeachment of Jokowi. This movement can be categorized as New Social Movements (NSMs). This research aims to explore the Jokowi impeachment movement as NSMs which includes what is behind it, who is involved in the pros and cons, how the development process is, what activities mark it, the opportunity structure, mobilization and framing, and what impact it has on political dynamics in Indonesia. The research results show that the movement to impeach Jokowi was carried out due to dissatisfaction with Jokowi who was considered too involved in the 2024 elections. This movement developed through five stages, namely identity formation, escalation, mobilization, polarization, and actor formation. This movement could have an impact on challenges to political parties in channeling their aspirations and the results of the 2024 Election.

Identity, Clothing, and Criminal Mobility in Early Modern Ottoman Society

In the early modern Ottoman Empire, social identity was closely tied to a hierarchical structure, with the sultanate occupying the highest tier and ordinary subjects positioned at the lower end. Empire’s inhabitants were divided into groups based on the style and color of their clothes. By dressing in clothing from a different gender, socioeconomic class, or ethnoreligious group, one could disguise their true identity and social status. This article endeavors to unveil the motivations that compelled ordinary people to employ clothing as a means to conceal their involvement in criminal activities. Furthermore, it investigates the constraints associated with common identity-altering practices, particularly from the vantage points of religion, gender, and intersectionality. Drawing from an array of archival sources such as mühimme records, chronicles, manuscripts, and qadi court registers, the article scrutinizes the consequences of these practices.

Ethnic Media and the Mobilization of Identity

This paper studies the relationship between ethnic media, which produce content in a minority language, and the success of ethnic parties. I argue that, by embedding cultural traits in entertainment products, media outlets can shape the salience of group identity, which helps parties’ mobilization efforts. I test this argument in the case of the Basque Country where, in the late phase of the Franco regime, an independent radio station operated by local clergy promoted the revival of regional language. Using contemporary, archival, and survey data, I show that exposure to ethnic radio increased support for new radical independentist parties and that the effect is driven by formerly Spanish-speaking municipalities with low historical support for Basque nationalism. I also show that radio increased bilingualism in subsequent generations and contributed to the bundling of ethnic identity revival and radical political ideology during the democratic transition.

Understanding Political Mobilization of Tribal Identity in Colonial Assam and Its Contemporary Issues

Understanding Political Mobilization of Tribal Identity in Colonial Assam and Its Contemporary Issues

Victory-in-freedom: Ukraine’s democratic resilience in the face of war

The article offers a rare systematic analysis of political attitudes in societies experiencing massive military invasions using statistical analysis of two original surveys conducted by the Ukraine National Academy of Sciences Institute of Sociology — a panel survey tracking the same respondents in three waves (N = 329, November 2021, June-July 2022, and June 2023) and an additional larger survey (N = 869, June 2023). Despite devastating suffering, Ukrainians’ support for democracy as a political system and for freedom of speech have stayed remarkably resilient over this time period. Cross-sectional (multiple ordinary least squares regression) and longitudinal (linear mixed-effects model regression) tests, as well as supplementary focus group conversations in all of Ukraine’s macro-regions, show that this democratic resilience is grounded in the victory-in-freedom synergy — a widespread sense of shared sacrifice that drives determination to win the war and restore Ukraine’s territorial integrity. In particular, we found a clearer understanding of the importance of political freedoms and fighting for victory among individuals who experienced loss and trauma and a strong appreciation across Ukraine’s society that victory is vital to preserve democracy. Survey data also demonstrates that democracy support has become more intrinsic to Ukrainian national identity and that the initial surge of democracy support among Ukrainians in the face of Russia’s invasion has been more than a short-term rallying-round-the-flag. In combination, these factors explain the Ukrainians’ sustained, spirited resilience in the face Russia’s mass savage invasion over more than a two-year period. Moreover, support for democratic ideals doesn’t mean Ukrainians write a blank check of trust to their government. Longitudinal analysis indicates that as the war progressed, and hardship persisted respondents held their democratic institutions accountable. At the same time, the results of our study indicate that sustaining this resilience would require not only battlefield successes, but also accountable governance, countering Russia’s media impacts, and sustaining family incomes. Our findings contribute to the literature on war and democracy by showing the importance of considering both the external context (war duration and impacts and the aggressor state type) and the mobilization of national identity in the face of aggression.

Indonesian Women and Terrorism: An Analysis of Historical and Contemporary Trends

From 2016 to 2021, women attempted to or perpetrated suicide attacks in Indonesia. These attacks were committed by them as individuals or in family units, who were affiliated to the Islamic State. These incidents marked the first occurrence of suicide attacks carried out by women in Indonesia. Current scholarship and policy analysis of female terrorism attributed to the Islamic State or proxy groups is still catching up with the implications of trends emerging from women’s actions as suicide attackers in Indonesia and worldwide. Primarily, scholarly and policy analyses of female terrorism focus on the individual woman engaged in violence, whereas women who support terrorist groups—as ideologues, wives, and online activists—are given a secondary analytical focus. This creates conceptual limitations in understanding women’s pathways to violence, which can encompass violent and supportive roles within the social world in which they operate. Using Indonesia as a case study, this article advances a framework to account for the mobilisation of different identities to commit violence across personal and political linkages. In examining historical and current developments in Indonesia, this article illustrates that women as supporters or actors of violence, while largely conforming to traditional gender ideology and roles, are driven by both personal and political considerations. <br /><p> </p>

Geosocietal Support for Democracy: Survey Evidence from Ukraine

We examine why public support for democracy in Ukraine increased after Russia’s 2014 intervention and surged after Russia’s 2022 invasion—despite concerns that the wartime quest for security would diminish support for political freedoms. We statistically analyze original data generated as part of annual opinion surveys by the Institute of Sociology at Ukraine’s National Academy of Sciences in 2017 (N = 2,199), 2018 (N = 1,800), and a 2021–22 panel survey with the same respondents (N = 475) interviewed before and after Russia’s invasion. Our findings indicate that wartime support for democracy is in significant respects geosocietal—arising from the mobilization of civic national identity conditioned by salient geopolitical threats. Civic pride, attribution of threat to an external authoritarian aggressor, and war onset were the strongest and most robust predictors of multiple democracy support indicators, overriding personal loss and stress. The findings call for more attention to the interaction of geopolitical and social contexts shaping political attitudes, with implications for democratic futures globally.

Education, identity, and intensive youth mobility on the ferry-dependent island of Ameland

The lives of young adults on Ameland, a small island off the northern coast of Friesland (the Netherlands), are defined by a particular kind of migratory rhythm between the island and the mainland. This is because all students in the Netherlands are required by the ‘leerplicht’ (compulsory education) law to finish high school with a so-called ‘starting qualification’, but the lone school on Ameland does not offer this diploma. For this reason, each year’s graduating high school class undertakes the rite of passage of moving to the mainland to finish their education, usually in the nearby city of Leeuwarden. Most live together in Amelander houses in Leeuwarden, where they learn to live as independent adults from a young age, form friendships with Amelanders from other social networks and age cohorts, redefine and strengthen their sense of island identity, and bring these new connections home to the island each weekend. As a result, the social life of Ameland is renewed and remade through weekly acts of leaving and returning. In this multi-sited ethnographic study, we describe young adult mobility on Ameland and its implications for the island’s social identity.

Identity politics, conflict, and national integration in Nigeria: the youths’ perspective

ABSTRACT Nigeria is a youthful country and a classic example of a multicultural society. The youth population in Nigeria is approximately 95 million (i.e. 45% of the total population). Rather than hold a place in the development of the country, the cohort has been excluded from governance and used to promote ethnic and religious conflicts. Ordinarily, having multiple identities should not be anathema to national integration. Experience, however, shows that the various identity groups in Nigeria have a penchant for identity politics; the result of which has been group conflicts and weak national cohesion. This study surveys the opinion of youths on the relationship between identity politics, group conflict and national integration. The result, representing the opinion of the youth, presents evidence that there is a significant positive correlation between identity politics and group conflict and between identity politics and national integration in Nigeria. It is therefore recommended – among other things – that the Federal Government of Nigeria should create an Identity Mobilization Commission and a National Integration Commission to promote the narratives of oneness, particularly among the youths.

Unsupervised mobility and motion assessment in neuromuscular and musculoskeletal disorders using mobile health technology.

Mobility deficits are not uncommon in persons with neuromuscular and musculoskeletal disorders. This can have a negative impact in terms of morbidity, mortality, quality of life and activities of daily living (1). Conventionally, mobility and physical activity have been measured in a clinical and laboratory setting by a qualified health professional and is thus called supervised assessment (1). It is either a qualitative or quantitative one- time snapshot evaluation of physical activity, mobility or motion and is highly influenced by factors such as the Hawthorne effect, the time of day when the measurement was taken, white coat and reverse white coat effect (1). Moreover, supervised mobility assessment may have many limitations such as limited ecological validity, lack of patient-centered focus, inability to record real-world challenges, absence of real-time feedback, lack of ability to consider patient's environment, and an omission in observing the range of performance across the day or week (1). To tackle the above mentioned limitations, recently unsupervised mobility assessment of mobility and physical activity using mobile health technology has emerged as an alternative to conventional supervised assessment (1-3). Significant differences may be observed when comparing identical mobility outcomes measured under supervised and unsupervised conditions (1, 3). A systematic review revealed significant variations of 40-180% in identical mobility measures acquired from the same participants across different settings (1). The disparities between supervised and unsupervised measurements are notably greater than the effects observed in treatment interventions. Minor to moderate treatment effects may be overshadowed by these substantial differences in measurement modes (1). Unsupervised assessment holds the potential to address the limitations of supervised assessment as it is patient-centered, ecologically valid, capable of recording fluctuating and rare events, unaffected by the white coat and Hawthorne effects, provides real-time treatment feedback, records real-world challenges, is influenced by a person's mood and fatigue, considers the environment, and reports performance across the day or week (1). Moreover, unsupervised assessment does not require the presence of a trained professional, or the patient to report to a clinic or hospital, and thus can be of great value in rural environments and in tele-medicine/rehabilitation. Not only would this be cost effective, it will also decrease the load on the health care system and the need for health care human resource. ---Continue

Mediated Ritual Construction and Cultural Identity Mobilization in “The Beauty of Shared Arts”

Mediated Ritual Construction and Cultural Identity Mobilization in “The Beauty of Shared Arts”

Control of Multiple Identical Mobile Microrobots for Collaborative Tasks Using External Distributed Magnetic Fields

Control of Multiple Identical Mobile Microrobots for Collaborative Tasks Using External Distributed Magnetic Fields

Gender Identity Mobility: A New Perspective of Feminist Research

Gender Identity Mobility: A New Perspective of Feminist Research

Red-pilled mama bears and enlightened power goddesses: Discursive constructions of feminine identities in a conspiracy theory space.

Previous research into the gendered social identity work involved in conspiracy theories (CTs) has largely focused on expressions of masculinity. The present study investigates the employment and mobilization of feminine identities in online Covid-19 conspiracy theory seminars through a critical discursive psychological perspective. The analysis finds three interpretative repertoires for representing the pandemic: the totalitarianism repertoire, the corrupt medical profession repertoire and the awakening repertoire. The most prominent feminine subject position constructed in relation to these repertoires is a maternal identity that functions as a category entitlement: mothers are represented as having a unique viewpoint on the purported pandemic conspiracy by virtue of their supposed inherent morality and concern for the welfare of children. Mothers are depicted as the cultural reproducers of the group, tasked with keeping the(ir) children safe from the influence of the conspiracy. Moreover, women are persuaded to take part in anti-conspiracy action by drawing on notions of empowerment, self-actualization, and sisterhood. These findings suggest that feminine identities, and maternal identities in particular, play a key role in the mobilizing power of CTs.

Genetic Algorithm for Solving Mobile Robot Scheduling Problem in Flexible Manufacturing Environment

The scheduling genuinely a complex process, aimed at optimizing operational activities in pursuit of one or more objectives by leveraging production data which may include previous schedules. The scheduling problem in Flexible Manufacturing System (FMS) is commonly categorized as Nondeterministic Polynomial (NP)-hard combinatorial optimization problems and it remains as an endure problem to industrial practitioners and researchers. As part of real production scheduling, once one task is finished processing on a machine, transportation equipment such as mobile robot transports the completed task to the next machine. The problem of scheduling mobile robot in FMS pertains to the task allocation process for the robots, considering the transportation costs and the time spent to complete all operations. In recent years, Genetic Algorithm (GA) has been a remarkably effective search algorithm for solving a wide range of scheduling problems in a manner that achieves near-optimal solutions. This paper presents the metaheuristic techniques, specifically genetic algorithm, to address the NP-hard scheduling problem of two identical mobile robots in Job-Shop FMS environment. The algorithm is developed with the aim of finding feasible solutions to the integrated problem by minimizing the amount of time it takes to finish all tasks, commonly referred to as makespan. The performance of GA is evaluated with some numerical experiments which is executed via Matlab software. The scheduling results shows that the developed GA able to obtained the near-optimal solution of minimal makespan and converge within a short period of time.

Features of hybrid identity of the second/third generation of european muslims

The article deals with the problem of the hybrid identity of the representatives of the second/third generation of European Muslims, which has become a consequence of the failure of various strategies for the integration of migrants into European society. Hybridity arises in situations of cultural intersection when somewhat contradictory meanings and logics emanating from separate spheres of action combine to form new patterns. The article shows that a significant part of the representatives of the second/third generation of European Muslims, to one degree or another, accepts the collective European socio-cultural context (primarily, the values of secondary socialization), but at the same time expresses time preferences determined by religion, which are little compatible with European values. This reveals important characteristics of the hybrid identity of European Muslims - ambivalence, multilayeredness and incompleteness. The study emphasises that the majority of representatives of the second/third generation of migrants do not identify themselves either through the nationality of their parents or through European identity, but recognise themselves through religious identity. Thus, religious affiliation is stronger than both identities. The main source of formation of the hybrid identity of second/third migrants is the conflict between religious self-identification and secular European identity. It is religion that is one of the restraining barriers to the integration of migrants into the secular European society. Similarly, the mobilization of religious identity underlies the formation of a hybrid identity of European Muslims of the second/third generations.