Idea Of Monarchy Research Articles

Violence and Power of the Modern British Monarch

Violence and Power of the Modern British Monarch

Conjuring Up a King

Conjuring Up a King

Лирика К.М. Фофанова в восприятии Вл. Соловьева. Часть 1

The article is devoted to Vl. Solovyov’s aesthetic evaluation of K.M. Fofanov’s works, well-known poet of the 1880s–1900s. The reconstruction of V. Solovyov's perception of the poet's lyrics was carried out, due to the philosopher's lack of a separate work on K.M. Fofanov. It allowed to establish Fofanov's place in Solovyov’s hierarchy of the leading lyricists of the second half of the XIX century (A.A. Golenishchev-Kutuzov, A.N. Maykov, Ya.P. Polonsky, A.K. Tolstoy, A.A. Fet) and reveal the connection between the aesthetic evaluation of Fofanov's creative work and the general attitude of the thinker to the decadent trends in the literary process of the 1890s. These trends distort the “eternal truth” and “universal meaning”and cause Solovyov’s rejection of other authors of this period (V.Ya. Bryusov, A.L. Volynsky, D.S. Merezhkovsky, N.M. Minsky, V.V. Rozanov, etc) as well as to identify the coincidences or discrepancies of Solovyov's position with contemporary literary criticism (N.M. Sokolov, N.N. Strakhov). For a holistic presentation of V. Solovyov’s aesthetic assessments of K.F. Fofanov’s lyrics it is necessary to take into account his views in such areas as ethics and historiosophy. It is shown that the rejection of Fofanov-the lyricist is also connected with his categorical protest against ethical and historical “decadence”, which, among other things, includes the newest “patriots” who, in their national, ethical and religious blindness, reached the apotheosis of the reign of Ivan the Terrible. This allows us to hypothesize that the aesthetic denial of Fofanov-the lyricist is associated in Solovyov's mind with the general process of diagnosing the “spiritual disease” of modern society, which makes itself felt in various forms (literary or social). This disease makes itself known also in a specific ideological division into “parties” in Russian society in the 1880s–1890s (apotheosis of Ivan the Terrible in the poems by A.N. Maykov in Katkov's “Russkij Vestnik”, as well as the patronage of Fofanov by A.S. Suvorin's “Novoe Vremia”). It is shown that Fofanov's lyrics seem to Solovyov to be one of the examples of substitution of concepts (a phenomenon characteristic of the epoch): Christ – superman, the idea of monarchy – tyranny, the Russian idea – Byzantinism, self –consciousness – narcissism, the higher sense – pretentious nonsense. It is no coincidence that Fofanov becomes the cult-figure of the ego-futurist Igor Severyanin, who, partly recognizing Fofanov's involvement in decadence, makes a step further from the “formulaic” and “banal” in Fofanov's poetry to the avant-garde cult of “the trivial”, blurring the distinction between “true” and “false”.

Wilhelm II and the Power System of Germany at the End of 19th and to Begin of 20th Centuries

On the basis of a historiographical analysis, the authors of this article attempt to reflect on the thirty-year reign of German Emperor Wilhelm II, taking into account the historically shaped tendencies of power, ideology, social and political organisation, as well as the Emperor's own ideas of monarchy and state. The authors systematise historians' assessments of the concepts of “dual modernization”, the “regime of personal rule by the emperor” and “Wilhelminianism” as well as interpretations of the phenomenon of radicalisation of public opinion and the activities of political parties and popular associations. It is their shared opinion that the far-reaching constitutional guarantees and powers proclaimed and granted to the German public by the 1871 Constitution were in fact substantially circumscribed. The Reichstag, as a social and political institution of power, never really became the main actor in the legislative process with controlling powers over the executive. The German middle class failed to secure the “classical prerogatives of parliamentarianism” (Georg Iggers). The constitutionally enshrined preponderance of monarchical power was reinforced by the alliance of the princes with the agrarian elite, which continued to dominate both economically and politically, occupying key positions in both the bureaucracy and the army. Therefore, due to the comparatively late unification of the country, the preservation of medieval monarchical culture and structures of domination, social groups, associations, unions, political movements and parties became the subjects of modernisation changes during this period of time. The war unleashed by the German monarchy and its subsequent tragedy clearly showed the other side of national unity. All these developments are considered in the context of the transformation of the monarchy, but not in the direction of limiting the personal power of the ruler, but in the direction of the traditional view of it ("the alliance between throne and altar"), which predetermined the final disaster of the reign of Emperor Wilhelm II.

A Royal Romance: The Cult of Cyrus the Great in Modern Iran

Abstract This article looks at the continuing fascination with the idea of monarchy in Iran, dismissed and condemned after the revolution but gradually rehabilitated through an engagement with the Shahnameh and a reinvigorated interest in ancient Iran. The interest in Sasanian Iran, as the cradle for the development of Islamic civilisation, has in turn enabled a popular re-acquaintance with Achaemenid Iran, previously frowned on for its association with Mohammad Reza Shah but legitimised by the enthusiastic endorsement of the figure of Cyrus the Great by President Ahmadinejad. This political myth of Cyrus the Great reflects the changing political dynamics of the Islamic Republic and the need to appropriate popular nationalist iconography to the state.

The Genealogy of the Idea of Monarchy in the Post-Soviet Political Discourse of the Russian Orthodox Church

The Genealogy of the Idea of Monarchy in the Post-Soviet Political Discourse of the Russian Orthodox Church

‘Citizen Emperor’: Political Ritual, Popular Sovereignty and the Coronation ofNapoleonI

AbstractThe coronation ofNapoleon inNotreDame on 2December 1804 was built upon a number of contradictory concepts. As heir to theFrenchRevolution,Napoleon founded the legitimacy of his new regime on the notion of popular sovereignty. He incorporated the idea into a new coronation ceremony, a mélange of different rites and customs, incorporating aspects ofCarolingian tradition, theancien régimeand theRevolution, thereby helping to create a new political culture based on continuity with the past. And yet the people were precluded from the ceremony itself. Moreover, the coronation contained within it the seeds of theEmpire's later turn towards absolute‐style monarchy, based on revived notions of divine right. The coronation thus highlightsNapoleon's, and theFrench political elite's, ambivalent attitude towards the idea of monarchy and popular sovereignty. Although the coronation should be seen as part of the process of national reconciliation implemented byNapoleon, as ritual it failed to leave a deep impression.

Aristocratic Reform and the Extirpation of Parliament in Early Georgian Britain: Andrew Michael Ramsay and French Ideas of Monarchy

SummaryIn An Essay upon Civil Government (1722), Andrew Michael Ramsay mounted a sustained attack upon the development throughout English history of popular government. According to Ramsay, popular involvement in sovereignty had led to the decline of society and the revolutions of the seventeenth century. In his own time, Parliament had become a despotic instrument of government, riven with faction and driven by a multiplicity of laws that manifested a widespread corruption in the state. Ramsay's solution to this degeneracy was the extirpation of Parliament, and its substitution with a monarchy moderated by an aristocratic senate. Ramsay's adoption of certain “Country” elements, including a return to the first principles of the constitution, claimed to reflect the principles of contemporary French aristocratic theory which called for the reform of government through the nobility. In his desire to exclude popular government, and reverse the decline of the state, however, Ramsay utilised the theory with which Bossuet had defended Louis XIV's absolute France. Intriguingly, traces of the natural law system which fortified Ramsay's theory can be found in Viscount Bolingbroke's subsequent attack on Walpole's Whig ministry and the corruption of the state.

Without the Persona of the Prince: Kings, Queens and the Idea of Monarchy in Late Medieval Europe

Without the Persona of the Prince: Kings, Queens and the Idea of Monarchy in Late Medieval Europe

The King and us

In 1998, 20th Century Fox approached the Thai government asking permission to shoot on location in Thailand a film titled Anna and the King, a dramatized version of the famous 1950s musical The King and I. The latter film has long been banned in Thailand. Fox’s plans to produce a new version created a storm of controversy in Thailand, ending in the National Film Board’s decision not to allow the film to be made in Thailand. The completed film (shot in Malaysia) was also eventually banned from Thai movie screens. This article looks at why the story of Anna Leonowens and King Mongkut remains so controversial in Thailand, even in this era of greatly increased media freedom. The article also examines the continued importance of the idea of monarchy to the modern Thai state, and the endless flood of royal imagery that saturates the Thai media and public life generally.

Ideal Government and the Mixed Constitution in the Middle Ages.James M. BlytheLordship, Kingship, and Empire: The Idea of Monarchy, 1400-1525.J. H. Burns

<i>Ideal Government and the Mixed Constitution in the Middle Ages.</i>James M. Blythe<i>Lordship, Kingship, and Empire: The Idea of Monarchy, 1400-1525.</i>J. H. Burns

Lordship, Kingship, and Empire: The Idea of Monarchy, 1400-1525.

1. A Crisis of Monarchy? 2. Lordship: The Problem of Dominium 3. Lordship and Kingship: France and England 4. The Shaping of Absolutism: Spain 5. Monarchy: Papacy and Empire 6. The Conciliarist Tradition and Beyond 7. The Triumph of Monarchy? Bibliography Index.

Lordship, kingship, and empire: the idea of monarchy, 1400-1525

Lordship, kingship, and empire: the idea of monarchy, 1400-1525

The Popular Idea of Monarchy on the Eve of the Stuart Restoration

The Popular Idea of Monarchy on the Eve of the Stuart Restoration

SCIENCE, RELIGION AND SOCIETY IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES

IN HER COMMENT ON MY ARTICLE, WILLIAM HARVEY AND THE IDEA OF Monarchy,* Mrs. Whitteridge accuses me of saying William Harvey before his death was no longer a Royalist but a supporter of the Commonwealth and that he was moreover a believer in the heresy of Mortalism (W., p. 104). I have re-read my article very carefully and can find nothing in to justify either of these assertions. On the first, I said it would have been difficult .... for Harvey not to have had royalist predilections. The most I suggested was that he seems to have wished to remain as neutral as possible between the two sides in the civil war (H., p. 69). That is hardly claiming him as a Parliamentarian. On this point there is no dispute between Mrs. Whitteridge and myself. I would however see less significance than she does in the passage from Sir Charles Scarborough which we both quote (H., p. 69; W., p. Io9). Scarborough was writing after the Restoration; he was a violent partisan, whose enthusiastic royalism I contrasted with Harvey's scepticism (H., p. 70); yet even Scarborough attributes to Harvey no more than a dislike and fear of radical sectaries, which were shared by many staunch Parliamentarians. This fear is no evidence for Harvey's views about the Commonwealth government, which was not composed of Anabaptists and fanatics; unless indeed the conversation took place during the Barebones Parliament, in which case can be used as evidence only of disapproval of that short-lived experiment. If this makes Harvey