Idea Of Freedom Research Articles

Chess and Freedom

Abstract The tension between the game of chess as strictly regulated by rules and the idea of freedom can be traced in three radidal examples separated by media and different periods of the twentieth century. The first emphatic employment of the concept of freedom is in the title of a chess journal issued by the Communist opposition of the central German working-class chess organization at the end of the Weimar Republic. In the journal Frei Schach! the radical subsection of “Red Sports Unity” asserts its claim for supremacy, demanding revolutionary goals in the class struggle. But this journalistic appeal to freedom was countered by the use of the same concept by the moderate alternative central chess organisation, and soon even by the National Socialists suppressing both working-class organisations. In the cultural scene after the second world war there was a distant, strangely depoliticized echo of freedom in chess. In the Austrian avantgarde dramatist Wolfgang Bauer`s version of Ibsen`s modernist revision of classical drama in the play Ghosts there is a farcical use of everyday objects as a replacement of chess elements. They function as a postmodern parody of the conventional structures of a conversation play. Compared to such highly idiosyncratic ludic transformation of chess games, today`s digitalized chess in which the computer is the final arbiter makes the game more accessible to the masses. The surface democratic appeal in which average players can turn into critics of the chess elite is accompanied by the complete subjection to digitalisation on a late capitalist agenda. However, this does not completely deprive the traditional game of chess of its promise of playful enjoyment for an increasing number of people on a global scale.

Термин «уздень» в северокавказском историческом контексте

The data of language dictionaries provide grounds for distinguishing two main historical meanings of the term “uzden”: 1) feudal nobility (uzden) and 2) personally free peasants (“uzden”). A methodologically important position for analyzing the existence of the term “uzden” in North Caucasian societies of the Middle Ages and modern times is the thesis on the need to separate the class origin and service status of princely vassals. The Mongolism “uzden”, borrowed into North Caucasian languages at different times and for various extralinguistic reasons, changed its semantics depending on the historical era and the social realities of a particular society. But ultimately, the diverse interpretations of the term “uzden” turn out to be closely related to the ideas of the eras under consideration about the idea of freedom.

Konsep Kebebasan Menurut Will Kymlicka

This article talks about Will Kymlicka's concept of freedom. It should be noted that the emergence of Kymlicka's idea of freedom is inseparable from his big theme of "Multiculturalism". Kymlicka defines multiculturalism so that everyone must be treated properly by looking at their rights, because everyone has freedom both individually and in groups that are reflected in culture. For this reason, the most basic thing emphasized by Kymlicka is freedom. What kind of freedom does she offer? Kymlicka divides freedom into liberalism and individual freedom. As well as freedom in the context of culture. Therefore, I see that in reality everyone, be it from ethnicity, race, and so on, has the same rights. Free to express their opinions without any pressure from any party or group. The emergence of this concept was caused by the injustice experienced by Canadian society at that time. The issue raised is how Kymlicka strives for equality in everyone individually, as well as in groups. This means that everyone must receive the same treatment without discriminating between one group and another. Freedom means that there is an attitude of acceptance within each individual. The author will discuss why Will Kymlicka sees freedom as one of the most concerned ideas, in impacting the cultures of each ethnic group, race and so on.

The Light at the End of the “Labyrinth”: Platonic Subtexts and the Idea of Freedom in Anna Karenina

The Light at the End of the “Labyrinth”: Platonic Subtexts and the Idea of Freedom in Anna Karenina

The Interrelationship of Moral Education and Human Rights: How are moral education and human rights related?

Purpose: ‘Moral Education’ is a major field in the study of education, characterized as a systematic process that provides a structure of meaningful activities for engaging young individuals to help them acquire a set of beliefs that guide their intentions and attitudes towards others and their environment / society in terms of outlook and morality. It focuses on the prevalent norms, values, and virtues which prompt individuals to reflect and act according to their axiological responsibilities. ‘Human Rights’ are those inherent moral claims of all human beings without which they cannot live as human beings. After the formation of the UN in 1945 and the proclamation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights on 10th December 1948, they revolved around the ideas of Freedom, Equality, Justice, Human Dignity, Inalienability, Indivisibility, and Universality. Now they hold prime consideration in Education as well. This study explores the interrelationship of Moral Education and Human Rights in Pakistan to facilitate scholars, activists, and educationists to identify the areas of their common interests and collaborate more meaningfully. Method: A qualitative study employing a systematic review, survey, and some structured interviews was undertaken in order to find some common parameters from which it may be tentatively concluded that Moral Education and Human Rights are interdependent. Results: The results largely indicate that the study will provide a strong foundation to make meaningful changes in the domain of Moral Values Education, with particular emphasis on the context of Human Rights and training educators to be the most important “vehicle” for impact. Conclusion: The study establishes the significance of Moral Education and its efficacy in institutions highlighting the interdependence of Moral Values Education and Human Rights. It also presents some state-of-the-art implementation measures to secure lifelong learning possibilities using integrative approaches to foster knowledge and competencies related to ethics and values education.

Działalność pastoralna Kościoła w świetle Dossier Europejskiego Zgromadzenia Synodalnego

Started by Pope Francis in 2021, the Synod on Synodality is intended to be a guiding principle for the self-awareness of the Church in the coming decades of the 21st century. The Church faces numerous challenges as a global institution, grappling with various issues among its followers who currently inhabit all continents. The situation of young churches in Africa, emerging after the era of colonialism, is different, as they seek their own identity. Similarly, the Church operates differently on the Old Continent, permeated by ideas of freedom, secularism, and liberalism. This article focuses on certain topics presented by participants of the synodal meeting in Prague in early 2023, addressing the functioning of the Church in Europe. The content of the article centers around the discussion of the idea of synodality and its place in the history of the Church and its current ecclesial vision. It then explores the relationship between mercy and truth in theology, openness to contemporary culture while preserving tradition, and the dynamics of power competition within the Church. All of these aspects are presented based on the Dossier of the Synodal Meeting in Prague, which outlines practical and pastoral challenges for the Church’s activities in Europe.

The Late 19th Century Liberal Islamist Young Turk Movement in Egypt

ABSTRACT During the reign of Abdülhamid II in the Ottoman Empire, pro-freedom opponents organised outside the country. They fought for the reopening of the parliament, which was dissolved by Abdülhamid II, with various organisations they established, especially the Ottoman Committee of Union and Progress. These groups, who tried to attract attention with their press and publishing activities, were generally called Young Turks. The Young Turks, who did not have a complete unity of thought among themselves, united around the idea of freedom. As a result of Abdülhamid II’s censorship of the press and his pressure on the supporters of the constitutionalism, Young Turks gathered in centres outside the country. One of the places where Young Turks organised outside the country was Egypt. During this period, Egypt was under indirect British rule. The British government was supporting liberal and nationalist movements both in Egypt and in other Arab countries. Some of the Young Turks in Egypt opposed Abdülhamid II with liberal-Islamist ideas. In this context, Young Turks in Egypt expressed their demands for constitutionalism with religious references. They pioneered the development of liberal-Islamist thought in the Ottoman Empire. The liberal-Islamist Young Turks contributed to the history of Turkish politics and democracy with their ideas.

THE STRUCTURE OF THE BUKHARA PEOPLE'S SOVIET REPUBLIC AND THE MANAGEMENT SYSTEM IN IT

The article is devoted to the structure of the Bukhara People's Soviet Republic (BPSR) and its management system. In the first quarter of the twentieth century, important events took place in the life of the Uzbek people. At this time, our people, who lived under the colonial regime of the Russian Empire and the Bukhara Emirate under the monarchical regime, came up with the ideas of freedom and independence. On September 2, 1920, in Bukhara, the Emirati system was overthrown by red soldiers by force of arms. On September 14, 1920, at the general meeting of the Bukhara Council of People's Observers, the Revolutionary Committee and the Central Committee of the Bukhara Communist Party, the All-Bukhara Revolutionary Committee and the Republican Government - 11 members of the Council of People's Observers. were formed. On October 6-8, 1920, the First Congress of People's Representatives of Bukhara took place. At the congress, the formation of the Bukhara People's Soviet Republic was solemnly announced. Based on archival documents, the fact is analyzed that the Bolsheviks, who came to Bukhara under the guise of helping to create a democratic state, intervened here in political and socio-economic life and tried to turn it in the interests of Russia.

Rescuing Hegel from Eurocentrism: Oriental Reconstructions of Hegel's Orient

Abstract Hegel's Eurocentrism has become something of an elephant in the room, too obvious to merit discussion. The secondary literature on Hegel often concedes that many of Hegel's comments about the Orient are misguided and uninformed, and then declares that such remarks are of no consequence to his philosophy. However, recently, some scholars have contended that Hegel's view of freedom is fundamentally connected to his negative vision of the Orient and Africa. For example, Alison Stone asserts that Hegel's idea of freedom is premised on his Eurocentrism and colonialism. Drawing on Peter Sahota's essay on Hegel and Hinduism, she argues that Hegel's idea of freedom as liberation from nature tends to exclude non-Western conceptions of freedom. If Stone's contention is true, there would be no way to, as she puts it, save Hegel from himself. I argue that we can move some way towards rescuing Hegel by noting how scholars from modern Asia incorporated some of Hegel's ideas to struggle against Eurocentrism. This essay will read Hegel's comments on the Orient in light of his larger philosophy and then examine how Japanese scholars, specifically Okakura Tenshin (1863–1913) construct what could be called a Hegel-inspired defense of the concept of Asia or the Orient. I claim that if one understands the excesses of Western life to be linked to a vision of freedom based merely on self-interest and pleasure, when scholars and activists from Asia question Western culture, they actually follow Hegel's insights. Okakura, who studied Hegel in college, rethought Asia as overcoming the abstract individualist freedom of the West and replacing it a more holistic, and partially, Hegelian form of freedom.

Two Kantian Issues within Wittgenstein’s Tractatus: Autonomy of the Will and Duty

The aim of the article is to analyze Wittgenstein’s Tractatus starting from proposition 6.422, which deals with the question of moral duty in the form of the categorical imperative, “Thou shalt”, in the light of Kant’s doctrine of the autonomy of the will. It focuses especially on three Kantian assumptions: the idea of the will as the only foundation of obligation, the idea of a non-empirical subject of the will, and the inseparability between the idea of freedom and the concept of autonomy. These assumptions will be considered in comparison with Wittgenstein’s treatment of the problem of causality within the frame of the picture theory and the idea of a metaphysical subject as bearer of values.

The dialectic of freedom in the game space

By the dialectic of freedom, we understand the internal contradiction and interaction of opposite terms describing the game reality. At first glance, play and freedom are two incompatible phenomena. A game is a form of activity in which the subject adheres to the rules to achieve a goal. Freedom is a category that defines the borderline status of things. We will put forward the opposite thesis: it is within the limits of the game space that free will is formed.This issue is becoming relevant due to the growing popularity of the field of video games and game design. With the development of digital technologies, people began to spend more time in virtual space, and relax and chat in video games. A video game is a digital product in which anthropological qualities are clearly expressed – in the game, the goal and actions are built around the player and for the player.Since the game is a cultural creation of man, it cannot do without the participation of freedom. Freedom is a person's spiritual footprint in the game space. Moreover, the idea of freedom is already embedded in the essence of the game: a person's natural desire to overcome boundaries and himself. Can a game space reflect genuine human freedom?

RUSSIAN-GERMAN INTERACTION IN TERMS OF EUROPEAN POLICY OF CONTAINMENT: TO INTERRUPT IT’S IMPOSSIBLE TO SUPPORT

The policy of sanctions’ restrictions, being persistently carried out by the European countries, isn’t crowned with expected results and has more sharply attracted attention to European problems. The hypothesis is, that immersing into economic withstanding leads into trajectory of discussing in ideological context. Value problematic becomes important because liberalism has stopped be identified with idea of freedom and something common in human nature, we need search for possible variant of common existence in the future Europe – for rightful dialogue originated from pluralism of values, not from conditions of deal, whether the “grain”, “gas” or “green climate”. Germany and Russia were always connected by dependent relations, which determined it’s important role in Europe. The stereotype of “notorious German legitimacy, following the order established”, according to which Germany more needs habitual longstanding coordinates then abstract freedom, keeps hope, that Germany the first will realize and continue to uphold the single and multivariant possibility of existence of the Europe common with Russia, of continuing the interaction with Russia in the most important questions: military and energetic safety, economic and investment cooperation, scientific and cultural-educational exchange. Russian-German relations were traditionally a guarantor of stable Europe and its worthy place in global architecture. There will be no exclusion now. Rules will change, but place and role of Russia on Eurasian continent for objective reasons is an axiom and isn’t a subject to reconsideration by initiators of withstanding. Their destructive role consists in cleaning and preparing the place for relations of new level for good of common Europe.

Legal Pluralism As an Ideology and a Reality

The concepts of legal pluralism used in jurisprudence, anthropology, and sociology are characterized by internal inconsistency and in their radical version are reasonably criticized by many scientists who solve the dilemma of monism and pluralism in favor of the former. At the same time, they are not simple populism, have a long history and are fully correlated with various facts of socio-legal reality such as the existence of international law, informal (direct-social) law in certain social groups, the complex structure of state law, the variability of law-making, law enforcement, non-governmental implementation of law, etc. This prompts us to reconsider the prevailing ideas about the content and meaning of legal pluralism, to demonstrate the possibilities of creating a consistent theory of it. The work uses various methods of scientific research, in particular, a dialectical approach to society (state) and law, a sociological approach in which legal pluralism is considered in an inextricable relationship with social pluralism. It is shown that legal pluralism is, first of all, a type of legal understanding reflecting the idea of the need to reflect in law the conflicting interests (values, ideas) of various personalities, social groups and society, as well as one of the ways to solve social contradictions enshrined in law. It is proved that legal pluralism can manifest itself both as a plurality of systems (subsystems) of law in society, and as an internal pluralism inherent in a particular system (subsystem) of law. The facts of genuine pluralism and quasi-pluralism are distinguished. The general significance of the theory of legal pluralism is seen in the confirmation of the connection of law with the ideas of freedom, justice, competition, in the possibility of consolidating in law extremely diverse models of balancing the interests of various subjects, in substantiating the fact that legal pluralism plays a positive role when it adequately reflects social pluralism as a condition for the preservation and development of society.

The Interrelationship of Moral Education and Human Rights: How are moral education and human rights related?

Purpose: ‘Moral Education’ is a major field in the study of education, characterized as a systematic process that provides a structure of meaningful activities for engaging young individuals to help them acquire a set of beliefs that guide their intentions and attitudes towards others and their environment / society in terms of outlook and morality. It focuses on the prevalent norms, values, and virtues which prompt individuals to reflect and act according to their axiological responsibilities. ‘Human Rights’ are those inherent moral claims of all human beings without which they cannot live as human beings. After the formation of the UN in 1945 and the proclamation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights on 10th December 1948, they revolved around the ideas of Freedom, Equality, Justice, Human Dignity, Inalienability, Indivisibility, and Universality. Now they hold prime consideration in Education as well. This study explores the interrelationship of Moral Education and Human Rights in Pakistan to facilitate scholars, activists, and educationists to identify the areas of their common interests and collaborate more meaningfully.
 Method: A qualitative study employing a systematic review, survey, and some structured interviews was undertaken in order to find some common parameters from which it may be tentatively concluded that Moral Education and Human Rights are interdependent.
 Results: The results largely indicate that the study will provide a strong foundation to make meaningful changes in the domain of Moral Values Education, with particular emphasis on the context of Human Rights and training educators to be the most important “vehicle” for impact.
 Conclusion: The study establishes the significance of Moral Education and its efficacy in institutions highlighting the interdependence of Moral Values Education and Human Rights. It also presents some state-of-the-art implementation measures to secure lifelong learning possibilities using integrative approaches to foster knowledge and competencies related to ethics and values education.

The Invisible Borders: A Comparative Study of Bapsi Sidhwa’s Ice Candy Man and Ritu Menon’s The Border and Boundaries.

The paper entitled “The Invisible Borders: A Comparative Study of Ice Candy Man by Bapsi Sidhwa and The Borders And Boundaries by Ritu Menon” highlights the impacts of partition which have been articulated especially by women writers like Urvashi Butalia, Hena Khan, Bapsi Sidhwa and Ritu Menon on the basis of their unique experiences during partition. This event proved to be the most horrible and devastating in human history because of incidents such as burglary, theft-robbery, kidnapping, rape, and murder. People's homes and places were burned, most people were executed, and women and children were assaulted and exposed to their siblings. Since the actors of partition were men, it is considered a male construct. This was why Partition Literature contains most male authors like Kushwant Singh, Amitav Ghosh, Manto, and Intzaar Hussain. Sidhwa's Ice Candy Man and Menon's Borders and Boundaries weave together the idea of freedom by juxtaposing social and political, past and present in diverse contexts. This study will help to give an insight into communal hatred, and gender discrimination in the patriarchal society during the partition of India and Pakistan.

Just an Illusion?

Just an Illusion?

Labour as a Right, Duty, Matter of Honour and Repression in State-Socialist Bulgaria

The idea of labour free from exploitation has a fundamental place in communist ideology and was a constant slogan in the public rhetoric of the ‘peoples’ democracies’. This paper aims to examine how labour is defined in the official discourse of state-socialist Bulgaria, how it is associated with the ideas of freedom, coercion, the new communist moral order; and how labour is used as a repressive measure for annihilation the political opponents immediately after the seizure the political power by the Fatherland Front on September 9th ,1944 until the closure of the labour camps in 1962. The juxtaposition of the official state discourse of free labour without exploitation of workers and the people’s accounts reveal whether the ideologemes imposed by the state-party propaganda were accepted and became part of the people's thinking and vernacular memory. My thesis is that the ideologemes of free labour are accepted or at least not problematized in the narratives of the majority of ‘ordinary’ people who lived during the communist regime without being subjected to political repression. The other group, however - the victims of such repression - challenges the regime's propaganda ideologemes of freedom and free labour under socialism, and do so by recounting their own lives and speaking from the undeniable position of witnesses. Thus, in terms of remembering labour, freedom and coercion, the generation born in the 1920s and 1930s is divided into two ‘generational units’ (using Mannheim’s term), that remain on irreconcilable opposing positions.

Український конституціоналізм в умовах війни: боротьба за цінності, права та ідентичність

Abstracts. The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the functioning mechanism of the constitutional legal order under martial law, in particular the means and methods by which it can protect constitutional values, rights and identity from internal and external threats, and also offers practical recommendations for preventing the possible involution of constitutionalism in the post-war period. The author believes that after the large-scale invasion of the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine, the practical paradigm of Ukrainian constitutionalism acquired new features. First, it is a change in the ideological component of the content of constitutionalism - constitutional legal awareness in the direction of raising the national idea, national identity, and affirming the national dignity of Ukrainians. At the same time, it is based on the European model of constitutionalism, which corresponds to universal human values, first of all, human dignity and freedom, which are unchanged even under martial law. Secondly, these are changes in the functional mechanism of constitutionalism, which are caused by the need for public authorities to ensure a balance between the security and freedom of citizens with the unwavering observance of fundamental human rights and freedoms, which cannot be limited even in war. Thirdly, the formation of a new identity around the new (post-war) constitution, which should become an expression of the hope of the entire Ukrainian people for their dignified political and socio-economic future in a united Europe. The author of the article claims that the war in Ukraine has a pronounced existential character, as it directly affects the choice of the future of every Ukrainian and the Ukrainian political nation in general. In this war, Ukrainians defend not only their right to exist as a separate ethnic group, but also universal, European values, which are reflected in the Constitution of Ukraine - above all, the idea of freedom and democracy. The European choice of the Ukrainian people is the result of the Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity. This choice remained unchanged even during the war. In the conditions of war, the legitimacy of the use of extraordinary measures by state authorities lies in two areas: first, such measures must be urgent and eliminate the threat to the constitutional order, in particular, the viability of the nation in the event of external aggression; second, accountability and control of the government, which includes parliamentary and judicial control. In such a situation, the institutional capacity of the state to ensure human rights and freedoms is important. A special role is assigned to the judiciary, which must ensure the inalienable, inalienable right of a person to free access to justice. The article focuses attention on the importance of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, local self-government bodies and institutions of civil society in ensuring human rights in extraordinary conditions. Attention is also drawn to the fact that the formation of the Ukrainian political nation in the post-war period should take place around the new constitution. It should become a real social contract of the Ukrainian people - citizens of all nationalities who did not renounce their citizenship during the war and those who acquired it after the war through their will. The basis of this agreement should be the three defining values of constitutionalism - freedom and dignity of the individual, identity and dignity of the nation, supremacy of the constitution and norms of international law. They should find their reflection in the Preamble of the Constitution of Ukraine, which forms the basis of constitutional identity.

The Shadow Economy and Ideas of Freedom

The Shadow Economy and Ideas of Freedom

How misunderstanding the principles and limitations of evidence-based medicine may discredit the concept

The discussion on the methodological limitations of the quasi- measurement of human feelings and sensations, started by the author in the journal Neurology bulletin, continues. There are a number of reasons for accepting/rejecting and understanding the principles and limitations of clinical epidemiology/evidence-based medicine (EBM) to the point of deliberate distortion. It is shown that the ideas of freedom and creativity in medicine, are ways of avoiding control and the realization of biopower. A concrete example, the study of the efficacy of antidepressants, shows how it is possible, either unintentionally or intentionally, to obtain a false result without following the principles and tenets of EBM.