Idea Of Colonization Research Articles

La recherche du bonheur dans la Virginie coloniale

The history of the British colony of Virginia began in the late sixteenth century with the dark unmitigated misfortune of Roanoke, and continued in the early seventeenth century with Jamestown, in a kind of Hobbesian state of nature. There the settlers suffered trials that denied the European immigrants’ expectations to reach the state of happiness. Little by little, while the Virginian colony organized into a coherent structure, as if it had achieved the Lockean contract, it did not succeed in bringing happiness to all of its members. With the extensive growth of the colony, human groups differed from one another, never succeeding in sharing an equal degree of happiness. At this point, many questions arise : Is general happiness possible in a colonial society ? Is everyone apt to enjoy happiness in a civil society based on the idea of colonization ? In British America, the ideology of the pursuit of happiness became a true promise to some groups, while others such as slaves and Native peoples were kept apart and suffered an ordeal which made it possible to bring happiness to the most privileged. By the 1860s, the discrepancy between the happy ones and the oppressed others ended in the catastrophe which destroyed the American society.

New Illnesses—Old Problems, Old Illnesses—New Problems

This present collection of essays concerns the representation of in literature... This introductory material is available in Studies in 20th & 21st Century Literature: http://newprairiepress.org/sttcl/vol22/iss1/2 New Illnesses-Old Problems Old Illnesses-New Problems Sander L. Gilman University of Chicago This present collection of essays concerns the representation of in literature. The time frame is modern and the focus is on turn-of-the-century Europe. This is not accidental, as the problems raised in this arena have been structured by the European modernist discourse on disease. We-at the end of another centurystill stand in thrall to models of which haunt us from the past. The end of the twentieth century begins to look somewhat like the end of the nineteenth. The long age of that marked the close of that age, a peace disrupted by innumerable minor wars fought by great powers against smaller states or among the smaller states themselves, seems to have settled in the long which began in 1945 and continues until today. Likewise, the nineteenth century was an age of mass illness, of tuberculosis, syphilis, cholera, that seemed to be beginning to be answered by the medical science, the of the laboratory and of public health. The late twentieth century suddenly has become the age of again. Cholera, tuberculosis, syphilis, and AIDS mark the close of the twentieth century in the public's fantasy as surely as versions of these diseases marked the last fin de siecle. Yet, of course, the illnesses are not the same-they have different contexts, are read in different ways, in the complex Western cultures in which we live, than they or their parallels were a hundred years ago. But there is more than a slight sense of continuity. Part of this may well be the simple sense of repetition built into the calendar-for turns of centuries have a great symbolic significance in the meaning we attribute to the calendar. But there are other meanings that do transcend merely the markers of chronological 1 Gilman: New Illnesses—Old Problems, Old Illnesses—New Problems Published by New Prairie Press 8 STCL, Volume 22, No. 1 (Winter, 1998) time. Thus there are meanings with which we wrestle whose structure was cast a hundred years ago. One can learn from the debates about the meaning of an even after a century. Thus the anxiety associated with the debate about compulsory reporting and hospitalization that accompanied tuberculosis has interesting parallels in our contemporary debates about compulsory reporting and hospitalization of people who are HIV positive. Thus the history of infection as discussed in Laura Otis's essay in this volume and the pattern of the self-representation of AIDS in the former GDR have interesting parallels. It is not the same which is represented, but the questions that arise, questions of the possibility of cure, of stigmatization, of family responsibility, of anxiety about the body politic, are all present in both times with both diseases, in colonial Britain and Germany as well as in the pseudo-Marxist culture of the GDR. Illnesses such as tuberculosis can be understood as a model for a (if not the) most pernicious and widely spread fatal of the nineteenth century. One can focus on the period after 1882, after the beginning of a modern, scientific understanding of the illness, and see the contradictions, continuities, and problems raised by this science of illness. The parallels will be indeed to AIDS but also to the new tuberculosis, which comes to be associated in the 1990s with AIDS. Here the debates about control, about meaning, and about focus come to be the means of providing a sense of the recycling of the symbolic structures associated with at the close of the millennium. In the present collection of essays, the focus is on the problems of representing illness. It does not deal with (autobiographical) narratives of or the idea that the practice of medicine itself is a discourse. In limiting the scope of this volume to illness and cultural representation, we reveal the riches of the project. There are a number of different models for discussing the question of representing in culture, beginning with Ulrike Kistner's study of the problems of representation within medicine itself. In specific case studies from the turn of the century, Laura Otis looks at the idea of colonization and discovery in Conan Doyle; readers will also find here Edward Brinkley on Wilde and D'Annunzio representing homosexuality as pathology; Iris Bruce on Franz Kafka's lesser known cousin Woody Allen and their fantasies of illness; Misha Kavka (no relation to Franz or Woody) on shell shock and masculinity after World War I; Roland Dollinger on the problem of society and physical trauma in Alfred DOeblin's work; Stephanie 2 Studies in 20th & 21st Century Literature, Vol. 22, Iss. 1 [1998], Art. 2 http://newprairiepress.org/sttcl/vol22/iss1/2 DOI: 10.4148/2334-4415.1431

Colonization and Its Discontents: Emancipation, Emigration, and Antislavery in Antebellum Pennsylvania (review)

Reviewed by: Colonization and Its Discontents: Emancipation, Emigration, and Antislavery in Antebellum Pennsylvania Robert Murray (bio) Colonization and Its Discontents: Emancipation, Emigration, and Antislavery in Antebellum Pennsylvania. By Beverly C. Tomek. (New York: New York University Press, 2011. Pp. xiii, 296. $39.00 cloth) Beverly C. Tomek’s study of antislavery thought in Pennsylvania from the formation of the American republic to the Civil War draws attention to the wide variety of ideologies and activists—immediatists, gradualists, and colonizationists—who collectively challenged slavery [End Page 201] from the Keystone State. Tomek sees Pennsylvania as an important “lens” to view the evolution of the national antislavery community. As a northern border state neighboring three slave states, Pennsylvania contained elements of all three ideologies, represented by the immediatist Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society (PASS), the gradualist Pennsylvania Abolition Society (PAS), and the Pennsylvania Colonization Society (PCS). Few abolitionists of the nineteenth century considered colonization an antislavery movement and their antislavery credentials have been only unevenly restored by historians. But Tomek is aware of these challenges, and she focuses her narrative on colonization in order to demonstrate that the movement—and she hedges her bets with the all-important qualifier “at least in Pennsylvania”—was an antislavery movement (p. 1). Although nominally an account of how these three antislavery ideologies overlapped, colonization is really the engine that drives Tomek’s story. While she eschews focusing on abolitionism, Tomek does advance several critical arguments for our understanding of the colonization movement. Significantly, she classifies colonizationists into two camps situated under the same broad umbrella. One group based its support for colonization on the belief that slavery was a backward economic model. Uninterested in concerns for morality or black uplift, these colonizationists saw slavery as a national threat to industrialization, modernization, and progress. “Humanitarian” reformers constituted the other camp. Often ideological drifters from the gradualist PAS, these people grew increasingly disenchanted with the possibility of black uplift in the United States as the nineteenth century progressed. Equally significant, Tomek does not ignore the contributions of African Americans to these antislavery causes. While African American opposition to the ACS has been well documented, Tomek adds an important addendum to this established narrative by noting that many African Americans were not intrinsically opposed to colonization schemes, especially if those plans were tied to black uplift, but rather were wary of the white-led American Colonization Society (ACS). The book is organized into eight chapters. Chapter one focuses [End Page 202] on the foundation of organized antislavery activity in Pennsylvania with the establishment of the PAS. Tomek astutely notes that these reformers often merged their opposition to slavery with a desire to control the Pennsylvania black population through education and demands for moral uplift. The second chapter centers on the rise of the PCS as it established a broad coalition of politically minded and frustrated humanitarian reformers. The heart of the book, however, is a series of five chapter-length case studies that spotlight persons who embody the disparate elements of the colonization movement and demonstrate the breadth of antislavery thinking. Matthew Carey represents the politically and economically minded side of colonization. For humanitarian reformers of the gradualist stripe, Tomek focuses on Elliott Cresson. Black businessman James Forten is Tomek’s example of upper-class African Americans who flirted with the idea of colonization. While the idea of a black republic appealed to Forten as a demonstration of black equality with whites, he ultimately decided that the white-led ACS did not fulfill this ambition. Benjamin Coates, also a Philadelphia Quaker like Cresson, followed in his predecessor’s footsteps by emphasizing colonization as a vehicle for black uplift. The final case study centers on Martin Delany and his arguments for self-help and emigration as the ideological descendants of Forten. Tomek concludes her narrative with a final chapter “assessing the success and failures of Pennsylvania’s competing antislavery agendas” (p. 219). The approach is not without its problems. For those who are supposed to stand in for entire ideological camps, the reader is often presented with such exceptional characters that one wonders at the extent of their representativeness. After uncritically quoting another historian who described Cresson as a “one...

¿Alegoría de la <i>Nueva Holanda</i>? Imágenes y prácticas de la economía de plantación en Surinam

This article gives a description of the formation process of a literary image of Surinam’s colonial plantation economy and its evolution since the first years of the European colonization. This image was developed in parallel with the constitution of a society with economic and socio-ethnic features determined by the system of exploitation to which it was subjected and which altered the idea of colonization that was projected on the region at the beginning of the colonization. Later a rhetorical image also arose that reflected on the propaganda literature, in the information that circulated among the colonists as well as in the columnists’ works or the memoranda from travellers and statesmen. Such literature merged with other writings describing the actual society, based on ethnic pillars, which had emerged from slavery.

Alfred Russel Wallace, Robert Owen and the theory of natural selection

Whereas there has been considerable debate about the social context of Darwin's theory of natural selection, much less focus has been placed upon Alfred Russel Wallace. This article looks at Wallace's socialism and, in particular, the influence upon his thought of the early nineteenth-century socialist Robert Owen. It argues that a case can be made for seeing Wallace's thought about nature and natural selection in the years up to 1858 in the context of Owenism. Three aspects of his thought are singled out for examination. These are, first, Wallace's views on the role of instinct in animal and human behaviour; second, the idea of colonization in human society and in nature; and third, a re-examination of the role of Malthus in Wallace's thought, emphasizing the influence upon him of the early nineteenth-century socialist critique of Malthusianism.