Hungarian Party Research Articles

Party system transformation from below: protests by Jobbik and LMP

AbstractRecent changes in European politics—such as the rise of so-called movement parties on both the left and the right—call for a rethinking of the links between protest dynamics and party system transformation. In this paper, we contribute to the theoretical and empirical understanding of the mechanisms that unfold in periods of intensified interactions between protest and electoral politics through a case study of the transformation of the Hungarian party system. We ask what mechanisms drive parties' involvement in protests before and after entering parliament. We focus on two competitors: the radical right Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik) and the green party Politics Can Be Different (LMP). Using a dataset of protest events compiled from Hungarian news agency reports and official police records, we map the protest network mobilized by the two parties between 2002 and 2022. We analytically distinguish and empirically identify three different mobilization mechanisms: strengthening the party's profile by protesting its own issue, using protest mobilization to build alliances with other parties and actors, or relying on protest to establish a presence at the local level. The empirical results show that Jobbik relies on protest through a combination of different mechanisms, while LMP uses protest to broaden its issue profile and build alliances with other political parties. Over time, both parties increasingly rely on protest to establish a local presence outside of Budapest.

Shocking Experience: How Politicians’ Issue Strategies Are Shaped by an External Shock During Campaigns

In this article, we focus on how the issue strategies of political leaders are influenced by an external shock that completely changes the public agenda of the election campaign. The 2022 Hungarian parliamentary election campaign is a unique case to investigate this question, as Russia attacked Ukraine six weeks before the election day (April 3, 2022). The study aims to investigate whether the campaign’s issue strategies changed due to this shocking event, and if so, what are the main directions of the changes. The examination relies on a manual content analysis of Hungarian party leaders’ Facebook posts during the campaign, covering both the period before and after the outbreak of the war. First, based on the literature, we distinguish between different issue strategies such as issue ownership, issue stealing, “riding the wave,” and multi-issue and issue-poor strategies. We categorize political leaders’ issue strategies based on their issue focus before and after the external shock. Our results show that while war, economy, and foreign policy play a greater role in the communication of most political actors after February 24, there are remarkable differences between political actors. The communication of opposition party leaders seems to persist with their original issue strategies (issue-poor and multi-issue campaigns), while Viktor Orbán clearly changed his focus immediately after the invasion of Ukraine and ran a “riding the wave” campaign with a focus on war.

Between Conflict and Cooperation: Electoral Strategies of Ethnic Parties

Between Conflict and Cooperation: Electoral Strategies of Ethnic Parties

VICTOR ORBAN: POLITICAL CONSERVATISM AND ANTIMIGRANT RHETORIC

This article examines several issues related to Hungary, the personality and management style of its leader Viktor Orban, and the policies pursued by this European country towards migrants and refugees. Hungary is a state whose migration policy over the past years has been at odds with the European mainstream. This is largely due to the views of Orban himself. For him, the issue of migration is central, axial in his worldview. This course is perceived differently: the Hungarian Prime Minister has both supporters and opponents. In the scientific research literature one can also find polar assessments. At the same time, Orban is a significant figure for the study of migrant discourse, and his policies obviously strive to be framed in a new eclectic ideology. The Prime Minister of Hungary continues to pursue his course, maneuvering between various forces and interest groups - potential allies from other states, opponents from the European liberal establishment, his own electorate, and voters of other Hungarian parties.

Impact of pre-modern war on forests: The case of the Hungarian-Ottoman Military Frontier (ca. 1521–1690)

The paper aims at demonstrating the impact of premodern wars on forest resources. The example studied is Transdanubia (Dunántúl) in present-day Western Hungary which in the early modern times was a site of a lasting military struggle between the Ottoman Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary ruled by the Habsburgs for the time being. It is argued that in the military defense of the region, the Hungarian party heavily relied on the usage of natural obstacles, such as marshes, rivers, and woodlands. The region chosen for a qualitative analysis is Western Transdanubia with the River Rába/Raab at its center. Using surveys, defense plans, letters, and other sources it is demonstrated that forests combined with waterways were key elements of the military tactics of the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Hungarian defense system. Forests therefore had a strategic role in the period of the Ottoman wars, and as such were strictly taken care of and administered by landlords, and military personnel.

Land of peaceful separatists – the Szeklerland in Romanian media

In Romanian media, Szeklerland — a region in Central Romania with an ethnic Hungarian majority – is often evoked as a troublesome part of the country, where Romanians are discriminated against and Hungarian separatism undermines the authority of the state. This representation has endured since the fall of Communism in 1989, even though — unlike in other regions of Europe — the local Hungarian autonomist movement has always relied on peaceful means. The mainstream Romanian discourse, with its focus on the political efforts of Hungarian parties, the symbolic rivalry between Hungarian and Romanian elites, and the fight for economic resources has largely been unchanged. This conflict-oriented perspective makes for a skewed and ethnicized representation of Szeklerland, portrayed as an ‘intolerant region’. While the region witnessed only a minor Hungarian–Romanian conflict in March 1990, the topics of instability and constant tension pervaded the media discourse regarding Szeklerland during the 1990s. Even though the dominant nationalist discourse has become less virulent, this pattern has persisted with the advent of digital and new media formats. Many contemporary representations of Szeklerland on commercial television and social media platforms keep reproducing the stereotypes inherited from the 1990s. This article is based on a historical approach, and, through the analysis of several recent Romanian short documentary films about the Szekler area, highlights the reproduction of the region’s imagery and the most common strategies that feed this polarizing representation.

Maintaining momentum: Tempospatial orientations among members of the Hungarian Momentum Movement Party towards a new political morale

Providing insight in political reality and morale beyond increasingly illiberal governments in CEE, this paper offers an ethnographic perspective on democratic opposition during the process of de-democratisation. Analysing the motivation and purpose of being politically active based on a limited group of members of the Hungarian Momentum Movement Party, it highlights how relating to past, present and future as well as other Hungarian parties and the West they strive to realise a ‘21st century European normality’.

Hungarian Nationalism and Hungarian Pan-Turanism until the Beginning of the Second World War

Abstract After the Napoleonic Wars in the 19th century, the development and spread of nationalism in Europe began to accelerate. The development of the national consciousness of the peoples living under the domination of the empires in Europe damaged the legitimacy of the empires in Europe and started to threaten the existence of the empires in Europe. These nationalist movements especially affected the Habsburg Empire, the Ottoman Empire and the Russian Tsardom, and these regions became areas of nationalist conflict.1 The word ‘Turan’, which is used to describe the Central Asian lands where Turkish tribes live, gained its ideological meaning in the 19th and 20th centuries. ‘Turanism’, which started to gain its ideological meaning in the second half of the 19th century in Hungary, which can be defined as an Asian country in the middle of Europe, has become an ideology identified with Hungarians, Hungarian nationalism and the Hungarian awakening. ‘Hungarian Turanism’, which has undergone many changes in its ideological depiction, was born and strengthened from the search for national identity among economic and social problems in Hungary, which is considered an ‘insecure’ society in Europe due to the threats of Slavic and Germanic elements. Hungarian nationalism and Hungarian identity, which were shaped in an ethnocultural context, evolved from a liberal/political basis to an ethnocultural and pan-nationalist practice. Especially at the beginning of the 20th century, the ‘Hungarian Turanism’ ideology, which started to strengthen with the Hungarian elites and intellectuals focusing on Hungarian national interests, culture and expansionist policies against external threats, led to the emergence of a new nationalism movement, Pan-Turanism. Hungarian nationalism and ‘Hungarian Turanism’ ideology, which started to develop and transform on different grounds, especially after the Hungarian Revolution of 1848, became stronger in the interwar period after the First World War and became an important part of the fascist Hungarian parties supported by Nazi Germany during the Second World War.

Россия, Орбан и другие хитросплетения венгерской политики

Hungarian politics is characterized by a particular focus on the personality of the head of government. On the eve of the parliamentary elections of 2022 a motley coalition of six opposition parties opposed Viktor Orban and the ruling coalition. One of the main issues on which Hungarian parties have taken different positions for decades is the attitude towards Russia. Other topics of serious disagreement include democracy, traditional and non-traditional values, the Roma problem and migration policy, relations with the European Union and NATO, and the situation of Hungarians in neighboring countries, especially in Ukraine.

ОТНОШЕНИЕ ВЕНГРИИ К ПРОБЛЕМЕ ЭТНИЧЕСКИХ ВЕНГРОВ В ЗАКАРПАТЬЕ

The Ukrainian events in 2022 have activated the national movement of Hungarians in the Transcarpathian region. Issues of Hungarian ethnic minority in Ukraine have been on the agenda for many years. Hungary and its Prime Minister Viktor Orban have been paying special attention to the rights of their fellow tribesmen in Ukraine for many years. He openly demanded the creation of territorial autonomy for them, many received Hungarian citizenship. The issue of Transcarpathian Hungarians led to a deterioration in relations between two countries. At the same time, it cannot be said that the political elite of Hungary is united in its assessment of the situation with the Magyars in Transcarpathia. Some of the center-left and liberal parties are ready to support Ukraine regardless the situation with the rights of Hungarians. Others believe that Hungary should speak more respectfully to a neighboring country, but at the same time they call the Ukrainian authorities to respect the rights of the Transcarpathian Magyars. Some Hungarian parties, due to the uncertainty of the issue, are ready to block Ukraine’s admission to the European Union and NATO, or even directly make territorial claims to Ukraine. In general, it is extremely unlikely that the topic will soon disappear from the agenda of relations between the two states

The Transnational Networks of the European Radical Populist Right and the Beacon of Hungarian Illiberal Democracy

Radical right parties in Europe have been in negotiations since 2018 in order to form a single, unified group in the European Parliament. Today, there are two competing caucuses: one, which is considered the “extreme right” by European standards; and another, which is a collection of far-right, Euroskeptic parties. A unified caucus would challenge the leadership of mainstream conservatives and Christian Democrats in the Parliament and be a show of strength by the radical right. For those who are at the origin of this attempt, namely Marine Le Pen from the French National Rally and Matteo Salvini, leader of the Italian Lega, the goal is also to mainstream their ideology by reaching an alliance with the Hungarian Fidesz party and the Polish Law and Justice Party. Both have become the beacons of illiberal democracy and role models for Western parties that used to be labeled “extreme right” and in need of a break from their past. However, tactical as well as ideological issues have, so far, prevented this unification of the radical right from becoming a reality.

“Mass,” “Movement,” “Personal,” or “Cartel” Party? Fidesz’s Hybrid Organisational Strategy

In the last decade, Fidesz has dominated the Hungarian political landscape, becoming the most extensive Hungarian party organisation in terms of party members, structuration, resources, and influence. The party’s organisational development has been determined by a constant strategic adaptation to new circumstances of political reality and new demands of the electorate. The article argues that in three phases of its development, Fidesz adopted different party organisation guidelines. As a result, a hybrid party architecture was formed involving various characteristics and strategies of mass parties (e.g., relatively large membership and ideological communication), movement parties (i.e., top-down generation of mass rallies and protest activities), personal parties (i.e., personalisation, centralisation of party leadership), and cartel parties (i.e., use of state resources, control over party competition). Instead of switching from one strategy to another, the party often used these strategies simultaneously. This flexible party organisation can balance among the different needs of effective governance, constant mobilisation, and popular sovereignty. The article aims to dissect these building blocks of Fidesz to gain insight into the emergence of the hybrid party model.

Seeking Representation: The Development of Hungarian Minority Parties in Serbia and Slovakia

Ever since the 1920 Treaty of Trianon there have been sizable Hungarian minorities found in countries neighbouring the modern Hungarian state. Since the fall of authoritarian communist regimes and the rise of political plurality these minorities have sought representation, often through minority parties. This lens of political parties is applied in this article, in order to examine the seeking of representation by the Hungarian ethnic minority in Serbia and Slovakia. The overall development of parties is outlined, the stages of their development is illustrated and each stage is analysed in detail. The main findings are that Hungarian minority representation is incredibly fragmented and dogged by conflict in both countries, involving many splits in parties, with the formation and liquidation of parties common. However, during exceptional times they were able to show a united front to nationalist governments, this was observed in both Slovakia and Serbia. In more recent times conflict has returned to the fore, with the situations somewhat divergent. The high level of conflict within those seeking to offer political representation to the Hungarian minority in Serbia was notable, as was a lack of an end in sight. On the other hand, there were attempts to unite made in Slovakia, although they are yet to experience much success.

Moving online: political parties and the internal use of digital tools in Hungary

ABSTRACT The article reveals how Hungarian parties expand their members’ participatory repertoires in intra-party democracy with the help of information and communication technology. By answering the question of how Hungarian parties use digital tools for their internal procedures the article adds to the literature on parties’ use of technology. To make visible the promises and boundaries of online political participation in a post-communist country the article relies on 26 semi-structured interviews with Hungarian politicians from 10 parties conducted in 2020. The findings indicate that top-down communication dominates Hungarian parties’ practices, and social media is highly popular and is used for both external and internal reasons.

Political Labels and Post-Politics

Debate over the present-day meaning of the traditional political terms ‘left’ and ‘right’ has been ongoing for at least three decades. Many claim that these labels have lost their former relevance. This article offers a comparative analysis of the Israeli, Polish, and Hungarian party systems. Using qualitative content analysis, it examines party platforms and politicians’ speeches in order to assess the significance of political labels both in political narratives and academic debate. Two main research topics concerning political systems of the three countries are explored in the article: the blurring of the traditional left-right divisions and the partial adoption of an anti-establishment agenda by mainstream parties.

Political communication of Hungarian parties in social networking platforms

In recent years, social media platforms are said to have a major impact on communication and communication technologies. More specifically, popular social networking platforms are increasingly employed in political context. Thus, this study examines the online performance of activities and approaches for political communication between Hungarian political parties and civilians in social networking platforms, video hosting services, as well as microblogging services. In order to examine these connections, the author conducted a web-based quantitate analysis and a semantic sentiment analysis to calculate the efficiency and sentiment of social media posts created by political parties. According to the research results, Hungarian political parties underutilize the inherent communication potential of social networking platforms, especially on YouTube and Twitter.

The Mobilization Potential of Political Parties among Hungarian Students

Situated in the literature that examines the reasons for the dearth of young party members, this article discusses the mobilization potential of political parties among the youth in light of research conducted among Hungarian university and college students (Active Youth Research, 2019). On the one hand, it analyses the mobilization propensity of Hungarian political parties, and on the other, examines to what extent party-political mobilization plays a role in encouraging young people’s involvement in party activities compared to other predisposing factors. Making use of the unique dataset, the study also investigates what attitudinal features distinguish party-politically active students from the rest of the student population. The results show that parties’ mobilization attempts are a principal factor in encouraging young people’s party participation in Hungary, although parties per se are not able to motivate them; politically stimulating family and peer groups and events that shape political views are also needed to set the stage for involvement. The article also finds that the political interest of party-politically active students is demonstrably higher than that of their counterparts, but both groups have rather negative views about Hungarian politics and are dissatisfied with the country’s democracy and present social conditions.

Trzy ujęcia polaryzacji politycznej

The purpose of the article is to organize the conceptual chaos around issues related to the phenomenon of political polarization. After reviewing Polish and English literature, one gets the impression that there are several approaches to this category. The most popular definition proposed by Giovanni Sartori turns out to be just one of the concepts. American political scientists define political polarization differently. Researchers interested in Polish and Hungarian party systems also define political polarization differently. Each of the political polarization approaches is based on different criteria, which means that there are different ways to measure this phenomenon.

Amikor a változások életbe léptek: erdélyi magyaroknak 1985-től megengedték, hogy átlépjék a nyugati határt

In the final years of socialism, Hungarians in Transylvania were going through the fires of adversity. Their circumstances were also enhanced by the significant tension at the time between the Romanian and Hungarian parties and government authorities. The circumstances of the Hungarians living in Romania were to be relieved by the strictly confidential action that permitted those being in Hungary legally to secretly travel on to Austria or Yugoslavia.

The Sunset of Social Democracy in East-Central Europe: Case Study of Hungary

The article analyzes the reasons of the long-term decay of the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) since 2010. The party ruled the country between 1994–1998 and 2002–2010 and was one of the strongest and most institutionalized political forces not only in Hungary but in the whole East-Central Europe. However, during the parliamentary elections in 2010, it suffered a crushing defeat by their main political opponents – “Fidesz,” led by V. Orbán. The organizational development of these two parties is compared. Collected evidence reveal the significance of centralized party rule and efforts to organize civil society in shaping the intra-competition of the main Hungarian political parties.