Hostile Countries Research Articles

TrustCNAV: Certificateless aggregate authentication of civil navigation messages in GNSS

The Global Navigation Satellite System (GNSS) is capable of accurate positioning because it can provide high-precision data. These data are transmitted to the receiver in the form of navigation messages, called civil navigation messages (CNAV). As it is transmitted in an open, transparent environment without data integrity protection mechanisms and secure data transmission measures, the CNAV is suspected to spoofing attacks. In 2023, the OPSGROUP has received approximately 50 reports of GPS spoofing activity. A spoofed plane's navigation system will show it as being in a different place - a security risk if a jet is guided to fly into a hostile country's airspace. To prevent the forging of GNSS positioning data by spoofing attacks targeting CNAV, we propose a certificateless aggregation authentication for CNAV by using the elliptic curve discrete logarithm problem and the combination of the GNAV structural characteristics, called TrustCNAV. Security proof and performance analysis indicate that this authentication scheme can resist spoofing attacks and ensure data security of CNAV, also it avoids pairing operations with high computational complexity, thus meeting security requirements without causing too much time and communication consumption.

THEORETICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL APPROACHES TO THE KURDISH SEPARATIST MOVEMENT AFTER 2000

Due to the current economic and international balances in the world, instead of using direct military force against each other, states support illegal organizations within the hostile country and conduct operations on the hostile state through proxy wars. This method, which has been used in every period of history, aims to create civil war within the hostile state. In this context, the "Separatist Kurdish Political Movement", which started in the last century of the Ottoman Empire and has evolved into international terrorism over time, is the most commonly used terror method of imperialist states, although it has manifested itself in different forms. This study examines the change in the theoretical and philosophical approach of the Marxist-Leninist terrorist organization under the name of "Kurdistan Workers' Party" (PKK), which is the last form of the separatist Kurdish movement and was founded in 1978, with the international support it has received since the beginning of the 2000s with the Gulf War. In addition, the study will analyze the separatist Kurdish movement, which gained international support after 2000, increased its goals, and focused on the goal of "Greater Kurdistan" by taking advantage of the chaos in Syria, and will propose original solutions with theoretical and philosophical approaches to political actors and the academic world.

An Analysis of Factors of Instability of the Financial Market in the Conditions of Sanctions of Hostile Countries

An Analysis of Factors of Instability of the Financial Market in the Conditions of Sanctions of Hostile Countries

Article: A Friend-Shoring Perspective of the Inflation Reduction Act

The COVID-19 pandemic disrupted supply chains around the world and uncovered the dangers of having a concentrated supply chain. With the geopolitical tensions between the US and China and the invasion of Ukraine, the need for friendshoring supply chains in critical green sectors like electric vehicles (EVs) has become a top concern for the US and other countries in the West. The US is adopting measures to support the production and adoption of EVs with the objective of not just ensuring a low carbon footprint, but purportedly to reduce dependency on ‘countries of concern’, revive its manufacturing sector, and make the supply chain resilient. This has eventually led to a race among the US and other countries to augment the production of EVs. The Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) is the culmination of the efforts to support green transportation of the future while supporting domestic production, deepening economic ties with friends and reducing overreliance on potentially hostile countries. Against this background, the authors attempt to analyse the IRA from the perspective of ‘friendshoring’. Friendshoring, supply chain, Inflation Reduction Act, nearshoring, US-China trade relations

Travel to allies or adversaries? A compositional analysis of U.S. diplomatic visits

AbstractObjectiveWhen and why do U.S. leaders visit their allies or adversaries? Much of the literature on diplomatic visits treats each visit as an independent observation. In this article, we analyze high‐level diplomatic visits as compositional data based on the assumption that they are scarce political resources.MethodsWe conduct a compositional analysis of U.S. high‐level officials' diplomatic visits between 1950 and 2010.ResultsWe find that U.S. diplomatic visits to its allies are defense‐oriented, so leaders spend more time touring them during their security crises to signal reassurance. Additionally, we find that visits to adversaries are motivated by leaders' domestic political concerns, particularly their high public unpopularity. Visiting a hostile country is a challenging and salient foreign policy task, providing a high‐profile opportunity to improve their domestic image and standing. This effect is particularly significant in a divided government, where leaders turn to foreign policy to maximize domestic political impacts amid domestic gridlock.ConclusionThe findings suggest that U.S. leaders travel to allies and adversaries for distinct strategic purposes. Furthermore, our study suggests that future research on diplomatic visits should use a compositional variable approach to better model the dynamics and competitive nature of travel diplomacy.

“Having leapt never look back”: Who stays with Russia and how are imports redistributed?

We examine the division of countries according to their political attitude towards Russia after the launch of a special military operation in Ukraine and the introduction of large-scale sanctions, and illustrate the importance of sanctions and political attitude to Russia for countries’ exports there with the available statistical data. The countries are clustered by their participation in sanctions pressure on Russia and voting on six UN resolutions condemning Russia’s actions. Except for hostile countries, we distinguish three groups of friendly countries — “cautious” (voting for UN resolutions), “wavering” (non-systematic voting), and “sympathetic” (voting against resolutions or ignoring them). According to mirror data on foreign trade with Russia, most countries which increased their exports to Russia in 2022 belong to the “sympathizers” group. Relying on the evidence from the EU and China, we demonstrate that imports of sanctioned goods are redistributed more actively than other imports. We list major products which imports were redistributed successfully or unsuccessfully.

EAEU’s Human Potential: New Risks and Opportunities for Development

This study is aimed at studying human potential, its development and implementation in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Taking into account the commitments made by the countries of the Union to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in accordance with Agenda 2030 and under sanctions pressure from hostile countries.Aim. To present the human potential of the integration association as a complex phenomenon of the socio-economic relations of the integrating countries, as well as to identify the emerging risks and offer practical recommendations for reproducing the human potential within the EAEU.Tasks. To trace the dynamics of indicators of development and realization of human potential in each country of the EAEU and the aggregate human potential of the EAEU, to reveal the features of reproduction of human potential by dividing it into qualitative and functional forms, to identify modern risks for reproduction of human potential of the EAEU and new opportunities for development.Methods. To compare indicators of human development of the EAEU countries, the method of comparative analysis is used. In the part of the human potential of the EAEU, it is proposed to take into account new risks for ensuring sustainable human development in the integration association, which make it possible to make methods of analysis and synthesis, induction and statistical method.Results. Based on the analysis of the dynamics of development of such forms of human potential as health potential, educational potential and labor potential, accumulated problems, modern challenges and risks for reproduction of human potential of each EAEU country.Conclusion. The EAEU can no longer remain only an economic integration project, and it is time to expand the horizons of interaction between countries, including on the sphere of development and the realization of human potential. By taking into account new risks, countries need to coordinate the directions of development of the EAEU’s total human potential within the framework of commitments to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals in accordance with Agenda 2030 and under the conditions of ongoing sanctions pressure from hostile countries.

Living in a hostile country: the ‘Migrant’ and ‘Unbelonging’ in contemporary Brexit literature

ABSTRACT This article will assess the situation of migrant ‘others’ in Britain post-Brexit. It will develop my established research interests in the situation of EU citizens in the UK in a new direction by looking at the impact Brexit has had on non-EU citizens living in the UK. Utilising Rosa Mas Giralt's concept of unbelonging, it will offer a close-reading of Isabel Dupuy’s 2019 novel Living the Dream and argue that Brexit, generally considered a Britain and EU issue, has affected individual lives, problematised identities and destroyed family units beyond that usual demographic. This wider gaze will allow for a more rounded understanding of the impacts of Brexit.

730년대 渤海-唐 전쟁 시기의 ‘海賊’과 新羅의 北進經略

In September 732, the Balhae Dynasty attracted ‘pirates’ as allies, and had them raid on 登州, the main port of the Tang Empire, causing great damages. In addition, after the raid, these pirates carried out a commercial raiding strategy targeting the hostile countries along the Yellow Sea coast and sea routes in line with the strategic intention of the Balhae Dynasty. In other words, the Balhae Dynasty used these pirates like Privateers. This was a pattern that could be found universally in other eras and regions. It is presumed that the entity of these pirate groups was composed of local residents such as Goguryeo refugees or Mohe clans, who had been settled in a kind of warlords since the fall of the Goguryeo dynasty(668). Through various historical processes, a geopolitical buffer zone was formed from Manchuria to the northern part of the Korean Peninsula. That is why these pirate groups appeared. Above all, it should be taken into consideration that the situation was ahead of King Wu's expedition to 馬都山(March of the leap month in 733) according to the oath with Khitan and the Turks. In other words, it can be understood as an auxiliary attack in which irregular troops were mobilized for the purpose of supporting the main attack of the regular army of the Balhae Dynasty.
 On the other hand, the activities of pirate groups were recognized as a serious threat to the Silla Dynasty. Therefore, immediately after the raid on 登州, the Tang Empire requested troops to attack the Balhae Dynasty, and the Silla Dynasty responded positively. Accordingly, the army of the Silla Dynasty attacked '靺鞨南鄙', through the northwest of the Korean Peninsula from the winter of 732 to the spring of 733. Furthermore, under the pretext of suppressing the '海曲之賊', the Silla Dynasty strongly demanded the Tang Empire to '浿江置戍', it was a Military and administrative authority for the management of the 浿江 basin, which had been neglected as a buffer zone between the two countries. As a result, it was finally approved in the spring of 735. Also, the Silla Dynasty used the title of ‘(持節) 寧海軍使’ to pressure or coax the regional groups, which had been the source of pirate activities.
 ‘浿江置戍’ had the meaning of finishing the Silla’s long-cherished desire for advancement to the north, since the reigns of Kings Muyeol and King Munmu in the past. On the one hand, in a practically, this was also to take a fundamental solution of the pirate problem that had been rampant along the coast of the Yellow Sea based on active intervention on the local region.
 The ultimate result of ‘浿江置戍’ was the installation and operation of ‘長口鎭’. Through this, Silla was able to strengthen its control on the coast of the Yellow Sea and secure the safety of navigation. In other words, the pirate activities linked to the Balhae Dynasty in the 730s were a clear threat, but at the same time, they were also a major factor in the Silla Dynasty's advancement to the north.

To Utilize Structural Equation Modelling to Investigate the Impact of Cross-border Tourism on Regional Cooperation: The Mediating Effect of Community Support

Tourism plays an important role in encouraging cooperation and peace between the partitioned countries. The current study aims to investigate the influence of cross-border tourism on bilateral trade and cooperation between India and Myanmar. Further, the paper identifies the role of community support as a mediator between exogenous and endogenous variables. An onsite questionnaire is distributed among the residents of Indian border areas close to the neighboring border of Myanmar. The SEM is employed to reject the null hypotheses and test the proposed model empirically. The findings reveal that all the proposed hypotheses are supported. The cross-border cooperation is positively influenced by cross-border tourism development and trade between India and Myanmar. Moreover, community support mediates the relationship between cross-border tourism, bilateral trade, and cooperation. An important consideration from this paper is that tourism supported by border communities can act as a catalyst for promoting cooperation among hostile countries. India and Myanmar being close neighbors, have huge scope to support each other through different cross-border programs, projects, and bilateral trade. The study provides valuable insights for both countries to adopt tourism initiatives as a tool to ameliorate their relationships and develop the economic conditions of border communities.

The Russian еconomy: Challenges and ways for leveling and mitigation of their negative impact

The article examines the problems of the development of the domestic economy in non-standard conditions for the formation of market relations, when the implementation of market mechanisms is limited by the total non-market behavior of hostile countries, that is why the tasks of further scientific developments aimed at developing new anti-crisis approaches to the development of the Russian economy are updated and focused on ensuring national economic security in response to new challenges and threats in accordance with highly prioritized strategic national interests. The purpose of the study is to analyze the measures taken by the Government of the Russian Federation to ensure sustainable economic development and to substantiate new anti-crisis mobilizational approaches to regulating the Russian economy in the context of blocking total sanctions of the collective West. The research process was based on a set of general scientific methods, including analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, generalization and analogy, methods of comparison, matching, historical and logical method, interpretation, and others. It is concluded that it is possible and necessary to strengthen anti-crisis state regulation of the economy with its reorientation to a mobilization economic model and the formation of a balanced mechanism for the interaction of production and consumption in key sectors of the real sector of the Russian economy, taking into account Russia’s strategic priorities in modern business conditions. The practical significance of the results of the study lies in the possibility of their use in the field of state anti-crisis management and the development of strategies for the development of the national economy.

India’s Space Policy and Counter-Space Capabilities

As contestation in outer space has evolved into increased militarization since the Cold War era, multiple stakeholders have come to play a significant role in shaping the international regime governing activities of State and non-State actors in outer space. India has interacted with this international regime in a dynamic manner, and currently contributes about 2 per cent to the US$ 360 billion global space industry. Its own security compulsions in outer space are shaped by its national interests vis-a-vis data collection, C4ISR, satellite communications, and of course, deterrence against the rising military might of hostile countries in its neighbourhood—China and Pakistan. In this light, this article looks at the potential of India’s domestic material and policy-based space architecture, including the functioning of ISRO and its collaboration with the private sector, as well as India’s current space-based assets and ASAT capabilities. On the basis of this assessment of India’s current institutional and infrastructural assets for outer space, the article also attempts to chart a trajectory forward for India’s space policy and counter-space capabilities.

Design of an Elliptical Orbit for High-Resolution Optical Observation at a Very Low Altitude over the Korean Peninsula

Surveillance and reconnaissance intelligence in the space domain will become increasingly important in future battlefield environments. Moreover, to assimilate the military provocations and trends of hostile countries, imagery intelligence of the highest possible resolution is required. There are many methods for improving the resolution of optical satellites when observing the ground, such as designing satellite optical systems with a larger diameter and lowering the operating altitude. In this paper, we propose a method for improving ground observation resolution by using an optical system for a previously designed low orbit satellite and lowering the operating altitude of the satellite. When the altitude of a satellite is reduced in a circular orbit, a large amount of thrust fuel is required to maintain altitude because the satellite’s altitude can decrease rapidly due to atmospheric drag. However, by using the critical inclination, which can fix the position of the perigee in an elliptical orbit to the observation area, the operating altitude of the satellite can be reduced using less fuel compared to a circular orbit. This method makes it possible to obtain a similar observational resolution of a medium-sized satellite with the same weight and volume as a small satellite. In addition, this method has the advantage of reducing development and launch costs to that of a small-sized satellite. As a result, we designed an elliptical orbit. The perigee of the orbit is 300 km, the apogee is 8,366.52 km, and the critical inclination is 116.56°. This orbit remains at its lowest altitude to the Korean peninsula constantly with much less orbit maintenance fuel compared to the 300 km circular orbit.

Torn apart! Transnational feminist researchers’ geopolitical positionality in (pre-) COVID-19 times

In this article, we examine the ‘geopolitical positionality’ of transnational feminist researchers caught between hostile countries (home-field). We define geopolitical positionality as the researchers’ position influenced by international politics, discourses, and practices by core powers and hegemonic states. By revisiting our fieldwork experiences, we interrogate how our geopolitical positionalities have a great impact on the process of feminist knowledge production and researchers’ well-being amidst the COVID-19 pandemic. In the era of global trade wars, the geopolitical positionality of transnational researchers requires more scholarly attention; however, a focus on this geopolitical positionality remains practically nonexistent in feminist geography. This article works to fill this void by reflecting on our fieldwork experiences in the geopolitical tensions between China and the US (for Ruwen Chang) and between South Korea and Japan (for Jaeyeon Lee). By sharing our vulnerabilities and hardships concerning our fieldwork prior to and during the COVID-19 crisis, we aim to accomplish two goals. First, by showing the vulnerability of transnational feminist researchers who are caught between hostile countries (home-field), we hope to create a space of compassion and support in/beyond academia. Second, with our analysis of geopolitical positionality, we demonstrate that transnational knowledge is precariously produced across imaginary and material boundaries between the personal, the academic, the national, and the geopolitical.

Regional Policy Projects (1920-1989)

"The article reveals the main legislative initiatives and the main events concerning Romania as a part of the government policies about regional vs centralized administration in the period 1920–1989. It was a period with different regimes, different military organization and territorial evolution. Romania had an evolution as a middle country as population and surface with three frontiers with hostile countries as Bulgaria, Hungary and the Soviet Union. "

The role of geopolitical factors in neighboring countries and regional powers in the continuation of the Afghanistan crisis

Afghanistan has at times faced crises, mostly due to the interference of hostile countries in all affairs of the country. The crises in Afghanistan, at any time, from the interventions of the countries of the region and the rivalry of the great supra-regional and global powers that have caused the crisis in this country to continue, especially in recent decades, which has led to many tensions. Investigating why this country is in crisis requires recognizing its contexts and underlying factors. Global regional and trans-regional factors are the root causes, sustainability and context that need to be examined. The present study seeks to study, analyze and find the root of the crisis of this country from a geopolitical point of view with a descriptive-analytical method. And the area has been surveyed. Findings show that neighboring countries and the region, especially the above factors, have a role to play in the recent crises in Afghanistan, as well as the competition of powers, both domestically and nationally, as well as regionally, trans regionally and globally. Have played an effective role in the crisis in this country and have caused the crisis in Afghanistan to continue.

동맹외교를 통한 루마니아의 국가안보

To understand a phenomenon and to overcome it effectively, we need a lens that can see the phenomenon clearly. The meaning and type of the phenomenon look different depending on which lens we look through, and furthermore, the countermeasures and solution method for it are also different. The same goes for international relations. Alliance diplomacy, one of the various approaches to understanding the behavior of international relations, can be said to be a basic diplomatic means to maintain the balance of power between countries. The key to alliance diplomacy is the balance of power. The true purpose of alliance diplomacy is to secure a balanced power against the hostile country by forming an alliance with other countries when national security cannot be achieved on its own. The military value of Romania is increasing at the European level by the United States trying to strengthen NATO’s current strategic role. Romania is a very important region for the national interest of the United States. It is true that Romania, which is very close to Russia, a hostile hegemon, is also faithfully responding to changes in the security environment through an alliance with the United States. However, the range of mutual understanding between the United States and European countries across the Atlantic Ocean is getting narrower. Between the two powers, Europe, which provides software values such as economy and culture, and the United States, which provides hardware means such as political and military power, the scope of Romania’s movement may be narrowed. Romania is receiving economic support from the EU, a large European economic community, and security guarantees from NATO, led by the United States. Therefore, in the face of the dilemma of cooperation and discord between the two powers, Romania will have to properly adapt to the international system that is transitioning to a multipolar system by maximizing its strategic flexibility.

Fifth Generation and Hybrid Warfare: Response Strategy of Pakistan

The current study is designed to find out the nature and level of the fifth generation warfare in Pakistan. Pakistan is facing security challenges on account of terrorism and regional security. It is the time to understand the latest trends in the Fifth generation warfare war and implications for Pakistan. Threats to Pakistan’s stability by the hostile countries and their proxies by using 5GW and its ramification needed to be deeply analyzed. The objectives of this study are the conception of the term, comparison between different generations of warfare, mechanisms and techniques used in it and implications on the security of Pakistan and response strategies. Qualitative research design was implemented with data collection from secondary sources. The findings of the study show that the concept of 5GW is very difficult to comprehend and define, yet it has been grasped differently. The all generations of warfare are basically on two major areas i.e. targeting certain type of ideology and developing modern technology and warfare equipment’s. The study concluded that Pakistan is currently facing higher level of fifth generation warfare from India mainly in four major domains i.e. conventional war, diplomatic challenges, misinformation and economic suppression. The findings of the current study are of prime importance for framing a constructive policy in order to counter the 5GW threats. By delineating key issues and challenges, this research presents some recommendation to improve the countering strategies regarding 5GW in the context of Pakistan.

METHODS OF EDUCATIONAL FACILITY DESIGN USING UNIFIED BLOCK UNITS

The article covers the effective methods of a timesaving public facility design and construction and specifies the method of the kindergarten and primary school design using unified block units. The war started by the hostile country against Ukraine has completely changed our lives. Demolished houses and public buildings, industrial facilities, the infrastructure, whole villages and cities became striking realities that challenged the architects and urban designers to solve the issue of prompt and complex reconstruction in the cities. Because of the war, Ukraine will soon face the demand for fast residential area development and complex construction of facilities, such as kindergartens and secondary schools, raising concerns on the effective methods of timesaving public facility design and construction. At the end of the twentieth century, an expert team at the Kiev National University of Construction and Architecture developed a standardized unit block system for housing and public areas prompting the unified block unit residential building and public area construction.
 The block-modular method can be used in present environment for educational facility construction, considering the architectural and construction trends. To outline the practices and structure the typical evaluation at educational facility design, the following diverse unified functional elements were introduced: a single and a double block of cells for a kindergarten; one, two and three-unit assembly standardized functional block for a primary school educational area; a standardized functional block of common use sharing kindergarten premises and primary school.

The Abraham Accords: Can Interculturalism Solve Grave Conflicts of the Middle East?

The Abraham Accords are intended to end the still-unresolved Arab-Israeli conflict. Introduced also as an intercultural project to ensure peace among hostile countries of the Middle East, the Accords have been welcomed by some Arab states. This study analyzes the Abraham Accords and contends that, though their intercultural aspect is weak, they can still provide an opportunity for perpetual peace between Muslim Arabs and Jewish Israelis. If used as leverage, the Accords can also help resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but, if the Palestinian question is ignored, they may cause more radicalization among Palestinians. Further, the Accords have the potential to spark an intracultural conflict among Muslim countries unless they are not turned into a strong alliance that is also welcomed by Arabic public opinion.