Honorific Term Research Articles

The Function of Honorific Term Ité: Cultural Perspectives from Manggarai, Indonesia

Culture pertains to human existence and encompasses the various aspects of a civilization’s way of life. On the other hand, language refers to the complex communication system employed by individuals inside a specific culture or group. Language utilization typically represents the societal customs, cognitive processes, cognitive functioning, historical context, and interconnections within a given human civilization. Utilizing the inclusive personal pronoun "ité" in the Manggarai language facilitates identifying a connection between linguistic elements and cultural principles. This study examines the relationship between the two specified elements, particularly emphasizing the arguments offered. The data were obtained using observations and interviews conducted with fifteen traditional representatives. Subsequently, a qualitative analysis was performed on the collected data. The findings suggest that its utilization in its various manifestations indicates the cultural norms and customs observed by those living in the Manggarai region of Indonesia. Based on the presented data, this study asserts that the first personal pronoun plural inclusive "ité" in the Manggarai language and culture serves as a means for the speaker to communicate politeness and humility towards the hearer or listener. It signifies a genuine respect for the interlocutor, particularly when they hold a high position. In addition, ité shows familiarity, brotherhood, and sincerity in interpersonal relationships by expressing respect, appreciation, and enthusiasm. Furthermore, it functions as a deep gratitude towards the Divine Father.

Infants who are rarely spoken to nevertheless understand many words

Theories of language development-informed largely by studies of Western, middleclass infants-have highlighted the language that caregivers direct to children as a key driver of language learning. However, some have argued that language development unfolds similarly across environmental contexts, including those in which childdirected language is scarce. This raises the possibility that children are able to learn from other sources of language in their environments, particularly the language directed to others in their environment. We explore this hypothesis with infants in an indigenous Tseltal-speaking community in Southern Mexico who are rarely spoken to, yet have the opportunity to overhear a great deal of other-directed language by virtue of being carried on their mothers' backs. Adapting a previously established gaze-tracking method for detecting early word knowledge to our field setting, we find that Tseltal infants exhibit implicit knowledge of common nouns (Exp. 1), analogous to their US peers who are frequently spoken to. Moreover, they exhibit comprehension of Tseltal honorific terms that are exclusively used to greet adults in the community (Exp. 2), representing language that could only have been learned through overhearing. In so doing, Tseltal infants demonstrate an ability to discriminate words with similar meanings and perceptually similar referents at an earlier age than has been shown among Western children. Together, these results suggest that for some infants, learning from overhearing may be an important path toward developing language.

The Use of the Wakamono Kotoba Egui on “Snow man”'s YouTube Channel

The purpose of this research is to explain the meaning of the word egui, describe the situations or circumstances in which it is used, and categorize it into meanings and functional types while explaining the contexts of its usage. The research method employed is a qualitative descriptive research technique involving recording and note-taking, with the data source being audio-visual media in the form of 65 videos from the Snow Man YouTube channel. Data analysis involves collecting instances of the word egui from the data source, then analyzing the meaning of egui based on situations or contexts, its usage, meaning categories, and functional types.The results of the research reveal that the word egui has a genuine negative meaning and an expanded positive meaning within the context of wakamono kotoba. The most commonly found positive meanings include praise, such as amazing, great, or extraordinary; the condition such as significant, great, or influential; an expression of admiration, such as cool or wonderful; and a sense of joy. On the other hand, negative meanings are also present, such as when facing difficulties, being troublesome, experiencing hardship, or being in a chaotic situation; or when feeling threatened, in danger, worried, or in a difficult situation. Additionally, there are instances of egui where the meaning can be seen from both positive and negative perspectives, which can be translated into Indonesian as terkejut, kaget, or terperanjat (surprised); as an adjective modifier; or as an honorific term.

호칭·지칭 대상을 높이는 ‘님’, ‘분’, ‘씨’의 변별적 특성

This study aims to distinguish the characteristics of ‘nim", ‘bun," and ‘ssi," which are commonly used as honorific terms of address or reference in modern Korean. ‘-Nim" and ‘-bun" are honorific suffixes, but ‘-nim" is used as a personal honorific suffix, originally referring to people with close relationships to the speaker. On the other hand, ‘-bun" is a suffix used to show respect to various individuals who are not directly connected to the speaker. The suffix ‘-bun’ is a form made from ‘bun,’ which is a dependent noun, so various roots can be placed in front of it. Both ‘ssi" and ‘nim" are dependent nouns of honorific, but they have different functional roles. While ‘ssi" is used in objective and public situations, not as an honorific for individuals of high status, ‘nim" is used to express personal respect.

Sacrificial Limbs: Masculinity, Disability and Political Violence in Turkey

ABSTRACTThe honorific term gazi has a significant place in right‐wing politics in Turkey as a key symbol of Turkish nationalism and Islamism. Historically a title associated with Muslim warriors and Ottoman and Turkish sovereigns, it has gained a renewed visibility in everyday life and politics since the 1990s, when the Turkish state began to bestow this title on disabled veterans returning from the counterinsurgency war in Kurdistan. As the war's toll rose, thousands of young, lower‐class men who were badly wounded during their mandatory military service ended up joining the ranks of the gazis, and their injured lives and honored status would go on to become an important point of nationalist rhetoric and action. In Sacrificial Limbs, Salih Can Açıksöz takes his readers deep into the world of Turkey's contemporary gazis, chronicling diverse aspects of their lives – from their memories of war and traumatic experiences of injury, to their everyday struggles in the intimacy of their homes, at healthcare institutions, at work, and on the streets. Traversing disabled veterans’ social and political networks, Açıksöz lays bare a dangerously fragile masculinity and its constitutive interactions with state sovereignty, neoliberal governmentality, and ultranationalist politicization.

An Analysis of Translation Strategies of Honorific Term in the Film “The Boss Baby”

Translation helps the people to communicate and to transfer the information given by others. In translation language and meaning is the key of those communication and information. The culture of each language is different from another. Honorific is one of the cultures in language. The aims of the study is to examine the translation strategy of honorific term in the film The Boss Baby in its English to Indonesian translation and the use of the honorific. In this research, the researchers mainly used the qualitative research design in the strategy of descriptive. The subject of his research is honorific. Meanwhile, the data or object is the translation of subtitle of the film The Boss Baby. The method and technique in collecting data is observation specifically in noting technique and the technique for analyzing data is identity method. Research instrument is human instrument. Based on the findings, there are six types of translation strategies used. Those six types are literal translation, naturalization, generalization, reduction, transposition, and linguistic compression. The most used translation strategy is literal translation and the least one is transposition.

Redefining terminology for medical eponyms.

There are those who support and others who refute the use of medical eponyms. Clarified are the use of the terms eponyms and medical eponyms. We proposed the redesign of a more specific definition for a medical eponym. Therefore, a medical eponym in clinical medicine is defined as a honorific term bestowed to an individual who identified or discovered, a disease, sign, symptom, syndrome, test, finding, anatomical part, or designed a device, procedure, view, treatment, classification, prediction rule, principle, or algorithm. Thus medical eponyms include those aspects which involve patient care or applications of care. Further discussed and clarified are misconceptions regarding the use of medical eponyms, distinguishing features of other types of “onyms”, and supporting and opposing views regarding their retention and disbarment. Recognized is the importance that medical eponyms be carefully studied using an evidence-based approach before they are abandoned.

Abdominal Physical Signs of Inspection and Medical Eponyms.

An eponym in clinical medicine is an honorific term ascribed to a person(s) who may have initially discovered or described a device, procedure, anatomical part, treatment, disease, symptom, syndrome, or sign found on physical examination. Signs, although often lacking sufficient sensitivity and specificity, assist in some cases to differentiate and diagnose disease. With the advent of advanced technological tools in radiological imaging and diagnostic testing, the importance of inspection, the initial steps taught during the physical examination, is often overlooked or given only cursory attention. Nevertheless, in the era of evidence-based and cost-effective medicine, it becomes compelling, and we contend that a meticulously performed history and physical examination, applying the basic tenets of inspection, remains paramount prior to obtaining appropriate diagnostic tests. PubMed, Medline, online Internet word searches and bibliographies from source text and textbooks. PubMed was searched using the Medical Subject Heading (MeSH) of the name of the eponyms and text words associated with the sign. We describe the historical aspect, clinical application, and performance of medical eponymous signs of inspection found on physical examination during the 18th to 20th centuries.

How Society Shapes Language: Personal Pronouns in the Greater Burma Zone

Abstract In the “Greater Burma Zone”, an area that includes Myanmar and adjacent regions of the neighboring countries, there are two different systems of personal pronouns that occur predominantly: a grammatical one and one that we call “hierarchical system”. The aim of this paper is to explain the two systems and their development. A sample of 42 languages shows that smaller language communities have grammatical systems and the most dominant languages today have hierarchical ones. Besides these two groups, there are also some languages with a “mixed system”, which means the grammatical system is retained and only a few honorific terms are added as pronouns. An important question will therefore be why the systems are distributed just in this way. Several factors seem to play a role, among them sociocultural structures, historical developments and language contact.

Study on Language Expressions Used in Media : With a Focus on the Use of Honorificsin on TV Advertisements

Background: This study was aimed at finding out how Korean honorific terms connotate social discourses throughout media by analyzing advanced research and politeness theory on the role of language, based on an understanding of the semiologic role of language and its social semantic interpretation. Methods: The study was conducted by literature research and case study. First of all, the study drew items for analysis by examining theories about language, politeness and honorific terms and compared foreign and domestic advanced research on language used in TV advertisements. Then the study classified 1,115 TV advertisements broadcasted between January and June 2016 into categories for analysis and compared them with the existing research. Results: There was a polarization of expressions - the top honorific term and the top humble term - as well as a speech-level shift where various honorific terms are mixed together based on the object of the honorific term. The reasons are as follows. First, the honorific term in a social relationship shifts to a goal-oriented system from the phatic system; second, members of a society claims for a lateral social class and politeness to a certain social class. It could be assumed that the unstable economy and political and social disasters, which are current social issues, are expressed toward a certain society class while they exist in the social member’s awareness. Conclusions: The analysis results indicate that linguistic expressions play a role as a frame of reference to express an the semantic structure of an individual’s social universe.

Japanese honorifics re-re-visited

AbstractThe present paper aims to re-investigate the status of Japanese honorifics in pragmatic principles, and attempts to see how various dynamic uses of honorific terms for different purposes can be unified with the idea of “the grammar of society” (Bicchieri 2006). To reach this conclusion, the paper is organised in the following way. First, I argue that honorifics, or more precisely honorific markings, function as the grammatical conversion of what has already been strategically constructed, and solely index a social or psychological distance between the interactants. This means that honorifics present a double layer of linguistic architecture: a strategically constructed unit and honorific marking on the unit. Second, the paper examines honorific terms used in speech (plus-) level shifts to see a parallel between them and the so-called ‘conventional’ honorifics, and to find similar attributes shared between them, which are in many ways derived from the origin of honorifics. Finally, by re-investigating and reinstating the term ‘social norm’, which Bicchieri (2006) compares to “the grammar of society”, I demonstrate how honorific terms as social norms are first employed, and then applied, manipulated and pragmatically expanded for various purposes.

Kazakh hypocorisms in a comparative perspective

The article deals first and foremost with Kazakh hypocorisms. This category is intertwined with the categories of the Diminutive and the Vocative, as well as with the category of subjective evaluation of reality, in particular in the formation of endearment and honorific terms. Diminutive markers may build hypocorisms and vocative forms (along with building new lexemes), and hypocorisms, together with endearment and honorific formations of nouns expressing interpersonal relations, may act as vocatives. Each language has its own system for expressing these categories, comprising both grammatical and lexical devices. Hypocorisms are built in very different ways in Turkic languages, employing affixation (e.g. diminutive, endearment and honorific affixes) and other means (syncopation, ellipsis, etc.). Kazakh hypocorisms are formed with specialized affixes that are used exclusively to build endearment (affectionate) and honorific hypocorisms from reduced person noun stems, mostly not used as separate lexemes. Diminutive affixes on common nouns do not build hypocorisms. In contrast, Tuvan practically does not use any diminutive, endearment or honorific affixes to build hypocorisms, as the respective morphemes have been incorporated into Tuvan full names; instead various types of ellipsis and syncopation of full names serve this end. Most South Siberian languages (Shor, Altai, Khakas) use “general” diminutive markers, also applied to common nouns as well to express “objective” evaluation of the size of their referents. Used with person names and nouns expressing interpersonal relations, such diminutive affixes fulfill the function of subjective evaluation of reality, being expressive language means.

A Study on the Honorific Terms in Towazugatari - Focused on the Elegant Usage

A Study on the Honorific Terms in Towazugatari - Focused on the Elegant Usage

Looking up to others: Social status, Chinese honorifics, and spatial attention.

Two experiments were carried out to investigate whether social status encoded in Chinese honorifics has metaphorical effects on up-down spatial orientation. In Experiment 1, participants judged whether a word was an elevating or denigrating term immediately prior to judging whether an arrow was pointing up or down. Arrow orientation was identified faster when its direction was congruent with the perceived social status of the preceding honorific (e.g., elevating word and up arrow). In Experiment 2, participants identified the letter p or q after judging whether honorifics were elevating or denigrating terms. Letters were identified faster when placed at the top of the screen following elevating terms, and faster at the bottom following denigrating terms. These results suggest that the mere activation of social status differences by honorific terms orients attention toward schema-congruent space. Social status appears to have pragmatic effects, not only for lexical decision-making, but also in where Chinese speakers are most likely to look.

Two Positions of Honorific Phrases in Korean Long Form Negation

The honorific subject optionally takes the honorific suffix si. However, when the nominative honorific marker kkeyse is attached to the subject or the most honorific term, for example, ape-nim father-HON to the daughter-in-law, occurs as a vocative element, the honorific suffix si is always used. There are a few verbal roots to which the honorific suffix si must be attached. The roots ca(-ta) sleep, mek(-ta) eat, and cwuk(-ta) die are realized as cwumwu, capswu, and tolaka, respectively, when they are preceded by the honorific suffix si, which shows that HonP must also be installed below NegP in the long form negation (LFN) structure. This induces the Hon-Neg-Hon order between vP and TP (or VP and TP, if vP doesnt appear), which is always used in LFN structure of imperatives. With the exception of the above three honorific predicates, HonP may appear above or below NegP in all LFN structures constituting a simplex clausal structure, which can be explained by the new approach to honorification.

Kokborok: A Major Tribal Language of Tripura

Kokborok: A Major Tribal Language of Tripura

Exam papers as social spaces for control and manipulation: ‘Dear Dr X, please I need to pass this course’

In this paper, we take a critical discourse analytic approach to short notes written at the end of exam papers by Iranian students asking for a higher score. Such notes are sometimes written when the student has a feeling that they might fail the exam as a result of not providing satisfactory answers to questions. We consider this to be a manipulative strategy employed by these students to control their professors. Manipulation, however, is often considered an illegitimate source of power abuse by people having the higher hand in unequal power relations [Van Dijk, T.A. (2006). Discourse and manipulation. Discourse & Society, 17(3), 359–383]. The present paper argues for a new understanding of this important concept in the critical discourse analysis (CDA) tradition by highlighting manipulative strategies used by less powerful people. The analysis of 71 such notes written by students in two Iranian universities suggests that the students, as people in a lower position of power, resorted to certain manipulative strategies to exert influence on professors, people in a higher position of power. Four of the most frequent strategies identified in the data will be discussed: (1) tapping into religious beliefs; (2) highlighting personal and social problems as causes for inability to prepare for the exam; (3) referring to negative consequences for failing the exam, and therefore tapping into the examiner's conscience; and (4) resorting to honorific terms to address the examiner. This study would have implications for application of CDA in Higher Education.

Garpon La’s Offerings

Garpon La’s Offerings Woeser (bio) Translated by Dechen Pemba (bio) I didn’t know him personally, but I’ve heard many stories about Garpon La. There are even more that I haven’t heard, and in fact some people emphatically and even angrily say that the Garpon La I’ve heard stories about isn’t the one who went to Dharamsala; and the Garpon La who did go to Dharamsala isn’t the same Garpon La I’ve heard about. This sounds a bit like a brain teaser. It’s enough to make you dizzy. Added to this is the fact that I’m using the honorific term “La” to refer to the person whose story I want to tell, though I don’t actually know if I should, and the question doesn’t really matter to me anyway. Honestly, I am not even that interested in sorting out one Garpon La from another. This is probably a mistake. By not doing much research, I have to rely on my memory. However, while obstacles I’ve created for myself are troubling, I don’t intend to talk about Garpon La’s life and achievements anyway; they aren’t important. What I mean to say is that they’re not important to this story. After all, I’m not writing his biography; I want to relate just one incident. I should also say that these events occurred during a confusing time. That doesn’t mean I’ve forgotten things, but it’s possible the story has become muddled. I’ve told and retold it on ten or more occasions. Every time I tell it, the regret that weighs on my heart becomes heavier. I remember the bright, summer-afternoon sunshine two years ago, and the homey atmosphere of a certain Tibetan restaurant in Unity Village. Flowers in full bloom lined the windows, and through them I could see people outside playing music on the dramnyen [Tibetan lute] and singing “Chadey Karpo.” They played very loudly, which at first doesn’t seem to fit this nostalgic scene, but that’s all right. Garpon La’s disciples were robust, and their big voices clanged like a huge bell, just the way slow, Garlu music is supposed to sound. At that time, Garpon La was no longer young; his hair was graying, and he had retired. Thinking of him now, I feel regret because I promised him I would write down the stories he told me about incidents in Lhasa. But I’ve procrastinated until many of the stories seem like floating clouds at the end of the world, gradually fading into a mist. Not so long ago, a dusty book fell from my bookshelf and practically [End Page 98] landed in my hands. I took it as a sign, and decided that, no matter what, I must finally write down this story. That book was crudely manufactured, with no serial number or publisher’s markings except for one line, in Chinese, on the back: printed by tibet xinhua publishing house. Everything else was in Tibetan. The cover had been designed using Tibetan colors and patterns, which, like the Tibetan script, appeared to be dancing. Because of the story I’m about to tell, I now recognize that the eight-petal, red-and-blue lotus flowers on the book’s cover are bunched together to represent a damma drum. And below the figure of the eight auspicious signs and what looks like clouds are two Tibetan suna [oboes]. The damma drum and suna were brought to Tibet a long time ago and used in court song and dance performances known as Gar. Titled Songs and Dances for Offerings, the book contained musical scores and lyrics for fifty-eight Gar performances. Published in January 1985, Songs and Dances for Offerings had been in my father’s collection of Tibetan books. He had been in the army all his life—as would be expected, given the period in which he lived—and he loved Tibetan revolutionary songs in the style of toeshey, gorshey, and nangma, as well as Gar and all popular folk and love songs from Ü-Tsang Province. Among his books were numerous musical...

Chutes & Ladders: Middle Class in Motion

Chutes & Ladders: Middle Class in Motion

Inscriptions, Synagogues and Rabbis in Late Antique Palestine

AbstractThe numerous works of “rabbinic” literature composed in Palestine in Late Antiquity, all of which are preserved only in medieval manuscripts, offer immense possibilities for the historian, but also present extremely perplexing problems. What are their dates, and when did each come to be expressed in a consistent written form? If we cannot be sure about the attribution of sayings to individual named rabbis, how can we relate the material to any intelligible period or social context? In this situation, it is natural and right to turn to contemporary evidence, archaeological, iconographic and epigraphic. The primary archaeological evidence is provided by the large (and increasing) number of excavated synagogues. But, it has been argued, rabbinic texts are not centrally concerned with synagogues or the congregations which met in them. So perhaps “rabbinic Judaism” and “synagogal Judaism” are two separate systems. Alternatively, the epigraphic evidence attests individuals who are given the title “rabbi,” and these inscriptions, on stone or mosaic, include some which derive from synagogues. But perhaps “rabbi,” in this context, was merely a current honorific term, and these are not the “real” rabbis of the texts? It will be argued that this distinction is gratuitous, and that in any case the largest and most important synagogue-inscription, that from Rehov, both is “rabbinic” in itself and mentions rabbis as religious experts.