Holy City Of Mecca Research Articles

The Importance of the Role of Emergency Paramedics in Quickly Transporting Traffic Accident Cases to Health Facilities

This study aims to know the effect of ambulance transportation in reducing the rate of injuries for people injured in traffic accidents, the importance of the role of emergency paramedics in reducing the rate of injury for people transported to health facilities, a questionnaire was prepared via Google Drive and distributed to the population between the ages of 25-55 years from Men and women in the holy city of Mecca. The questionnaire was distributed via the social networking program (WhatsApp) for the purpose of distancing. 400 questionnaires were distributed, and 380 responses were obtained via email to the principal researcher. it concluded that everyone mentioned the importance of paramedics in transporting all dangerous cases (whether traffic accidents or other) in record time and with a very high degree of professionalism.

The degree to which Islamic education teachers possess the skills of the 21st century at the primary level in the holy city of Mecca from the point of view of educational supervisors and school leaders

The study aimed to reveal the degree to which Islamic education teachers have the skills of the 21st century at the primary level in Mecca from the point of view of educational supervisors and school leaders. The descriptive survey method was used. The study tool was a questionnaire consisting of (50) phrases spread over seven basic fields. The study sample consisted of (35) leaders and supervisors from Islamic education supervisors in Makkah. One of the most important results reached was that the degree to which Islamic education teachers have 21st century skills at the primary level in Mecca city from the point of view of supervisors Female educators and school leaders in the questionnaire as a whole came with a score of (high) with an arithmetic average of (3.925). The skill of educational technology management ranked first with an arithmetic average of (3.983) followed by the skill of managing the abilities of female students with an arithmetic average of (3.975) followed by the management of the art of the education process with an arithmetic average (3.960) followed by the development of higher thinking skills with an arithmetic average (3.926) followed by the management of the evaluation system with an arithmetic average (3.920). The results showed statistically significant differences in the degree of acquisition of education teachers Islamic skills for the 21st century at the primary level at the level of significance (a<0,05), according to the variable (educational qualification) and the absence of statistically significant differences in the degree to which Islamic education teachers have 21st century skills at the primary level of significance (a<0,05), according to the variable (experience). One of the most important recommendations is to hold continuous training courses and workshops for Islamic education teachers to help them acquire 21st century skills.

Bedah Buku Biografi Abah Lukmanul Hakim bin Haji Musthofa Al-Banjari (Tokoh Islam Kharismatik Enok Dalam Abad ke-XX)

Talking about the history of a scholar (Islamic figure) in this country always attracts attention from various groups to be studied and studied further, in order to take lessons from the sides of his life to be emulated, imitated or emulated in our families and communities wherever they are, because Scholars are heirs of the Prophets. The history of Abah Lukman can be summarized as follows: Abah Lukmanul Hakim was a Ulama from the land of Banjar who had studied Islam in the holy city of Mecca and then after he returned to Indonesia then madam (wandered) to Indragiri Riau around 1914. Abah Lukmanul Hakim had studied with Mr. Sapat in Hidayat Village. At that time Abah lived in Tekulai Hilir. He was one of the special students when he studied at Hidayat, because in general he had studied the books studied in the village when he was in Mecca, but he wanted to take "blessings" from the descendants of Sheikh Muhammad Arsyad Al-Banjari who was famous in Tanah Banjar, a Ulama. Besar who authored the book "Sabilal Muhtadin", then after Tuan Guru Sapat died in 1939 Abah Lukman moved to Enok Dalam; Abah Lukmanul Hakim is someone who is consistent (consistent) in carrying out Islamic law; The legal basis for Abah Lukmanul Hakim being allowed to keep dogs for his community members at that time was to guard the coconut plantations, so that all the plants in their gardens were protected from pests such as pigs, monkeys and so on; Abah Lukmanul Hakim in the eyes of the people is a pious person. The heirs (sons and daughters) of Abah Lukmanul Hakim until this booklet was written, two people are still alive, namely: 1. Hj. Saibah and 2. Asy'ari, While in general there are still many grandchildren and they are scattered in several provinces in Indonesia such as: Jakarta, South Kalimantan, North Sumatra, Batam, Riau Islands, however, they mostly live in the Indragiri Hilir region of Riau, such as in Kec. Enok, Kec. Tempuling, Echo, Keteman (Scissors), and Kempas.

“You were not commanded to stroke it, but to pray nearby it”: debating touch within early Islamic pilgrimage

ABSTRACT Early Islamic texts record a series of ongoing debates about a fundamental component of ritual performance: the act of touch. During the hajj, Muslim pilgrims participated in intensively haptic devotional activity in the holy city of Mecca, where they thronged to grasp objects and places associated with Islamic history and worship. Such rituals were carried out, and approved of, by many early Muslims, who considered these as important acts in the performance of Islamic identity. Yet in narrative histories and juristic discussions about the appropriate ways of interacting with and “sensing” pilgrimage places, many Muslim voices note the perceivably idolatrous connotations of touching objects and spaces. They often associate such haptic encounters with religiously marginalized others, including pagans, women, and sectarian groups. Bringing these sources into conversation with scholarship on ritual constructions of religious identity – and on the role therein of the senses – this article highlights the disputed role of touch in demarcating correctly Islamic pilgrimage practices, and thus the contested place of touch in the emergent Islamic sensorium.

(319) Prevalence and Associated Factors of Musculoskeletal Pain among Adult Pilgrims: Cross-Sectional Results from 59 Nationalities

Musculoskeletal pain is a primary burden on individuals, social and health care systems. Annually, two-to-three million Muslims pilgrims perform Hajj as a religious duty in the holy city of Mecca, Saudi Arabia. Hajj involves high physical demands as pilgrims move, generally by foot, between a series of religious sites over 5-7 days with distances of an average of 5-15 km/day. This is likely to exceed the typical physical activity exposure for most individuals and is further complicated by overcrowding, extreme heat and fatigue. The aim of this study was to estimate the point prevalence of musculoskeletal pain by anatomical sites among adult pilgrims and to study potential associations with individual characteristics, history of major medical conditions, beliefs about Hajj, and falls during the Hajj. A cross-sectional survey was conducted during the period of Hajj. Data were collected after completion of the 2nd day of Hajj (21-31 August 2018) by volunteers who approach individuals at different sites of Mecca city using an online application or paper form. The main inclusion criteria were adult pilgrims aged 18 or older. Participants were allowed reporting more than one site of pain. A total of 2,110 responses was received, of which 1,715 were complete. The overall prevalence of musculoskeletal complaints was high (82.3%). For both sexes, foot/ankle pain was the most frequent musculoskeletal symptom (39.1%), followed by leg pain (30.4%), low back pain (28.4%), knee pain (23.0%), and shoulder pain (16.1%). Multinomial logistic regression analyses indicated that musculoskeletal complaints were more likely in females, older individuals, individuals who smoke, had diabetes and hypertension, those who believed that Hajj was physically exhausted, and those who had experienced a fall during Hajj. These data provide guidance for the potential nature of preventative programs and the allocation of resources to optimise individual's experience and capacity to complete Hajj.

Impact of Hajj on Global Health Security.

With the human society transfers from scattered pieces to a society as a whole and the advent of the aviation era, the occurrence of infectious diseases and their diffusion have led to international health security issues. As the world’s largest and irrevocable annual transnational religious movement, the Hajj and its connection with health security concerns have caught attention since the ancient times, because a huge population from all over the world gathers in the holy city of Mecca, which has tropical arid climate. Currently, the international community and international organizations are implementing multilevel governance with respect to the health security issues of the Hajj. Relevant agencies include the World Health Organization and its regional branches, International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement (ICRC), the Ministry of Hajj as well as the Ministry of Health of Saudi Arabia, and the public health sectors/agencies in various countries that are involved with Hajj activities. The international community has successfully held the Hajj events, even when facing the challenges brought by some viral respiratory diseases such as SARS and MERS. The Hajj has become a rare opportunity for all stakeholders to improve their capabilities in international health security governance.

Proportion of adult community-acquired pneumonia cases attributable to Streptococcus pneumoniae among Hajj pilgrims in 2016

BackgroundThe Hajj mass gathering is a risk for pneumococcal disease. This study was performed to evaluate the proportion of adult community-acquired pneumonia (CAP) cases attributable to Streptococcus pneumoniae among Hajj pilgrims in 2016. To add sensitivity to etiological attribution, a urine antigen test was used in addition to culture-based methods. MethodsAdult subjects hospitalized with X-ray-confirmed CAP were enrolled prospectively from all general hospitals designated to treat Hajj pilgrims in the holy cities of Mecca and Medina. Patients were treated according to local standard of care and administered the BinaxNow S. pneumoniae urine antigen test. ResultsFrom August 23 to September 23, 2016, a total of 266 patients with CAP were enrolled in the study, 70.6% of whom were admitted to hospitals in Mecca; 53% of the cases were admitted after the peak of Hajj. Patients originated from 43 countries. Their mean age was 65.3 years and the male to female ratio was 2:1. Just over 36% of the cases had diabetes, 10% declared that they were smokers, and 45.4% of cases were treated in the intensive care unit (ICU). The overall case-fatality rate was 10.1%, but was higher among those treated in the ICU and in those with invasive disease. The proportion of CAP cases positive for S. pneumoniae, based on culture or urine antigen test, was 18.0% (95% confidence interval 13.9–23.1%). ConclusionsCAP during Hajj has an important clinical impact. A proportion of CAP cases among Hajj pilgrims were attributable to S. pneumoniae, a pathogen for which vaccines are available. Additional studies to determine the serotypes causing pneumococcal disease could further inform vaccine policy for Hajj pilgrims.

West African ʿulamāʾ and Salafism in Mecca and Medina: Jawāb al-Ifrīqī—The Response of the African

West African ʿulamāʾ and Salafism in Mecca and Medina: Jawāb al-Ifrīqī—The Response of the African

Owners’ Perspective of Factors Contributing to Project Delay: Case Studies of Road and Bridge Projects in Saudi Arabia

Delays are a major cause for concern in the construction industry in Saudi Arabia. This paper identifies the main causes of delay in infrastructure projects in Mecca, Saudi Arabia, and compares these with projects around the country and other Gulf countries. Data was obtained from 49 infrastructure projects undertaken by the owner and were analyzed quantitatively to understand the severity and causes of delay. 10 risk factors were identified and were grouped into four categories. Average delay in infrastructure projects in Mecca was found to be 39%. The most severe cause of delay was found to be the land acquisition factor. This highlights the critical land ownership and acquisition issues that are prevailing in the city. Additionally, other factors that contribute to delay include contractors’ lack of expertise, re-designing, and haphazard underground utilities (line services). It is concluded that the majority of project delays were caused from the owner's side as compared to contractors, consultants, and other project's stakeholders. This finding matched with the research findings of the Gulf Countries Construction (GCC) Industry's literature. This study fills an important practice and research gap for improving the efficiency in delivering infrastructure projects in the holy city of Mecca and Gulf countries at large.

Major Factors Causing Construction Delays in Mecca

Delays are a major cause for concern in the construction industry in Saudi Arabia. This paper identifies the main causes of delay in infrastructure projects in Mecca, Saudi Arabia, and compares these with projects around the country and other Gulf countries. Data was obtained from 49 infrastructure projects undertaken by the owner and were analyzed quantitatively to understand the causes and severity of delay. 10 risk factors were identified and were grouped into four categories. Average delay in infrastructure projects in Mecca was found to be 39% of the estimated projects schedules. The most severe cause of delay was found to be the land acquisition factor. This highlights the critical land ownership and acquisition issues that are prevailing in the city. Additionally, other factors that contribute to delay include contractors’ lack of expertise, haphazard underground utilities (line services), and re-designing. It is concluded that the majority of project delays were caused from the owner’s side as compared to contractors, consultants, and other project’s stakeholders. This finding matched with the research findings of the Gulf Countries Construction (GCC) industry’s literature. This study fills an important practice and research gap for improving the efficiency in delivering infrastructure projects in the holy city of Mecca and Gulf countries at large.

Photography, Hajj Things, and Spatial Connections Between Mecca and Northern Nigeria

On having returned from Mecca, northern Nigerian women and men pilgrims often have their photographs taken in which they wear garments and display objects—referred to as kayan Mecca, things from Mecca—which they acquired while on hajj. These photographs, which are kept in family albums, serve to commemorate people’s performance of hajj and serve as a visual link that connects pilgrims living in northern Nigeria with the holy city of Mecca. Furthermore, the ephemeral, fleeting quality of travel is made concrete through these photographs of people and hajj things, with the photographs themselves—their composition and their sometimes scenic backdrops of roads and buildings—becoming part of the repertoire of performing hajj itself. Thus the photographs become part of another set of things, like special caps and commemorative cloths, which mark an individual’s attainment of the status of alhaji or hajiya. While other travel photographs, for example those taken by military men and colonial administrators as well as tourists in Africa, serve a similar purpose of documenting a temporary presence in a particular place and evidence of a specific social status, the objective of these hajj photographs differs as those portrayed seek to place themselves within a world religious community, using photographs to reinforce their spatial connections.

Davis Press and Meccan Madness

The owner/editor of the small Davis Press encounters a dilemma when she is given the opportunity to publish a novel set in the Islamic holy city of Mecca. Given the events of the last 16 years—the angry fallout after Salman Rushdie's novel The Satanic Verses, the continuing Iraq War, and the recent controversy of Koran desecration at the U.S. Naval Station Guantanamo Bay—publishing the novel presents a host of various ethical dilemmas, including whether she should put her staff at risk. This case discusses the ethics of a free press and challenges the profit motive in the face of jeopardizing political and religious world affairs.

Middle Eastern Studies in Finland

The tradition of Middle Eastern studies in Finland is long but rather thin. The chair for Oriental Languages (mainly Hebrew and Aramaic) was established at Turku University in 1640, changing its name (Linguarum Orientalium Professio) several times over the years before becoming Semitic Languages. After the great fire destroyed almost the whole city of Turku, the university was relocated to Helsinki in 1828. In the mid-19th century, the chair was held by G.A. Wallin (d. 1852), an explorer of the Arabian Peninsula (and a visitor to the holy city of Mecca) and one of the first scholars, worldwide, to study Arabic dialects. In the latter part of the 19th century, Assyriology became the most flourishing field of Middle Eastern Studies in Finland, several great Assyriologists, such as Knut Tallqvist (d. 1949), holding the chair of Oriental Languages. Though concentrating on Assyriology, Assyriologists also kept alive Arabic philological studies, which gained additional weight in the 1960s when the Assyriologist and Comparative Semitist Jussi Aro (d. 1983) was appointed as professor. He retrained himself as a dialectologist, working with Lebanese dialects. It was only in 1980 that a chair for Arabic Language was established and another dialectologist, Heikki Palva, was appointed to it in 1982. After the retirement of Professor Palva in 1998, the chair was renamed Arabic and Islamic Studies. The chair, at the Institute for Asian and African Studies (IAAS, University of Helsinki), has been held by the present writer, Jaakko Hämeen-Anttila, since 2000.

Banal Geopolitics Resumed

Jazira. Arabic for “island and “peninsula”. The conventional word for the Arabian Peninsula, or what in English, but not in Arabic, is termed “Arabia”. Used as a name for the pan‐Arab satellite TV station based in Qatar since 1996. Also used by Osama bin Laden for Saudi Arabia, a name he rejects, jazirat Muhammad, “the peninsula of [the Prophet] Muhammad”. The use of this inclusive term by the al‐Qa'ida leader would seem to imply, (i) that all of the Arabian Peninsula is one territory, with no distinction between Saudi Arabia, which is four‐fifths of the territory, and the other six states, Yemen, Kuwait, Oman, Bahrain, Qatar, the Emirates; and (ii) that the whole of this territory, not just the holy cities of Mecca and Medina and their environs are sacred territory (see Mecca). The former assumption is seen by non‐Saudis as an expression of expansionism, the latter has no legal or scriptural foundation. (Halliday 2002:15) Usual: accustomed … traditional; in character, natural, household, familiar … banal, commonplace, common, ordinary (Roget's Thesaurus of English Words and Phrases 1984:258)

Taxation in the amirate of Mecca during the medieval period

The amirate of Mecca was established by sharifs of Hasanid ancestry in the middle of the fourth century a. h./tenth century a.d. The territory traditionally under its direct control included the holy city of Mecca and its immediate hinterland, the nearby hill town of Ṭā'if, and the Red Sea port of Jedda. In addition, the sharifs often exercised a tenuous hold over certain tribal areas in the Sarāt Mountains south of Ṭa'if, as well as the coastal plain south of Jedda, known as the Tihāma.

Wahhabis, unbelievers and the problems of exclusivism

The Wahhabi movement is now frequently seen as an especially violent manifestation of a much wider orthodox objection to the corrupt religion and immorality of the eighteenthand nineteenth-century Islamic lands. It is thus to be viewed as a part of the great revival of orthodoxy that first appeared within Indian Islam in the seventeenth century, being linked with the revitalizing efforts of Naqshbandi (Ar: 'Naqshabandi') Sufi shaykhs from the time of Ahmad Sirhindi (d. 1625). From their power-base at Dar'iyya in Central Arabia Muhammad b. Abd al-Wahhab and the amir Muhammad b. Su'ud launched their campaign to reform Islam in Arabia. The alliance of spiritual and temporal authorities proved remarkably successful, and the impetus for the jihad against all whom they regarded as unbelievers did not fade with the death of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab in 1792. It actually continued with the energy born of the conviction that it was the duty of the only true Muslim community, that of the Wahhabis, to call the entire Islamic world to repentance for having lapsed from the pure unitarianism of the early Muslims and for having espoused corrupt and decadent beliefs and practices incompatible with Islam. In 1802 the Shi'ites of Iraq had reason to be dismayed by violent Wahhabi attacks, the sacking of Karbala and destruction of the tomb of Husayn. By 1805 the holy cities of Mecca and Medina were in Wahhabi hands, and the Su'udi amir had the temerity to denounce the Ottoman sultan and call in question the validity of his claim to be caliph and guardian of the sanctuaries of the Hejaz. Effectively, the Wahhabis were to prevent him for a decade from affording protection to the great caravans of pilgrims making their way to Mecca for the annual hajj. Yet, while the Wahhabi challenge became an understandable concern for the Ottomans, it also became obvious that such inflexible and exclusivist policies presented real dangers to their advocates. They led directly to the Ottoman reaction which resulted in the crushing of the first Wahhabi and Su'iidi state. As early as December 1807 Muhammad 'Al as viceroy of Egypt received orders from Sultan Mustafa IV to undertake an expedition against the Wahhabis. He was delayed by events within Egypt, such that it was not until the winter of 1811-12 that the Egyptians were able to recapture the Holy Cities.

Hussein's Constraints, Jordan's Dilemma

HUSSEINS CONSTRAINTS, JORDAN'S DILEMMA Arthur Day JCOR JORDAN, THE MIDDLE EAST PEACE PROCESS is more than a foreign-policy preoccupation; it deals with issues that lie at the heart of the country's domestic life. The line between external and internal issues is in any case a thin one for the kingdom, given its vulnerability to outside events and pressures. Where the Palestinian issue is concerned the line virtually disappears. Since 1948 the country has been an integral part of the Palestinian question. Even in East BankJordan itself, leaving aside the Israeli-occupied West Bank, Palestinians today constitute a majority of the population. In addition, Jordan still has responsibilities in and for the Palestinian territory of the West Bank, whose residents are also Jordanian citizens. The unfolding of the Palestinian problem will continue to affect domestic relationships and the future of theJordanian regime. In this area, King Hussein must play foreign and domestic policies carefully against one another, balancing crosscutting pressures from inside and outside his country. Beyond the practical considerations of policy, the Palestinian question stirs personal and dynastic responses that may be an equally important influence on Hussein's participation in the peace process. During World War II, his Hashemite great-grandfather, Hussein, King of the Hejaz, Grand Sharif, Ruler of Mecca and Guardian of the Holy Places, entertained the vision of an independent Arab world ruled by the Hashemites. This vision faded, but in the early 1920s Hashemites nonetheless governed the Hejaz, with the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, and Arthur Day served for twenty-eight years in various posts with the Department of State and the Foreign Service, including consul general in Jerusalem and deputy assistant secretary for Near Eastern and South Asian affairs. He is the author of the recently published Council on Foreign Relations book, East BankWest Bank:Jordan and the Prospectsfor Peace, on which this article is based. 81 82 SAIS REVIEW the entities of Iraq and Transjordan, which were created under the postWorld War I British Mandates. Before long the Hejaz was lost to the Saudis, but in 1948 the acquisition by Transjordan of parts of Palestine, including the holy city ofJerusalem, nourished the sense of family destiny. Today Iraq and Jerusalem have been lost, and all that remains of the Hashemite vision is East Bank Jordan. It is clear that Hussein feels this diminution keenly and is sensible of a personal responsibility to his Hashemite forebears to play the part in Arab affairs that appeared to be predestined for the family. In particular, he seems oppressed by an obligation to redress his loss of Jerusalem, won for the Hashemites by Abdullah, King Hussein's grandfather, at the cost of his life. For all these reasons, Jordan cannot escape a major role in the Palestinian issue and efforts to resolve it. Jordan's relationship to the issue, however, has changed in important ways over the years as the Palestinian national movement has evolved. Jordan was founded, in a sense, by being excluded from Britain's Palestine Mandate. Nevertheless, its first ruler, Emir and later king Abdullah , always eager to expand his realm, came to covet the territory of Mandate Palestine. When British intentions to relinquish the Mandate became clear in 1947, and the partition of Palestine into Arab and Jewish sections was in the wind, he set out to acquire whatever portion fell to the Arabs. With the end of the first Arab-Israeli war in 1949, accordingly , he annexed the West Bank and Jerusalem. In taking these territories, Abdullah established two patterns that have persisted ever since. First, he incorporated the regional Palestinian problem into Jordan's domestic life. And second, he set Jordan at odds with the indigenous Palestinian leadership — at that time represented by the Mufti ofJerusalem, Haj Amin Husseini—that sought to rule Palestine itself and bitterly resented Jordanian interference. The claim of the Palestinian leadership to self-rule was also supported by the leading Arab governments. The effect of Abdullah's move on Jordan's internal structure was overwhelming. More than 850,000 Palestinians were added to a Jordanian population of a little over 400,0UO.1 A very reluctant West Bank— politically and economically...

Britain and Saudi Arabia on the eve of the second world war

For the British government in the late 1930s, Saudi Arabia was a country of considerable importance. True, Saudi Arabia was an impoverished nation with virtually no industry, an ill-equipped military establishment, and probably not more than three million inhabitants. However, its territory marched with or was situated near that of several countries which Britain either administered, like Palestine, or was obligated to protect, like Transjordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Qatar, and Abu Dhabi. All of these states were vulnerable to political subversion and military raids from Saudi Arabia, especially if Britain was preoccupied elsewhere. This prospect was particularly worrisome because Saudi Arabia had territorial claims against Transjordan, Qatar, and Abu Dhabi. For Britain, Saudi Arabia was important also because it occupied a vital position along the shortest sea route to India and Australia through the Red Sea, and along the shortest air route to the east through the Persian Gulf. Moreover, Saudi territory approached to within fifty miles of the key British motor route and oil pipeline between Iraq and Palestine through Transjordan. In addition, Saudi Arabia occupied most of the length of an alternative motor route from the Persian Gulf to Palestine which skirted Iraqi territory, a point which the British government believed might be of considerable significance in wartime if a hostile regime in Baghdad obstructed the movement of British troops across its territory. Saudi control of the Muslim holy cities of Mecca and Madina increased the importance of the country, particularly for Britain with its millions of Muslim subjects in India and elsewhere. The prestige of Ibn Saud, the king and absolute ruler of Saudi Arabia, also added to the importance of the country, especially since the British government believed that the king had much influence within the Arab world and possibly even within the wider Muslim world. Finally, Saudi influence and importance appeared likely to increase in the future because in March 1938 an American company discovered significant quantities of oil in the eastern part of the kingdom near the Persian Gulf, and in May 1939 the first oil was exported from Saudi Arabia. I In the late 1930s the British military position in the Middle East was precarious. In Libya, Italian troops and warplanes considerably outnumbered their British counterparts in Egypt. Indeed, in January 1938 British military leaders estimated that Italy could rapidly concentrate about 650 warplanes for an attack on Egypt. By contrast, at this time Britain had only 166 military aircraft in Egypt and the vicinity including those in Palestine, Transjordan, Iraq, Aden, Sudan, and Kenya, plus another 48 aircraft in India earmarked as reinforcements. In the event of war some of these planes might not be available for deployment to Egypt because of internal security

The Information Unit of the Hajj Research Centre

The HAJJ Research Centre was set up in 1975 at the King Abdul Aziz University, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, with the aim of studying the environment of Hajj—the annual pilgrimage to the Holy City of Mecca. Hajj is the fifth pillor of Islam and is performed by all Muslim adults at least once in their lifetime provided they have the means and are physically fit to travel to Mecca.

Art. XX.—An Account of the Country of Sindh; with Remarks on the State of Society, the Government, Manners, and Customs of the People

The author of the Tohfat-al-Giráni states, that “the country of Sindh takes its name from Sind, the brother of Hind, the son of Noah. It is reckoned the forty-third of the sixty-one countries of the universe. The line of the second climate passes, from the north, directly through its centre; and although Sindh is situated in the five first climates, it nevertheless chiefly appertains to the second, and, consequently, lies in the region of the holy cities of Mecca and Medina.” It would be difficult to discover where the author quoted has found these grandsons of the patriarch; indeed, as is usual in such genealogies, they are probably altogether imaginary. The Hindú writings may, perhaps, afford some more satisfactory explanation of the name; but I have not been so fortunate as to meet with it. As far as I can learn from such sources, this country was called Sindhúdès, or “the country of the ocean,” alluding doubtless to the river Indus, which receives that dignified appellation in their sacred writings. The same authorities also state Sindh to have been governed by a Xhuthi, named Jayadrat'ha, who was slain in the civil wars of the Pandús; and it has, in consequence, sometimes received the name of Jayadrat'hadès, after that chieftain.