History Of Rebellion Research Articles

ERKEKLERİN DÜNYASINDA KADIN OLMAK: ANNE SEXTON’IN İKON KIRICILIĞA DAİR MANİFESTOSU

World history is the history of rebellions and revolts experienced since the
 devil’s rebellion against God, described in holy books. Among the most striking examples
 of this turbulent and dynamic process are man’s revolt against the church with
 Renaissance, people’s against the king with French Revolution, and women’s against
 patriarchal order and men with Modernism. The rights not given to the rebels by their rulers
 are indeed behind all these rebellions. In fact, the last one is referred to as a women’s
 rights struggle that started in the 19th century and spread to the 20th century in western
 culture. Anne Sexton, with her poem titled “Her Kind” and analysed in our study, presents
 her works as one of the cornerstones of American women’s poetry in the last century. In
 this poem in which she challenges the roles of obedient housewife, chaste mother and
 faithful wife imposed on women for thousands of years due to Eve archetype, Sexton also
 opposes the social exclusion, accusation and stigmatization of women who get rid of these
 roles shaped by traditional male perspective. She writes the manifesto of the free and
 independent woman by stating firmly on the last line of each stanza “I am her kind”. In our
 study, the manifesto that Sexton produces in this poem is examined with a focus on its
 precursors, and it is concluded that this rebellion actually stemmed from long years of
 obedience. Writing with the belief that God imposes this obedience on women with His
 holy books, the state with its laws, society with its traditions and men with their physical
 and economic power, Sexton rejects all these traditional and stereotyped female identities,
 secondary to men. Thus she proves to be one of the iconoclast female figures of the 20th
 century, thereby writing her name in the history of women’s struggle.

Life and Society in the Early Spanish Caribbean: The Greater Antilles, 1493–1550 by Ida Altman

<i>Life and Society in the Early Spanish Caribbean: The Greater Antilles, 1493–1550</i> by Ida Altman

Carnivalizing Imoinda’s Silence

In this essay, I analyze Joan Anim-Addo’s libretto Imoinda, or She Who Will Lose Her Name (2008) and illustrate how its narrative poetry generates a speculative, gendered history around the slave past. Informed by Srinivas Aravamudan’s observation of parodic subversion in the afterlives of Aphra Behn’s Oroonoko (1688), I return to Anim-Addo’s oeuvre in order to read Imoinda as a work that counter-writes the colonial gaze of “Western” knowledge. By centering on Caribbean carnival as the performance context for the libretto, I examine how histories of rebellion and survival carried out by enslaved Africans and their descendants unfold through the libretto’s narrative poetry. I argue that Imoinda, under the guise of artistic forms associated with “the West,” breaks from Eurocentric perspectives that misrepresented subaltern struggles while ushering forth the question of “who speaks?” in critical discourses. I conclude by aligning Anim-Addo’s Imoinda in relation to Sylvia Wynter’s conceptualization of “demonic grounds” to highlight a transformative epistemic space of Caribbean women’s literature.

Los Matagalpa: indígenas en pie de lucha

La lucha indígena en Nicaragua, posee grandes matices en toda su historia. Cuando se habla de pueblos originarios los primeros nombres que surgen en el imaginario de las personas son: Subtiava, Monimbo y grupos étnicos de la Costa Caribe. Este artículo da a conocer a uno de los grupos posiblemente más antiguos y con una no muy clara procedencia étnica. Ubicados en el Centro-Norte del territorio nacional, los Matagalpa como pueblo indígena poseen una estructura, que funciona con dos autoridades, la tradicional y una administrativa, ambas ejercen un trabajo liderazgo que articula el trabajo político-administrativo y lo canaliza en los territorios a través de la autoridad tradicional y ancestralmente según sus estatutos. La cultura Matagalpa es una de las más importantes en el desarrollo histórico del territorio Nicaragüense. Son conocidos como indios flecheros, por protagonizar a lo largo de su historia rebeliones e insurgencias en diferentes acciones armadas en defensa de sus derechos. Es así que el arco y la flecha se han convertido en símbolo de resistencia y defensa del territorio. En la actualidad la lucha por la tierra, el respeto y reconocimiento a sus creencias, incursión en la toma de decisiones en gobiernos localesson demandas conducidas por el pueblo indígena como un compromiso histórico con cada mujer y hombre indígena. Las representaciones sociales mestizas castigan de forma negativa al indígena: ser líder e indígena no es digerible para los centros de poder local, y con esta realidad la familia se aferra a sus procesos de luchas para consolidar el frente único y mantener la resistencia indígena con sus mecanismos de liderazgo y gobernanza en cada territorio para el bienestar común.

Insurgency-informed governance in the North Caucasus: observations from Chechnya, Dagestan, and Kabardino-Balkaria

In this article we analyse the dynamics of the insurgencies and the corresponding counter-insurgency measures in the North Caucasus over the past 25 years. By comparing three cases – Chechnya, Dagestan, and Kabardino-Balkaria – we identify similarities and differences in the way insurgencies and counter-insurgency measures influence governance in the region. Analysing different dynamics and outcomes under similar framework conditions – a federal state with a centralised government trying to govern a region with a shared history of rebellions against central rule and with similar geographic, social, and cultural features facilitating resistance and insurgencies – is a promising approach to better understanding conditions and implications of insurgency-induced governance in post-Soviet Russia.

The making of the Anya-Nya insurgency in the Southern Sudan, 1961–64

Political tension, local violence and government suppression escalated in the Southern Sudan in the late 1950s and early 1960s. During this period of increasing international acceptance of “freedom fighters” and “wars of liberation”, groups of politicians in exile together with militarily trained Southerners progressively focused their efforts towards launching a rebellion; in exile, they sought international support and established political organisations. They also founded the Anya-Nya rebel movement and built military power. Their activities, combined with violent reprisals from the Government of Sudan, explain how the Southern Sudan gradually entered a state of civil war during 1963 and 1964. This process was fundamentally influenced by contingencies, unfulfilled expectations, and a lack of capacity and co-ordination, which preclude a formulaic and linear account. This article contributes to a multi-faceted and empirically grounded history of rebellion in the Southern Sudan, and challenges the common assumption that the first civil war started in 1955. The article exposes weaknesses related to a strict analytical dichotomy between “war” and “peace”. Theory–driven, comparative studies of civil war need a clearer focus on the dynamics of escalating violence and on individual and group agency.

“The Sinn Féin of India”: Irish Nationalism and the Policing of Revolutionary Terrorism in Bengal

A recent article in the Calcutta magazineDeshoutlined the exploits of a revolutionary fighting for “national freedom” against the British Empire. The article related how, during wartime, this revolutionary traveled secretly to secure the aid of Britain's enemies in starting a rebellion in his country. His mission failed, but this “selfless patriot” gained immortality as a nationalist hero. For an Indian—and particularly a Bengali—audience, the logical protagonist of this story would be the Bengali nationalist leader Subhas Chandra Bose. Bose, the former president of the Indian National Congress, assumed the leadership of the Indian National Army with the support of the Japanese imperial government during the Second World War in the hopes of freeing India from British rule. The subject of the story, however, was not Bose, but the United Irishmen leader Theobald Wolfe Tone and his efforts in 1796 to secure assistance for an Irish rebellion from the government of Revolutionary France. The article went on to narrate how Ireland had been held in the “grip of imperialism” for an even longer period of time than India and concluded that the Irish and Indian nationalist movements were linked by a history of rebellion against British rule.As theDesharticle illustrates, the popular image of the relationship between Ireland and India within the British Empire has been that of two subject peoples striving for national freedom. This linkage of Irish and Indian history has had particular resonance in Bengal.

The Tree of Liberty: A Documentary History of Rebellion and Political Crime in America, Volume I: Colonial Era to World War II

The Tree of Liberty: A Documentary History of Rebellion and Political Crime in America, Volume I: Colonial Era to World War II

Book Review: The Tree of Liberty: A Documentary History of Rebellion and Political Crime in America

Book Review: The Tree of Liberty: A Documentary History of Rebellion and Political Crime in America

John Stow and Tudor Rebellions, 1549–1569

In recent years, historians have brought into sharper focus the role of rebellion in the political, social, and religious life of sixteenth-century England. Indeed, the Tudor dynasty established itself on the throne in 1485 as a result of a successful baronial rebellion, and each succeeding generation experienced a major rebellion as well as numerous lesser stirs and riots. Until the revival of interest in Tudor rebellions, the majority of historians preferred to portray the century as an era of law and order in which a strong but popular monarchy ruled over grateful and largely obedient subjects. Although contemporaries living in the sixteenth century knew of rebellion and popular disorder, often through direct personal experience, the government quite understandably opposed anything resembling impartial and disinterested study of the rebellions. Government propagandists denounced rebellion vigorously in royal proclamations and manifestos, while the clergy echoed similar themes from the pulpit. Of the two histories of rebellion published during the sixteenth century, the first, John Proctor's history of Wyatt's Rebellion, was unadulterated government propaganda, and the other, Alexander Neville's history of Kett's Rebellion, was a polemic written in Latin to guarantee a select readership. Without specialized books on rebellions, the literate public had one primary source of historical information, the general chronicles that appeared with greater frequency and variety as the century progressed.Although best known for hisSurvey of London, John Stow was the most prolific chronicler of the sixteenth century. Beginning with the brief octavoA Summary of English Chronicles, which appeared in 1565, Stow published no fewer than twenty-one editions and issues of chronicles in three different formats, the octavoSummary, a sextodecimo abridgment of theSummary, and the more substantialChroniclesandAnnales of Englandin quarto.

The Tree of Liberty: A Documentary History of Rebellion and Political Crime in America. Edited by Nicholas N. Kittrie and Eldon D. Wedlock, Jr. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986. 714 pp. $39.50

The Tree of Liberty: A Documentary History of Rebellion and Political Crime in America. Edited by Nicholas N. Kittrie and Eldon D. Wedlock, Jr. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986. 714 pp. $39.50

Solidarity, the regime and the public

SINCE the imposition of martial law, Poland is a society that is sullen, pessimistic, rebellious, and divided. It is sullen because of the regime's termination of the country's brief experiment in democracy and the first genuinely popular social movement in postwar history. The sullenness is intensified by a near-universal pessimism that sees little hope for a return to the heady days of Solidarity's existence. Although the independent union has now been banned, it continues to exist in a truncated underground form, and support for it is periodically manifested through popular demonstrations. Support for Solidarity is not, however, either universal or unconditional. The overwhelming support that Solidarity enjoyed in its first six months began to diminish somewhat by the end of 1981. Some people viewed Solidarity, or its leaders, as being at least partially responsible for the political and economic crisis of 1981. Most of the population desired a return to economic and political stability. The regime, however, overestimated this dissatisfaction with Solidarity and miscalculated in its efforts to discredit that organization. Branding Solidarity and its leaders as counter-revolutionary, extremist and antisocialist was counter to the experience and opinions of most of the members of that organization, and of the population. Most people opposed martial law and wanted Solidarity to be reactivated. While there are an abundance of public opinion surveys on these issues, the regime has apparently not relied much on these indicators, and instead has hoped to build support for the regime through improving food supplies, maintaining order, discrediting Solidarity and the past party leaders, and repressing all opposition. Given Poland's history of rebellion, and its 16-month experience with Solidarity, however, it seems unlikely that this method can long succeed. Solidarity filled a vital need in Polish society in expressing to the authorities the interests and requirements of the population. This need continues, even under the present regime. This paper examines the extent to which Solidarity acted as a link between the population and the regime and as a representative of the interests of the workers. It looks first at the reasons for the emergence of Solidarity, and Solidarity's subsequent embodiment of the society's desire for a political and economic order more in line with the ideals of socialism, and more genuinely representative of the workers' interests. It concludes by assessing the charges against Solidarity made by the martial law authorities, the extent of current support for the union and the regime, and the possibilities for a resolution of the stalemate. All of these issues are examined in this article with the use of survey research material

Shadow and Sound: The Historical Thought of a Sumatran People

Atjeh was a kingdom in northern Sumatra which had a long history ofrebellion and unrest. As a Mulim Sultanate from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century, Atjeh engaged in internalpolitical struggle. Since the nineteenth century, Atjeh has been under Dutch, Japanese, or Indonesian control - domination to which the Atjeh never passively yielded. In Shadow and Sound James Siegel arges that the Atjehnese view of history, as expressed in the language of their epic poetry, is based not on the fixing of historical fact, but on a flow of words that is actually immune to the past. Siegel traces the Atjehnese treatment of history through two epics and a folktale. In his interpretation he goes beyond the idea tht texts such as these are semi-accurate historical documents to show tht tempo, rhythm, rhyme, and melody replace the significance of the content. Furthermore, he uncovers which Atjehnese frameworks - native genres ranging from dream interpretation to conventions of braggadocio- illuminate their own sense of history. Siegel first translates one of the important remaining epics on a historical topic, the Hikajat PotjoetMoehamat, and provides an analysis based on the narratve, prosodic structure and his observation of the recitation of epics. He then translates and analyzes two other pieces: a tale entitled Si Meuseukin's Wedding and another epic, the last popular one, Hikajat Prang Sabil. Finally he indicates how a similar treatment of history continues in present-day Atjeh. The analyses demonstrate that in the context of centuries of violence and disruption the Atjehnese have maintained an ability to speak of the past in such ways that it is turned into triumph, not by dwelling on heroic victories but by controlling language. Siegel's way of looking at the relationship between history and literature will be valuable not only in anthropology but in literary history and comparative studies in literature and politics as well.