History Of International Relations Research Articles

Defense of dissertations on international issues in the special councils of Belarus in 1991–2021

Defense of dissertations on international issues in the special councils of Belarus in 1991–2021

Some conceptual models of foreign policy decision-making based on historical examples

The article analyses four conceptual models of assessing foreign policy decision-making with relevant examples of application from the history of international relations. The study, in particular, examines the behaviorist model, which links changes in the actions of a specific country in the global arena with the peculiarities of the psychological profi le of a single high-ranking representative of state power. The article also addresses the cognitivist model of bounded rationality, which assumes that the decision-maker at the political level is limited in his or her thinking functions, may lack some necessary information, and almost always feels pressure from the external social environment. The study also explains how the incrementalist model works. Its proponents are convinced that a country's development, including its geopolitical position, is primarily infl uenced by confl ict between diff erent authorities who bargain with each other but eventually come to a mutually acceptable agreement. Finally, the article provides information on the model of comprehensive rationality, in which players with individual interests are guided by the desire to maximise benefits and minimise risks when making decisions, including in the field of foreign policy.

«Дипломат поневоле»: страницы биографии Николая Васильевича Новикова

Introduction. The article analyzes the biography and diplomatic activities of Nikolai Vasilievich Novikov (1903–1989), a Soviet diplomat who represented the USSR in Cairo and in Washington during World War II and took part in the efforts to establish a new system of international relations at the beginning of the Cold War. Methods and materials. The article is based on published texts by Nikolai Novikov himself, diplomatic documents, periodicals, and materials from his personal archive, deposited in the Archive of the European University at St. Petersburg by the diplomat’s family. Analysis. The authors examine Novikov’s biography, the reasons for his rapid career in the People’s Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, his relations with Soviet foreign policy managers, and the circumstances of his resignation at a relatively young age. Special attention is paid to Novikov’s activities in the United States in the context of the emerging Cold War, the place of Novikov’s note (cable) in the process of shaping Soviet approaches to relations with the United States, and his own attitude to these approaches. Results. Novikov’s contribution to the shaping of the postwar world is underappreciated, as are his attempts to resist the changes that were breaking Soviet-American cooperation in the international arena. In fact, the strategic concepts formulated by Novikov in a memo to Molotov were the basis of the official Soviet interpretation of the causes and nature of the Cold War and were included in Soviet school and university textbooks on universal history and the history of international relations. Authors’ contributions. A.I. Kubyshkin analyzed the most important stages of Nikolai Novikov’s diplomatic activity and the general situation in relations between the USSR and the USA during the Second World War. He assessed Novikov’s activities from the political leadership of the USSR and foreign countries in which the Soviet diplomat worked. He also examined the most important aspects of the activities of Soviet diplomacy reflected in Novikov’s memoirs and carried out their internal criticism as a historical source. I.I. Kurilla processed the archive of Nikolai Novikov and identified and analyzed the corpus of sources of personal origin. He also analyzed the contents of Nikolai Novikov’s personal diaries, reviewed the personal contribution of N.V. Novikov in developing a strategy in relations with the United States in the initial period of the Cold War, and compared the contents of the “long telegram” of J. Kennan and the “Novikov telegram”.

Development of The Arts in China and Belarus in the Context of State Policy

In the history of international relations, cooperation in the field of art is closely connected with the foreign policy aspect of the development of interstate relations. As Belarusian-Chinese interaction deepens, the cultural factor has become one of the important aspects influencing bilateral relations. This article notes that over the 30 years since the establishment of diplomatic relations between Belarus and China, cultural cooperation has gone through different periods. The history of the development of contacts in the field of art between the two countries is examined, the achievements and current problems faced by both countries in this area are analyzed. An example of cooperation between Belarus and China in the field of art represented by the National Gallery of Belarus and the National Art Museum of China is noted.

Science Diplomacy from Pierre-Bruno Ruffini’s Point of View: the Concept and its Essence

The paper deals with the way that Pierre-Bruno Ruffini uses to conceptualize the science diplomacy in his books and articles since 2015. Pierre-Bruno Ruffini is a practitioner who has been directly involved in the implementing his country's foreign policy for a long time; at the same time, he is a prominent researcher that contributes to theoretical framing and mainstreamification of science diplomacy, its basic notions and key questions. P.-B. Ruffini’s articles of the last ten years make evident the evolution in this area even if the relate vocabulary emerged only recently. The paper shows the way P.-B. Ruffini completes the mainstream approach to science diplomacy (including the well-known typology “diplomacy for science”, “science for diplomacy”, and “science in diplomacy”) and considers such factors as national interests and the rationale of competition. The paper emphasizes the distinction that P.-B. Ruffini makes between science diplomacy and international scientific cooperation. At the same time the paper discusses the possibilities and eventual limits to the use of all these instruments in such traditional areas as the history of international relations, history of diplomacy, history of science. The specificity of every historical period makes relevant the danger of introducing modern meanings into the practices of the past. However, the due respect and the right estimation of these risks can turn the idea of science diplomacy such as P.-B. Ruffini conceptualizes it into the starting point for an interdisciplinary dialog and the integration point for various studies in history (from the traditional reconstitution of the bilateral relations and the case studies of some emblematic projects to the research based on documents of a personal nature and the witness’ memoirs).

THE ACTIVITIES DELEGATION OF THE ALBANIAN COLONY OF TURKEY IN THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE 1919

It was at the end of the First World War, in 1919, that a Peace Conference in Paris was made possible to be convened. The Peace Conference finally opened a new page in the history of international relations. Albanian people were wholly and directly focused on the proceedings of the Paris Conference from the very beginning, hoping that there they would find solutions to their problems and concerns regarding the national question. In the framework of these efforts and fully aware of the danger that threatened the country, the Albanians had to raise their voice and make known the national cause at the Conference meetings considering that, at the time, the territory of the Albanian state was occupied and the Albanians could not depend on the support of any of the triumphant post-war States. They believed that displaying their demands at the Conference convened to establish world peace would be a good opportunity to defend their rights and the injustices inflicted to them. Therefore, in addition to the delegation of the National Government from the Congress of Durres, whose purpose was to represent the Albanian people in the Conference, there were other representatives from the Albanian diaspora. One of them was the delegation of the Albanian Colony of Turkey. The purpose of the activity of this Albanian representation was the protection of the independence of Albania, the protection of the territorial integrity of the Albanian state from the danger of a new fragmentation and the efforts for the recovery of the country. The delegates of the Albanian colonies worked together carrying out many activities in aid of the national cause, as well as propagating the right of existence of this nation through the press, meetings with various personalities or through memoranda sent to major states. The article dwells on the diplomatic and political activity of the representatives of the Albanian Colony of Turkey at this conference. Despite the difficult circumstances, the representatives of the Albanian Colony of Turkey believed in the idea that the Albanian state would rise again. Their activity marked the historical period of the Albanian people.

Paradox of Authority and the International Criminal Court

The creation of the International Criminal Court (ICC) has been one of the boldest progressive moves in the history of international relations. At the heart of the Rome Statute is a commitment to the spirit and principle of international criminal justice. States under the jurisdiction of the ICC agree to cede sovereignty over individual perpetrators suspected of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes unless they are able and willing to prosecute perpetrators of these crimes at home. Even heads of state have not been immune from the formal legal authority of the ICC. Given the reach of its ambitions, it is unsurprising that the ICC has struggled to achieve some of its goals. It has, though, become a focal point for a vibrant and committed network of international advocates, lawyers, and civil society organizations committed to advancing international criminal justice. States also recognize the ICC’s importance. This article focuses on the impact of backlash on the authority of the ICC and on the status of international criminal justice.

The End of the Old France. <i>Book Review of ‘From Triumph to Disaster: Political and Military Defeat of France in 1940 and Its Origins’ by A.A. Vershinin and N.N. Naumova</i>

The book under review is a new monograph by A.A. Vershinin and N.N. Naumova ‘From triumph to disaster: Political and military defeat of France in 1940 and its origins’, published in 2022. In order to separate myth from reality and restore, as far as possible, an accurate picture of those tragic events, the authors of the monograph under review turn to a wide array of sources — ranging from memoirs of direct participants to archival documents from various countries. They also thoroughly examined the works of both classic and contemporary researches on the military and political history of France. A.A. Vershinin and N.N. Naumova provide an exceptionally detailed picture of the main political, social, military, cultural and ideological reasons that provoked the defeat of the French army. The authors debunk the popular myth that this defeat allegedly resulted from a shortage of military equipment. They show instead that it was caused by a complex of factors: instability of the Third Republic’s regime, contradictions between political parties, strategic miscalculations of the military and politicians. The authors stress that the defeat of France, which allowed the Third Reich to take a dominant position in Europe, became an important milestone in the history of international relations. According to the reviewer, A.A. Vershinin and N.N. Naumova rightly conclude that the old France, which once determined the fate of the world, perished in May-June 1940 in the battles of the Meuse and Dunkirk.

Justification for Interference? The Role of the Monroe Doctrine in the Stigmatization and Legitimation of Intervention in the US Foreign Policy in the 19th and Early 20th Centuries

Despite the growing academic attention to the problem of interference in internal affairs, rhetorical techniques the state uses to legitimize interventions in the eyes of foreign counterparties, remain somewhat understudied in the Russian IR studies. In this regard, the case of the Monroe Doctrine, a landmark ideological construct in the history of international relations and US foreign policy, provides a unique framework for an in-depth study of the practices of legitimization and stigmatization of interventions. The paper examines the role of the doctrine in denouncing the interference of European powers in the domestic affairs of Latin American countries and justifying US actions in the region. The author outlines a set of issues related to legitimizing, both externally and internally, the actions of the state in the international arena. It is shown that the appeal to national interests suitable for solving the problems of domestic political legitimization, turns out to be ineffective in justifying interventions in the eyes of the international community and therefore gives way to references to established traditions and historical narratives. The paper examines the historical background of the 1823 presidential address and the ways how the US foreign policy establishment appealed to it later on, both to promote the idea of the inadmissibility of European interference in the affairs of the countries of the Western Hemisphere, and, subsequently, to justify American interventionism. Special attention is paid to the so-called Roosevelt Corollary, since it allows one to better understand the specifics of the US leaders’ perception of the Monroe Doctrine and to separate them from the distortions and stereotypes formed during the ensuing public debates and uncritically replicated in many academic studies. The author concludes that, though the Monroe Doctrine is regarded as a cornerstone of US foreign policy, in fact it played a limited role in both diplomatic justification and stigmatization of interventions. In this regard, it is more appropriate to consider it as a rhetorical asset rather than a strict guiding principle. In general, the case of the Monroe Doctrine reveals the situational conditionality of the practices legitimizing interventions, resulting in their limited persuasiveness. The latter seems to be almost inevitable given the constitutive importance of the institution of sovereignty for the maintenance of international society.

SWEDEN'S AND FINLAND'S ACCESSION TO NATO AS A FACTOR IN CHANGING THE EUROPEAN SECURITY SYSTEM

The article analyzes the prerequisites and consequences of the accession of Sweden and Finland to NATO. Neutrality is avoiding participation in wars and non-participation in military-political blocs in peacetime, as well as not providing national territory for foreign military bases, and refusing to sell weapons to opposing parties. The Russian ultimatum of November 2021 with the demands that NATO renounce the expansion of the alliance testified to the fact of a deep crisis of the European security system. The trend towards the formation of a multipolar system of international relations has changed the logic of the policy of neutrality. Defeat in the Northern War of 1700-1721 prompted Sweden to switch to a policy of active neutrality. In 1935, Finland declared its intention to pursue a neutral policy with priority given to the Scandinavian direction. After Finland's defeat in the Second World War, the so-called “Finlandization” became a feature of Finnish neutrality. “Finlandization” is considered as subordination of the political course of a weaker country to the interests of a more powerful neighboring country with formal preservation of sovereignty. The process of gradual formation of a multipolar world provoked a change in the geopolitical orientations of the states of Northern Europe. There is constant tension in the Arctic. The USA declared a course for a new Atlanticism aimed at continuing the process of expansion and structural and functional strengthening of NATO. The active phase of the Russian war against Ukraine, which began on February 24, 2022, was the decisive reason for the decision to join Sweden and Finland in NATO. The methodological support for the conclusions of the article is based on the theory of political realism and problematic and chronological analysis of the modern history of international relations. The scientific novelty of the article lies in determining the complex of geopolitical, military-strategic, historical preconditions and consequences of Sweden and Finland's accession to NATO.

History of International Relations of Cities of Arkhangelsk Region in 1990s — 2010s: Transition from Social-Humanitarian to Trade-Economic Cooperation

The article discusses the development of international sister city relations in the 1990s — 2010s using the example of the Arkhangelsk region. The authors provide an overview of existing approaches in historiography to analyzing municipal-level international partnership relations in different regions of Russia and the world. Based on a wide range of sources, including international agreements, federal and regional regulatory acts, and reporting documentation over the past 30 years, the article pays particular attention to the region’s attempts in the 2000s — 2010s to move from exclusively social-humanitarian cooperation to developing economic ties with partner cities and regions. The real impact of sister city relations on the development of external economic ties in the region is analyzed in detail, as well as changes in the share of countries with which partner relations were established in the overall external trade turnover of the Arkhangelsk region. The authors conclude that there is currently no state regulation of the institution of sister city relations at the federal and regional levels. Such a situation creates serious difficulties for further development of this institution of public diplomacy, expanding the external economic activities of Russian regions, and spreading Russia’s “soft power” in the world.

Non-Western Peacekeeping as a Factor of a Multipolar World: Outlines of Research Program

This paper describes the contours of a research program on peacekeeping and peacebuilding, representing the interests of Non-Western countries (the world’s majority). The article is based on both individual developments of its expert authors in the theory and practice of peacekeeping, international law and development cooperation, as well as on generalized conclusions of eight international workshops on Non-Western peacekeeping, held by the Department of Theory and History of International Relations of the RUDN University in 2020-2021 with the participation of leading Russian and international experts. Particular attention is paid to the current moment in international peacekeeping associated with the “power transit” (from the United States to China, and more broadly, from the West to the Non-West) and the power vacuum observed in a number of regions. Conclusions are drawn about the crisis of humanitarian intervention and the system of liberal peacekeeping in general. At the same time, the remaining instruments of Western structural power in the field of peacekeeping are examined in detail, covering both personnel representation in the UN and the practice of ‘penholding,’ as well as the discursive hegemony of the “Collective West.” The main directions in the development of Non-Western academic discourse in the field of peacemaking and peacebuilding are explored in the context of building a multipolar world. Special attention is paid to the problems of regional human rights systems in the context of the protection of civilians and post-conflict peacebuilding. The study concludes that Non-Western countries have a significant influence on the formation of international norms in the field of peacekeeping (rule-changers), but so far do not act as norm-setting actors in world politics (rule-makers).

The role of mediation in international conflict resolution

International conflicts are becoming increasingly complex and pose a threat to world stability and security. In this context, mediation acquires key importance as a mechanism to prevent violence and find a peaceful solution. This article explores the important role of mediation in the process of resolving international conflicts. International conflicts are growing in complexity and protractedness, requiring effective resolution mechanisms to prevent violence and mitigate tensions between parties. Mediation is a key tool in resolving such conflicts, providing neutral mediation and creating a fruitful platform for dialog.
 The article analyzes various aspects of mediation in international conflicts, including the roles of mediators, the methods and strategies used to resolve differences, and examples of successful and unsuccessful mediation attempts in the history of international relations. The importance of neutrality, trust, and diplomatic skill for effective mediation is highlighted.
 Challenges associated with mediation in international conflicts, such as the reluctance of parties to mediate, difficulties in enforcing agreements, and external influences on the mediation process, are discussed. The author suggests ways to overcome these challenges, including strengthening international support for mediators, using innovative mediation techniques and tools, and improving coordination and cooperation among international organizations.
 The article emphasizes that mediation is an effective tool for easing tensions between parties to a conflict and ensuring neutral mediation. The author examines the different roles of mediators, their methods and strategies used to facilitate dialog and reach agreement. Examples of successful and unsuccessful mediation cases in the history of international relations are presented, highlighting key factors influencing the success of this process.
 Particular attention is paid to the challenges mediators face in resolving international conflicts. These challenges include the difficulty of establishing trust between the parties, the reluctance of the parties to recognize the need for mediation, and the influence of external actors on the course and outcome of mediation efforts. The author suggests strategies to overcome these challenges, including strengthening diplomatic efforts and utilizing innovative approaches.
 The concluding sections of the article emphasize the importance of further research on mediation and international conflict resolution. The author calls for increased support for mediators from international organizations and states, as well as well as the active implementation of mediation approaches in conflict resolution to ensure peace and stability in the global arena.

The History of International Relations in the Legacy of the Soviet Historian Vladimir M. Khvostov (1905–1972)

In the article, based on a large number of archival documents, some of which were first put into scientific circulation, the research activities and problems of scientific research by V.M.Khvostov are considered. The author analyzed two main directions in the work of the scientist: the history of diplomacy and international relations; problems of general and national history (mainly the events of world wars). The contribution of V.M.Khvostov to the study of this issue is determined, his creative biography is considered as one of the models of the life and career of a scientist in the Soviet political and historiographic space.

Paris Barış Konferansı’nda Türkiye Arnavut Kolonisi Delegasyonu’nun Faaliyetleri 1919

It was at the end of the First World War, in 1918, that a peace conference in Paris was made possible to be convened. The Peace Conference finally opened a new page in the history of international relations. Albanian people were wholly and directly focused on the proceedings of the Paris Conference from the very beginning, hoping that there they would find solutions to their problems and concerns regarding the national question. In the framework of these efforts and fully aware of the danger that threatened the country, the Albanians had to raise their voice and make known the national cause at the Conference meetings considering that, at the time, the territory of the Albanian state was occupied and the Albanians could not depend on the support of any of the triumphant post-war states. They believed that displaying their demands at the Conference convened to establish world peace would be a good opportunity to defend their rights and the injustices inflicted to them. Therefore, in addition to the delegation of the National Government from the Congress of Durrës, whose purpose was to represent the Albanian people in the Conference, there were other representatives from the Albanian diaspora. One of them was the delegation of the Albanian Colony of Turkey. The purpose of the activity of this Albanian representation was the protection of the independence of Albania, the protection of the territorial integrity of the Albanian state from the danger of a new fragmentation and the efforts for the recovery of the country. The delegates of the Albanian colonies worked together carrying out many activities in aid of the national cause, as well as propagating the right of existence of this nation through the press, meetings with various personalities or through memoranda sent to major states. Despite the difficult circumstances, the representatives of the Albanian Colony of Turkey believed in the idea that the Albanian state would rise again. Their activity marked the historical period of the Albanian people.

Border studies and International Relations Theories: an emancipatory framework

Throughout the history of International Relations, borders have been marginalised both practically and, to a greater extent, theoretically. On the one hand, conceptualizations of borders are typically subordinate to other ideas within the field, such as sovereignty, territory, security, conflict, and peace. On the other hand, it is frequently regarded as a source of conflict or simply as a geographical boundary. Thus, it is not surprising that this situation of marginalisation (conventional view of boundaries) produced a hegemonic perspective on borders until the conclusion of the Cold War. Nonetheless, the rearrangement of the international system and the expansion of regional integration resulted in a more dynamic, complex, and multidimensional outline. This work seeks to answer the following research question: in what ways would a perspective contribute to the field of border studies? It is proposed that such a theoretical framework would reassign border studies from an underlying to a fundamental premise, elevating them to a more significant level. This reinterpretation has direct and indirect effects on border politics in practice.

Why is There No History of Fascist International Thought?

Notwithstanding recent efforts, historians of international thought have yet to adequately address the highly heterogeneous and often paradoxical ideas espoused by international thinkers of a fascist persuasion. Instead, fascist international thought has commonly been ignored or otherwise reduced to an antiquated Darwinian realism. This article aims to present a case for how and why this fragmentary situation should be corrected. Specifically, it advocates for a closer interdisciplinary engagement between the history of international thought and the field of fascist studies. It thus implores the former to consider salient thematic and methodological developments within the latter and adapt them accordingly. The consequent research agenda that emerges feasibly offers novel insight into (I) unexplored avenues in the history of international thought and the disciplinary history of International Relations, alongside presenting both (II) theoretical and (III) normative implications for the discipline as such. Pourquoi n’y a-t-il pas d’Histoire de la pensée fasciste internationale?

Historical Detective Story and History as a Detective Story: to the Question of Cross-genre Synthesis

The article presents an analysis of the popular historical / retro detective genre, considered in terms of semantic fields shared with other literary genres, which for their synthesis. In particular, the motive of the activity of the past in the present and the future, present in almost all literary forms, is of a formative significance in the detective story. The plot is built on a retrospective reconstruction of events leading to a particular situation, typically a crime. This motive is crucial for historical and quasi-historical genres such as alternative history and cryptohistory, in which similar “detective” work on the reproduction of real or hypothetical events, their origins and results is carried out by the author himself and to some extent by the recipient. Such artistic research holds a significant place in the “investigation novel” genre, allowing the author to present his/her own scientifically based version of ambiguous historical material.The motive of understanding the true causes and nature of events is also present in the psychological novel, where the focus is shifted from the “external” mystery of the situation to the secrets of the depths of the human psyche. The fundamental principles of the detective genre reach considerable archetypal depth, based on such mythological and philosophical themes as the essence of time and the cause-and-effect relationships of events, the meaning of being and the essence of repentance. All this creates significant opportunities for philosophy, including historiosophical artistic research, allowing a complex synthesis of genres (most often: detective story – history – science fiction and fantasy), with extensive use of the achievements of psychological and social literature. All these forms of the artistic interpretation of the “past-in-the-future” are very relevant to the culture that is seeking new understanding of its own past and the history of international relations. It explains the relative popularity of the historical and retro-detective in contemporary Ukrainian literature.For Ukrainian authors, the second half of the 19th and the first half of the 20th centuries remains the most attractive period. The strongest points of their novels are a significant amount of historical and local history information, as well as efforts to understand (and rethink) the imperial heritage in its various forms; after all, it is not only about the Russian but also about the Austro-Hungarian empire.

Economic aspects of the Anglo-French confrontation during the Napoleonic Wars

The article deals with the problem of economic confrontation between France and Britain during the Napoleonic Wars. The subject of the study is the nature and conditions of the Anglo-French confrontation through the prism of economic processes. The object of the study are those measures and actions that were taken by France and Britain in order to establish their own economic superiority, special attention is paid to the Continental Blockade introduced by Napoleon I Bonaparte. The purpose of the study is to analyze the causes and consequences of Anglo-French rivalry, as well as the peculiarities of the development of national economies in wartime conditions. The article discusses the measures that have been taken to overcome the crisis phenomena by the governments of France and Britain in connection with the conduct of a policy of mutual blockade. The special role of the naval force and the smuggling trade is noted. The author uses chronological, historical-comparative and historical-system research methods in his work. The results of the study may be of interest to specialists in economic or military history, as well as in the theory and history of international relations. There are still conflicting assessments of the effectiveness and consequences of the economic measures taken by the French and British governments to establish their own hegemony on the European continent. The novelty of the study consists in a comprehensive examination of the nature of the economic confrontation between the two European "superpowers" in the early XIX century. The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that the instrument of economic blockade, the policy of sanctions and counter-sanctions, as well as trade wars remain one of the most important elements of the military-political confrontation of various modern states.

荒井信一における「植民地責任」に到る道

This paper traces the evolution of histriography by Shinichi Arai(1926-2017), a Japanese historians of the history of international relations. In particular, we will focus on developments since the 1990s, when Japan's war responsibility, responsibility for colonial rule, and historical awareness were severely questioned. Through this, we will examine how Japanese intellectuals deepened their awareness of the issue of Japanese colonial rule.
 Arai is not an expert on the history of the Korean history or the history of Japan-Korea relations. However, his last book was Colonialism and Cultural Properties: Thinking from Modern Japan and Korea. This book positions Japan-Korea relations within the major trends in world history of colonial rule. This reflects the characteristics of postwar Japanese historiography.
 How did Arai come to write this book? I will first explore the originality of Arai's analysis in postwar Japanese historiography. In his research, the perspective of war responsibility was particularly emphasized, whereas colonial responsibility was not emphasized until the 1980s.
 From the 1990s onwards, Arai participated in the establishment of the Center for Research and Documentation on Japan's War Responsibility and was one of its representatives. There, he made contributions as a historian to the issue of Comfort Women and the damage caused by air raids against Japan and China. In the controversy over the Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty, he raised the issue from an original perspective that Japanese and Korean history experts do not have. He also contributed to the creation of a forum for common discussion among East Asian intellectuals on the issue of Japanese history textbooks. Through such exchanges of intellectuals, Arai deepened his understanding of the history of colonial rule.