History Of Foreign Policy Research Articles

“Changing values and the writing of history”: A review of United States Foreign Policy History & Resource Guide, a website, at https://peacehistory‐usfp.org/

“Changing values and the writing of history”: A review of <i>United States Foreign Policy History &amp; Resource Guide</i>, a website, at https://peacehistory‐usfp.org/

Changing Dynamics of Foreign Policy in the Emerging Multipolar World – An Objective Study of Pakistan’s Foreign Policy

Within the ever-changing context of modern international relations, Pakistan's foreign policy manoeuvres take place in the middle of a multipolar global order. This paper explores the subtleties of Pakistan's strategic adjustments, looking at how changing world power dynamics influence its diplomacy. With a focus on the relationship between regional stability, global influence, and national sovereignty, Pakistan manages a wide range of alliances and relationships. Pakistan's foreign policy history exhibits both continuity and adaptability, ranging from historical alliances with the United States during the Cold War to strategic diversifications including China, Russia, and other regional organizations. This paper provides a thorough examination of Pakistan's diplomatic methods, emphasizing their diversity and the need of diplomatic adaptability in handling international issues. Pakistan's foreign policy becomes an important factor in determining regional dynamics and global stability as it asserts its geopolitical relevance through projects like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and participation in multilateral forums like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). With the goal of shedding light on Pakistan's changing place in the multipolar international order, this article attempts to explain the strategic thinking that goes into the country's foreign policy choices.

The history of anti-Castro terrorist organizations and their ties to the U.S. government

The article is devoted to the history of terrorist organizations that arose as a response to the Cuban Revolution of 1959, the rise to power of Fidel Castro and the policies of his government over the following decades. An important role in the creation, financing and support of these organizations was played by people directly or indirectly connected with the American special services and the political leadership of the United States. The activities of Cuban counter-revolutionary terrorists have led to tragic consequences, including the deaths of innocent people, not only Cubans, but also representatives of other Latin American countries. The use of terrorist methods for political purposes is an extremely urgent problem in the 21st century, and therefore an appeal to the history of this phenomenon is objectively necessary to effectively combat this evil. The history of terrorist activity by opponents of the Castro regime is of interest both to historians and political scientists, whose interests include the study of the Caribbean region, the history of foreign policy and the activities of US intelligence agencies, and to specialists in international relations in general. The methodology of the research is based on the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity and consistency. This allows us to consider the problem under study as an integrated system, where the facts are analyzed in their entirety and interrelationships. General scientific (analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, descriptive) and general historical (historical-comparative, historical-systemic) research methods are necessary for conducting research. The present study has a scientific novelty, since it is based on sources not previously used in the Russian scientific literature. A significant part of the corpus of sources used by the author of the article are classified CIA documents until recently. To a certain extent, working with such arrays of information is not only a historical, but also a political science study that allows us to better understand the realities of modern geopolitics. As for the conclusions of this study, they may be summarised respectively: 1) the United States, at least in the recent past, was a direct sponsor of international terrorism; 2) the activities of anti-Castro terrorist groups in the 20th century still hinder the process of restoring diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba; 3) a violent change of power in the state inevitably generates a cycle of violence that evades the risk of interference in the internal affairs of the country from the outside.

What’s so Critical About Critical Oral History?

ABSTRACT James Blight, David Welch, and Janet Lang developed Critical Oral History in the 1980s and 1990s as an attempt to expand foreign policy history’s understanding of the past beyond a document-based epistemology. Despite this new method’s incorporation of “oral history” into its name, Blight, Welch, and Lang utilized few methodological or theoretical perspectives from oral history. While Critical Oral History has had a small renaissance in foreign policy history research in recent years, differentiation from political science’s method of expert interviews is still largely absent. In this article, I argue that if international history and international relations researchers are to use the concept of oral history as opposed to expert or elite interviews, it should be an indicator of the type of epistemological assumptions and thus, methodological analysis, in which memory is problematized. This will allow foreign policy history researchers to open a new variety of research questions and analytical foci while also problematizing memory. For oral historians, it offers reflections on intersubjective power relations and opportunities to expand understandings of misremembering, silence, and other key tenets of oral history theory. Examples from oral history interviews with retired Finnish and American diplomats are presented to implement these ideas in what I term a Foreign Policy Oral History method and methodology.

Centenary of Belarusian Statehood: from Soviet Union Republic to Independent State

The article analyzes the main stages of the Belarusian statehood development in the XX and at the beginning of the XXI centuries on the example of the Byelorussian SSR and the Republic of Belarus. These cases are considered primarily from the point of view of foreign policy and the international conditions of their establishment and development. The foreign policy of the BSSR is studied in the context of the creation, development and the collapse of the Soviet state through the prism of the comparative historical research methodology. It is applied for characterization and comparison of the foreign policy experience of the two union republics – the Belorussian SSR and the Ukrainian SSR. The general and specific features of their foreign policy activity are highlighted. The foreign policy experience of the establishment and development of the Republic of Belarus is characterized. The article gains its theoretical significance in presenting theoretical methodological approaches, assessments, attitudes and research paradigms formulated by the paradigms formulated in the Belarusian academic school of the foreign policy history of Belarus.

TURKISM IN THE BUILDING OF THE TURKISH NATION AND ITS INFLUENCE ON SINO-TURKISH RELATIONS

The purpose of the research. The article discusses the process of nation building in Turkey. The influence of nation-building on the transition of the Ottoman Empire to a modern nation-state is analyzed. The purpose of the research is to identify the influence of Turkism in the construction of the Turkish nation, emerging in the second half of the 19th century, and its influence on Chinese-Turkish relations. As grounds, the influence of foreign Turkic intellectuals and Turkish intelligentsia on the construction of the Turkish nation is highlighted. Results. As a result of the study, the author comes to the conclusion that Turkism does not fundamentally differ from Western ideas about nation building. It should be noted that the genesis of Turkism became entirely possible thanks to the borrowing of the methods of Western social science and the adoption of the principle of language as the most important. In the conditions of development, Turkism tries to use the principles of Orientalism and linguistics. However, in modern Turkey, Turkism/Pan-Turkism has always shown a tendency towards extremism that transcends the boundaries of the nation-state. The author concludes that dissatisfaction with the nation-state and self-identification makes pan-Turkism the desire of many people in Turkey to go beyond the territorial nation-state. A number of examples from the history of foreign policy have emerged and Ankara's repeated gross interference in China's internal affairs for diplomatic purposes.

Historical patterns of foreign policy of Denmark: the reason for abandoning neutrality after the World War II?

Based on the historical analysis, this article attempts to give a detailed and comprehensive answer to the question about the reasons that forced Denmark to abandon the policy of neutrality after the World War II and become the member of the North Atlantic Alliance. The object of this research is the foreign policy of Denmark in the XV &amp;ndash; XX centuries, while the subject is the balancing strategy of Denmark in the conditions of transition from the status of regional power to the status of second-order power, and ultimately, to the status of a small European state that seeks to ensure the own neutrality. Special attention is given to the analysis of strategic foreign policy decisions of Denmark in the conditions of major regional and European conflicts, such as the Dano-Swedish War of the XVII century, Great Northern War (1700-1721), Napoleonic Wars (1799-1815), First Schleswig War (1848-1850) and Second Schleswig War (1864), World War I (1914-1918) and World War II (1939-1945). The conclusion is made that reaching the actual neutral status for Denmark throughout its foreign policy history was virtually impossible due to the fact that conventional neutrality acquired either a pro-German or pro-British orientation, and in reality represented an attempt to find a complex balance between the interests of the great powers. The need for balancing overlapped the historical vulnerability of Northern European region to external influence. Since the great powers using bilateral diplomacy did allow close rapprochement countries between Nordic countries, the common defense alliance projects both prior to the World War II and after the World War II failed to implement &amp;nbsp;A crucial point in evolution of the foreign policy strategy of Danish politicians became the negative experience of the World War II, when strict conformity to the policy of neutrality did not prevent the German occupation of the country.

Woodrow Wilson and the Spirit of Liberal Internationalism

ABSTRACT Woodrow Wilson is among most influential presidents in U.S. foreign policy history, and the most pious. The challenge for scholars is joining Wilson's faith and his foreign policies. What was the role of religion in Wilson's worldview? What is the place of religion in Wilsonianism? This article uses original archival sources and a synthesis of historical research to intervene in IR theory, demonstrating that Wilsonianism is a product of Wilson's specifically Southern Presbyterian upbringing, his admiration for other Christian idealists, and the influence of the budding movement of the Social Gospel. This finding raises a historiographic puzzle: why did late twentieth century IR scholars erase religion from theories of liberal internationalism? The article suggests Wilson's religion has been erased as part of the broader project of desacralizing and universalizing liberal internationalism. Wilson's worldview was a mirror for the kind of social and political order he witnessed and propagated in America, a Janus-faced spirit of universalism and exceptionalism, internationalism and parochialism, that continues to motivate the liberal internationalist project. Unearthing the Protestant origins of Wilsonianism helps us to explicate the missionary spirit driving the liberal internationalist project.

On the Reasons Why the Reinsurance Treaty Was not Renewed in 1890

The article is aimed at discussing the reasons for the non-renewal of the Reinsurance Treaty in 1890 between Russia and Germany. It analyses the fundamental traits of Bismarck’s foreign policy towards Russia and subsequently deals with the impact of Bismarck’s resignation. It further details the shift in attitudes towards Russia by Bismarck’s replacement in order to understand why the Treaty was not renewed. The article also determines how this shift influenced international politics and lists the reasons for French and Russian relations growing. The study uses methodological approaches of “traditional” political history, meaning history of states and diplomacy based on “the primacy of foreign policy” and research fields aimed at actions of states and their highest political representatives. Based on the methodological approaches, an analysis has been conducted of “highest policy” and a “realistic” insight into the history of foreign policy is presented in narrative form. The author agrees with the opinion that the changes in German foreign policy led to the so-called “revolution of the alliances”. Based on unpublished sources found during archival research, the study concludes that the post-Bismarck diplomacy negatively impacted Germany’s international position since its actions brought France and Russia closer and left Germany with the weakest ally, i.e. Austria-Hungary. The study further concludes that these changes symbolized a huge loss for Germany’s diplomacy. The author assesses that the new diplomacy did not prove itself, calculated falsely, analyzed incorrectly, and predicted wrongly.

After Failure: American Foreign Policy at the End of the Post–Cold War Era

AbstractThe close of the Obama presidency prompted considerable thinking about the state of American foreign policy. With the election of Donald Trump, it appeared as if the United States and the world were on the brink of a new relationship. Decades-old language of American international leadership was replaced with a doctrine of America First. In other words, the post–Cold War era had come to an end. This review essay addresses five texts published at this inflection point in American foreign policy history, when the core assumptions are being challenged by domestic and global forces. It accounts for the parlous state of American foreign policy in the post–Cold War era, the causes of foreign policy failure, where the world might be heading, and what it means for American foreign policy scholarship.

South Korea at the crossroads: autonomy and alliance in an era of rival powers

South Korea at the crossroads provides readers with a well-written chronicle of South Korea's contemporary foreign policy history, particularly regarding its relations and security alliance with the United States. The book is an easy read for non-experts on foreign policy or Korea but it should be of interest to academics too. The first seven chapters give an overview of the evolution of South Korea's foreign policy, when the country navigated between its desire for autonomy and its alliance with the United States, as well as the country's economic and social progress since its independence from Japan in 1945. In the other three chapters, Snyder lays out South Korea's foreign policy options regarding three significant policy issues. Chapter eight outlines South Korea's aspiration to escape the geographical constraints of its region, where it is surrounded by Great Powers, to earn its place at the global governance table as a middle power. Chapter nine considers determinants of South Korea's strategic choice between a rising China and its long-time security ally the United States. Snyder argues that South Korea will continue to rely on the US due to sunk costs of the alliance, institutional binding between the allies and value differences with China. Chapter ten speculates on potential scenarios about Korean unification and concludes that it is distant and unfeasible, unless North Korea cooperates or collapses.

What explains the lacklustre response to Zika in Brazil? Exploring institutional, economic and health system context

By early-2016, the international community began to pressure Brazil for a stronger policy response to Zika. In contrast to what was seen in the past, however, these international pressures did...

Wilsonianism and the sweep of American foreign policy history

The contention of this essay is that Wilsonianism has rested in part on a conviction that popular government, government responsible to the people, is right and that it is also advantageous to the ...

Samba Power:Brazil's Modern Foreign Policy Directives towards the African Continent

The following research paper has as the objective of analysing the development, implementation and results of Brazilian foreign policy towards the African continent. A brief, yet important historical background with relevant demographic and national attributes is included, with the focus on the history of foreign policy between the two from its recognition of the newly independent African states since the late 1950s and into the administrations of the last two Brazilian heads of state and government, Luis Inacio “Lula” Da Silva (2003-2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016). It is precisely during these last two periods where Africa became one of the top priorities for reaching and maintaining Brazilian national interests through international relations. The path chosen to pursue these goals is one related to what liberal and constructivist theories of international relations call soft power, a doctrine, in the Brazilian method, that emphasizes cultural, historical and ethnic links to Africa. Nevertheless, a delicate balance must be preserved with the domestic realities and constraints felt back in the home front, Brazil itself still being a country on the way to becoming truly “developed”, with many social problems remaining.

The Effects of Humanitarian Aid on the Advancement of Livelihood under Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

Humanitarian aid continues to be under close scrutiny as the international community analyzes its effects on the receiving populations in the developing world. Although aid should not be stopped completely, there are areas that can be improved. In theory, aid should increase economic capabilities as it sustains populations and advances their quality of life. On the systematic level, data supports that there are more efficient ways to allocate aid to benefit recipient states rather than donor states. The allocation of aid is partly determined by individual political interests of donor nations and the promotion of their foreign policies. Logistics and the dispersal of aid in the receiving country can be highly politicized when the government oversees the process. Human rights are often forgotten in the allocation of aid on the ground as each country and situation is not considered under its unique circumstances. The current United States administration has not positively impacted the current crises in Venezuela as their history of foreign policy is being repeated. The following sections will seek to answer the question of: Does humanitarian aid in Latin America advance an adequate standard of living under Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights?

New Directions in the Study of African American Recolonization ed. by Beverly C. Tomek and Matthew J. Hetrick

Reviewed by: New Directions in the Study of African American Recolonizationed. by Beverly C. Tomek and Matthew J. Hetrick Elisabeth Engel New Directions in the Study of African American Recolonization. Edited by Beverly C. Tomek and Matthew J. Hetrick. Southern Dissent. (Gainesville and other cities: University Press of Florida, 2017. Pp. x, 356. $89.95, ISBN 978-0-8130-5424-7.) New Directions in the Study of African American Recolonizationrevisits the history of the movement to relocate black Americans to Africa in the nineteenth century. Its sixteen chapters focus on the American Colonization Society [End Page 729](ACS), the organization, founded in 1816, that supported African recolonization as an approach to resolve the issue of slavery by transporting free black people to Liberia. The purpose of the volume is to go beyond existing scholarship that primarily debates "whether colonization was proslavery or antislavery" (p. 17). The assembled contributions foreground, instead, the missionary, political, and diplomatic dimensions of colonizationism and new methodologies and perspectives for the study of colonization. By adopting this multidimensional approach, the volume aims to trace the "movement's complexity" while "redirecting the field and encouraging deeper analysis not only of actions but also of implications and results" (p. 17). Beverly C. Tomek's introduction discusses "The Past, Present, and Future of Colonization Studies." She offers a brief history of the ACS and a comprehensive review of the historiography since the nineteenth century, highlighting how historical interpretations of the ACS changed in certain periods, such as the civil rights era. From her discussion of the literature, Tomek drafts out where the contributors indicate potentially new fields of study. The gist of her analysis is that the contributors begin a transnational research agenda that considers ACS-related archives and historical actors in the context of American foreign policy history as well as entirely beyond the United States. This agenda is evident in contributions that bring African perspectives (such as chapters 3, 4, 11, and 13) and the place of colonization in the history of American expansion and imperialism (chapters 8 and 9) to the fore. What is less clear is how the contributions relate to or develop the concept of African American recolonization that is proposed in the title of the volume. Part 1 consists of four detailed case studies that explore the religious motivations and practices of the colonization movement in Africa. Gale L. Kenny analyzes the "missionary sensibility" of ACS supporters in New England to show that Christian ideals of sympathy and compassion helped raise a racially biased interest in black people who were well out of their sight (p. 34). Ben Wright looks into "nonspecific Protestantism" as a cultural foundation on which even conflicting groups of black and white Americans from the North and the South could agree to define colonization as a means to achieve Africans' conversion (p. 51). Andrew N. Wegmann argues that black American missionaries, starting with Lott Cary in 1822, helped breed a "populist Christian nationalism" in the interior of Liberia that differed from the Western role models that the ACS, missionary boards, and Americo-Liberian elites promoted in Monrovia (p. 83). Debra Newman Ham honors African American women as the largest segment of ACS emigrants by exploring the educational and religious initiatives that they devised on behalf of the "biblical Great Commission" to shape a new society in Liberia (p. 91). Part 2 concentrates on the colonization movement's political and diplomatic dimensions. David F. Ericson introduces the "private-public partnership" that the ACS maintained with the U.S. government due to a shared goal to suppress the transatlantic slave trade (p. 111). Daniel Preston shows that President James Monroe developed his plan of "gradual compensated emancipation linked to colonization" in view of the ACS (p. 135). Nicholas P. Wood reveals that the legalization of slavery in Missouri in 1820 eroded cross-sectional support for African colonization at the federal level, while prompting the rise of a [End Page 730]decentralized network of auxiliary colonization societies in various states. Brandon Mills argues that the ACS's idea of founding an independent black republic, as opposed to a colony, in Africa reflects an anticolonial version of U.S. expansionism. Bronwen...

Toward Canada in the World: Thoughts on the future of Canadian Foreign Policy History

As a field of study, Canadian Foreign Policy history has been on life support for the better part of three decades. While its resiliency speaks to the commitment of its practitioners, the fact that Canadian international history has largely been sidelined is troubling given both the field’s importance generally and its appeal to undergraduate students and the wider public. Yet, at the same time as Canadian Foreign Policy history has been in stasis, a new field examining Canadian interactions with the world through transnational and cultural lenses has arisen. As the apocryphal Chinese proverb puts it, this situation presents both danger and opportunity for Canadian international history. In this article I explore how Canadian international historians might seize the initiative by crafting a new, expansive field of study—Canada in the World—which preserves the study of Canadian Foreign Policy while incorporating other analytical approaches.

US-Nepal and India: Trilateral Relationson Global and Regional Strategic Perspective

In the first section of paper, author has tried to clarify the indispensable and indivisible history of foreign policy of India with Nepal. Although Nepal’s foreign policy was always measured with comparing with our neighbouring nation as like Sino-Nepal relations will have the four basic characteristics with ‘c’ – cooperation, competition, confrontation and conflict. The concept of Public-Private Partnership (PPP) must be recognized and furnished by the foreign policy of Nepal. India is our strategic partner since time immoral. Nepal’s foreign policy is always been guided by the foreign policy of India and we shall see some similarities between these two countries foreign policy. India is revising their regional policy nowadays. They are also reviewing their regional involvement since 1947. A recent report says that “Non Alignment 2.0: A Foreign and Strategic Policy for India in the Twenty First Century’,a future policy of India must becentred on three “core objectives”: “To ensure that India did not define its national interest or approach to world politics in terms of ideologies and goals that had been set elsewhere; that India retained maximum strategic autonomy to pursue its development goals; and that India worked to build national power as the foundation for creating a just and equitable world order. The second section of paper will illustrate the West eyes on East and our non- parallel rate of economic growth and benefit of Nepal from India’s growth. In the U.S.A. strategic guidance released in January 2012 has said that USA has shifted its strategic interest and priorities from the Atlantic to the Pacific, including the East and South Asia where these two giants are being situated. “U.S economic and security interest are inextricably linked to developments in the arc extending from the Western Pacific and East Asia into the Indian Ocean region and South Asia, creating a mix of evolving challenges and opportunities. Accordingly, while the US military will continue to contribute to security globally, we will of necessity rebalance toward the Asia- Pacific region” India is reformulating her bilateral ties with US and also ties with China to walk in line with changing scenario of world politics. We are secured in the sense that US have never shown her interest in Nepalese soil directly but have been played with Indian card. Nepal also needs to reformulate its bilateral ties with US independently keeping our strong relation with India. The last section of paper will reconsider the possibility of Nepal’s further development and presence in some of Forums where India is taking lead. Such as, in SAARC, Indian diplomat J.N. Dixit has written that “time has come for the SAARC not shy away from becoming a forum for discussion on political issues which afflict then countries in the region” This forum shouldn’t limit to trade and co-operation in this regional level but most be favourable platform to discuss each country internal political conflicts.

Mexico: A leader in search of like-minded peers

Over the last decade Mexico has chosen and has been forced to practice a sort of “stand alone” foreign policy, in part due to its marginalization in Latin America, in part due to the growing bilateralization of relations in the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) context. The national narrative of acting as a bridge in economic terms for accessing the NAFTA market proved not very attractive to international partners. As a result, Mexico has become the classical “leader without followers.” Joining the MIKTA initiative, a grouping formed by Mexico, Indonesia, South Corea, Turkey and Australia, is a highly welcomed option for regaining international presence without the Brazilian shadow, so strong in the region, and for defining a specific intermediary role. Mexico clearly embraced a “Southern” identity only in very limited moments of its foreign policy history and always tried to maintain a middle way, as an agreeable voice and a helpful fixer for international conferences and meetings. The old/new formula that seems to feed Mexico’s new international MIKTA presence is that of “multiple memberships” following a rationale of “like-mindedness,” a rationale that allows for promoting its presence in a great variety of institutions and regional integration schemes, but without compromising too much of its national economic development priorities. This article analyzes these half-way/soft doctrinal foundations of Mexican foreign policy with respect to Mexico’s identification with and outreach to the MIKTA group, both in terms of collective action and of bilateral efforts to establish viable relations with its members.

Why Would a Political Scientist Write a Biography?

Why would a political scientist write a biography of a U.S. national security advisor? Biography focuses on a single individual and has no guidelines on where or how to collect evidence or on how to organize that evidence. Nonetheless, a biography of General Brent Scowcroft, national security advisor to Presidents Gerald Ford and George H.W. Bush, allowed me to provide a broad overview of forty years of U.S. foreign policy history, to conduct an in-depth study of the personnel and organization involved in the national security decision-making, and to narrate the life of an extremely influential and interesting public figure. Biography fulfills many of political science’s disciplinary objectives, in fact: it speaks to important issues of political science, it offers thick description and facilitates the drawing of causal inferences, it addresses agency and structure, it is falsifiable, and it is able to communicate with a larger public.