Higher Voter Turnout Research Articles

Anonymous voting using distributed ledger-assisted secure multi-party computation

High voter turnout in elections and referendums is desirable to ensure a robust democracy. Secure electronic voting is a vision for the future of elections and referendums. Such a system can counteract factors hindering strong voter turnout such as the requirement of physical presence during limited hours at polling stations. However, this vision brings transparency and confidentiality requirements that render the design of such solutions challenging. Specifically, the counting implementation must support reproducibility, and the choice of individual voters must remain confidential. In this paper, we propose and evaluate a novel referendum protocol that ensures transparency, confidentiality, and integrity, in trustless networks. The protocol is built by combining secure multi-party computation and distributed ledger technology, e.g., a Blockchain. The persistence and immutability of the protocol communication allow verifiability of the referendum outcome by any participant. Voters therefore do not need to trust third parties. We provide a formal description and conduct a thorough security evaluation of our proposal.

Влияние явки избирателей на легитимность президентских выборов в мире

This paper reveals the impact of voter turnout on the legitimacy of presidential elections based on the materials of 20 largest states holding such elections in terms of the number of voters. In March 2024, presidential elections were held in Russia and in November elections are scheduled in the United States, the outcome of which will have an impact on the domestic and foreign policies of these states. The author has tested the hypothesis that in most cases, for the existing political regime in countries where subject and patriarchal political cultures are widespread, high voter turnout acts as a donor of legitimacy, therefore, the authorities seek to involve the maximum number of voters in conventional political participation in presidential elections and ensure victory for the person holding the office of president (incumbent). In countries where the political culture of participation has become more widespread, the competition of strong candidates is a source of legitimacy for political regimes that do not seek to mobilize all voters to participate in presidential elections and are most often unable to ensure the re-election of the incumbent. Based on the analysis of electoral statistics of presidential elections in the studied states, it was concluded that high electoral activity in countries with a predominance of national and patriarchal political cultures, even if there is no real competition between candidates, but with broad public recognition of the existing political regime, ensures the legitimacy of elections. In countries where political culture of participation has become more widespread, high turnout is a consequence of interest in elections, and not the result of the mobilization of the electorate by the political regime. Examples are Turkey and France, where the last presidential elections were held with high turnout and competition between the two most popular candidates; low electoral activity in the presidential elections is a prerequisite for the subsequent political crisis and dismantling of the political regime (Afghanistan, Nigeria). Acceptable level of voter turnout in the presidential elections, which can act as an indicator of their legitimacy, is about 60–66%.

Pork barrel in Türkiye: Distributive politics in the allocation of public investments into Turkish electorates

AbstractWe investigate the political factors involved in the allocation of public investments into Turkish electoral districts. Using a unique data set covering detailed individual characteristics of approximately 2000 Turkish MPs over five legislative periods during 1987–2004, we show that the composition of several legislator characteristics in an electorate, such as the level of education, area of tertiary degree, and former profession, matters in the way pork barrel occurs across electorates. The findings also indicate a strong presence of partisan motivations and targeted support for opposition groups and ideological strongholds in public investment allocations. We also document evidence that a stronger right‐wing tendency in the cabinet, a single‐party government, fractionalized voter preferences, and higher voter turnout in the electorate are all associated with increased public investments into specific geographic constituencies.

ANOMALI DEMOKRASI INDONESIA: Kontroversi Peningkatan Partisipasi Politik pada Pemilihan Kepala Daerah dalam masa Pandemi Covid-19

This study discusses the implementation of regional head elections in Indonesia which took place during the Covid-19 pandemic. The study focuses on explaining the high level of voter turnout when Covid-19 hit Indonesia in 2020 which exceeded the turnout rate in normal situations and contrary to the trend of declining global voter turnout. This research uses descriptive qualitative methods with secondary data obtained from official government institutions (especially the election commission and Ministry of Health), mass media both newspapers and other social media, as well as the results of research conducted by other researchers. The results showed that the high level of voter turnout during the Covid-19 pandemic was an anomaly of democracy in the midst of activity restrictions and the trend of declining global voter turnout. The high voter turnout during the Covid-19 pandemic was inversely proportional to the economic downturn and public confidence in government. This study found that the main factor for increasing voter turnout during the Covid-19 pandemic was the massive mobilization of social assistance funds from the government. Theoretically, this is a synthesis of the mobilization model and the general incentives model of participation in a pragmatic context.

Minority bonding to political self-efficacy: a case study on bonding and bridging social capital and political self-efficacy among adolescents in Finland

While social capital is claimed to predict, for example, a higher level of trust, better health, and higher voter turnout, its uneven distribution causes concern in society. In this study, we examine which aspects of social capital are connected to political self-efficacy, which is an important predictor of political participation and associated with for example political interest. According to our knowledge, there is a research gap both in terms of studies focusing on analyzing the effect of minority status on political self-efficacy via social capital and studies analyzing these patterns among adolescents living their formative years. In this article we test this mediating effect of social capital among majority and minority adolescents since minorities can be expected to have relatively more bonding social capital and less bridging social capital. In the Finnish context, this is particularly interesting since the Swedish-speaking minority is praised for its high level of social capital that is suggested to explain a lot of its success ranging from better health to a higher turnout compared with the majority. Analyzing a nationwide dataset of 15–16-year-old students (N = 5,189) completing their final year of comprehensive education in Finland in a multilevel structural equation model, we discover that belonging to the Swedish-speaking minority seems to strengthen bonding social capital (social networks, and community). The civic participation, community, and social networks aspects of social capital are positively connected to the level of political self-efficacy, while generalized trust has no connection to it. All these findings indicate that societies should take measures to strengthen bridging and bonding social capital among both adolescents and minorities.

UNVEILING THE HIDDEN LINK: HUMAN DEVELOPMENT AND VOTER TURNOUT IN BALOCHISTAN, PAKISTAN

The province of Balochistan in Pakistan provides an intriguing opportunity to analyze the complex correlation between human development and voter engagement. This study aims to determine if there is a direct relationship between the Human Development Index (HDI) and voter turnout in Balochistan. The study utilizes a quantitative research approach, analyzing data from the Human Development Index (HDI) and voter participation records for districts in Balochistan, Pakistan. The HDI data was acquired from the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), whilst the voter turnout data was gathered from the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP). The study's findings indicate no direct correlation between HDI and voter turnout. Some districts with low Human Development Index (HDI) values have a high voter turnout, whereas, on the other hand, certain districts with high HDI values have a low voter turnout. These findings indicate that other factors beyond HDI substantially influence voter turnout in Balochistan. Further research would be helpful to thoroughly understand the intricate relationship between HDI and voter turnout in Balochistan. These research efforts have the potential to find strategies that can increase voter turnout in the province.

Willingness to Fight for One’s Own Country: New Variables to Look at the Estonian Leadership among the Baltic States

The article delves into the willingness of citizens in the Baltic States, particularly Estonia, to fight for their countries in the face of rising threats, notably the Russian threat following the Crimean annexation. With historically weaker NATO defenses and relatively small armed forces, Baltic States like Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia rely on allied support and their residents’ determination to defend their homeland. The study explores variables that influence this willingness, focusing on Estonia’s leadership in this aspect. The article consists of three main sections: a literature review, a comparative case analysis, and conclusions. The literature review examines past data from global, regional, and national perspectives, touching upon the theories of renowned researchers like Ronald F. Inglehart. The comparative case analysis delves into new variables—civic engagement, government functionality, and corruption levels—exploring their correlation with citizens’ readiness to fight for their country. The analysis uncovers distinct patterns in Estonia, which consistently outpaces Latvia and Lithuania in civic engagement, efficient governance, and lower corruption levels. Ultimately, the research emphasizes that civic engagement positively associates with willingness to defend one’s country, exemplified by Estonia’s higher voter turnout and volunteering rates. Effective government functioning also contributes to citizens’ willingness to fight, with Estonia’s robust governance over the past decades potentially boosting resilience. Furthermore, low corruption levels appear to enhance citizens’ confidence in their state, potentially encouraging them to defend it. The study concludes that understanding these multifaceted factors can guide policymakers and community leaders in bolstering citizens’ determination to protect their countries, particularly in Latvia and Lithuania.

Temporal multicriteria evaluation of the categories proposed by the ‘Democracy Index’ of the countries: a perspective based on the DARIA-TOPSIS Method

This article analyzes the criteria of the ‘Democracy Index’ in countries, from 2017-2022, published by ‘The Economist’, aiming for an objective and comparative evaluation using the DARIA-TOPSIS method for temporal multicriteria assessment. The DARIA-TOPSIS method identified that among the top five ranked countries, the four most democratic ones are Nordic countries, with only New Zealand included in third place. Furthermore, the social and institutional trust, crucial for citizen participation observed in C_3 (Political Participation), reflects the high quality of democracy. These countries consistently exhibit high voter turnout rates and foster an active civil society culture in political decisions, as identified in C_1 (Electoral Process and Pluralism). Moreover, the variability of utility function values was better captured by the DARIA-TOPSIS method compared to a ranking based on average performance values (TOPSIS). However, the final order obtained by the methods generally coincides with or is very close.

Unions, democracy, and Trump: Deconstructing the COVID-19 vaccination crisis of 2021

The COVID-19 pandemic has posed significant challenges for U.S. workers, especially those in essential occupations. As most public health experts view vaccination as the only certain path to defeating the virus, this study examines how union membership, political participation, and support for Trump have affected adult vaccination rates. The analyses also explore how these interrelated factors intersect to either exacerbate or reduce the ongoing public health crisis. Using vaccination data from 3112 U.S. counties in July of 2021, this study finds strong support for claims that localities with high levels of support for Trump have lower percentages of adults vaccinated, while areas with higher union coverage and higher voter turnout are associated with higher rates of vaccination. Moreover, the results show that the positive effects of union density are enhanced in counties with higher rates of voter turnout and support for Trump, revealing a complex relationship between unions, democracy and partisan politics. The results suggest that workplace and political democracy can effectively facilitate individual and collective responses to large-scale collective action problems such as the COVID-19 pandemic.

Does the competitiveness of election moderate the impact of descriptive social norms on voter turnout? A survey experiment in Japan

AbstractIntroThis article examines whether descriptive norms affect voters’ intention to vote in national elections in Japan and whether the impact of descriptive norms is moderated by the anticipated level of electoral competition. Social psychological research suggests that one's chance of voting is higher if they learn that many others are voting. On the other hand, knowing many others vote could make one think that their vote is not needed for influencing the election outcome, leading them to abstain.MethodTo test these competing expectations, I conducted a survey experiment in Japan in June 2022, presenting a hypothetical condition of the Lower House election and asking the respondents’ intention to vote in the hypothetical contest. I used a 2 × 2 design that varied (1) anticipated voter turnout (high turnout, low turnout) and (2) anticipated level of competition (high competition, low competition).ResultsI find that the descriptive norm of high voter turnout is positively associated with the chance of voting only when the expected level of competition is high.ConclusionThese are not consistent with the prior research demonstrating the strong influence of descriptive norms and the ones finding that the descriptive norm of nonparticipation leads to greater willingness to participate by generating the sense of threat.

Различия политической апатии и пассивности на примере современного российского общества

Russian society is ambiguous in terms of its political activism or passivity. There are several arguments sup-porting the former viewpoint. Firstly, a high voter turnout at elections indicates some degree of civic activity. However, the low level of the population's involvement in political life inclines us, rather, to the recognition of the Russian society as passive. In order to reliably establish the nature of citizens' political integration in modern conditions a study was conducted. The aim was to determine the degree of participation of the country's popu-lation in making electoral decisions and the involvement of citizens in political life at the federal and local lev-els. During the analysis, a political activity correlation index was applied, which allowed adjusting the obtained results in accordance with the legal provisions corresponding to the actual measurement of political activity in Russia.

Voter Turnout and Income Inequality in Latin America

The purpose of this paper is to gain some insight into the age-old question: Why is there income inequality at all in our modern world? I narrow this question down into a sub-question that I can investigate: what is the effect of voter turnout on income inequality? I narrow my regional focus to Latin America and add a temporal focus to the years from 2000 to present. I theorize that higher voter turnout leads to decreased income inequality. This is because, as theorized by Lijphart (1996), low voter turnout is by and large a result of the people in low economic groups’ failure to turnout to vote. Therefore, the alternate hypothesis of this thesis is that high voter turnout leads to more equal income distribution in Latin America from 2000 to present. I discover that I cannot reject my null hypothesis. There is not sufficient statistically significant evidence to believe that, based on a multivariate ordinary least squares regression analysis, increased voter turnout leads to increased income equality. This paper has implications for future researchers studying the effects of voter turnout in Latin America and for researchers interested in answering macroeconomic questions about this region. To see the complete thesis, please visit https://scholar.colorado.edu/concern/undergraduate_honors_theses/m900nv68b.

Compulsory voting, turnout, and support for left-wing parties: The case of Australia

Does compulsory voting and the higher voter turnout that it produces increase support for left-wing parties? An influential and highly cited study provides strong evidence for such an effect in Australia. However, several quasi-experimental studies find little support for it in Europe. Given these conflicting findings, this study reanalyzes the crucial Australian case. It uses a unique, more fine-grained district-level dataset (N=4,219) and difference-in-differences designs to more directly test the assumed causal mechanism between compulsory voting and left-wing party support. Overall, it finds little evidence for the commonly assumed positive direct effect of turnout on Labor’s vote share. Further analyses identify an indirect effect of turnout – Labor’s decision to run candidates in more districts under compulsory voting – as an alternative mechanism and electoral system change and the Great Depression as potential confounding factors. These findings have important implications for our understanding of the political consequences of compulsory voting.

HYBRID ELECTION MANAGEMENT METHODS DURING THE COVID-19 CRISIS

This paper is based on qualitative secondary data analysis to provide more comprehensive insights into innovative electoral policy choices of election management bodies (EMBs), faced with multiple challenges of COVID-19 to different aspects of organisation of electoral cycle: its regulatory, operational, and procedural framework to ensure safe voting environment, voter participation and democratic legitimacy. Various COVID-19 related arrangements are reviewed: health safety measures and more extensive use of already existing special voting arrangements (SVAs) – early, postal, mobile or proxy voting and possibilities for online voting in the future. Strengths and weaknesses, costs and benefits of these hybrid voting methods are compared. Conclusion of this analysis is that the traditional preference of EMBs for in-person, in-polling station voting with low-tech paper ballots remains unchanged by COVID-19. There was not enough time, resources and political incentive of decision-makers to introduce innovative or high-tech online SVAs. Analysis shows that postponement of elections during pandemic challenges institutional stability and should not be regarded as an example of future good practice. Decreased or inadequately high voter turnout during COVID-19 was registered as a significant threat to democratic legitimacy and to resilience of democracy. Necessity for strategic contingency planning of electoral cycle is confirmed and recommended.

PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN SLOVENIA

The article deals with the parliamentary elections held in Slovenia on April 24, 2022. The extremely high voter turnout and the result of the voting would appear unprecedented in the political history of the country. A crushing victory (with an unusually high score: 41 mandates out of 90 in the State Assembly) was won by the new «Freedom Movement» created shortly before the elections and led by Robert Golob. However, a more in–depth analysis leads to a different conclusion: what happened is nothing else but déjà vu. This is the fourth time that Slovenian society has expressed its distrust of the political class and traditional parties, pinning all its hopes on the next messiah called upon to miraculously solve all problems. The election held is reviewed in terms of its outcome and the balance of power inside and outside the parliament. The result is also scanned in view of the present developments in Ukraine and Slovenia’s relationship with Russia. The Slovenian electorate’s attitude regarding the party structure is examined, and prospects of Robert Golob’s new cabinet are also assessed. It is concluded that the new government is able to change the situation in the country and make its policy more predictable. Nevertheless, it is unlikely to be able to disrupt the wellestablished algorithm of the Slovenian political system’s performance, especially at the times of extremely high turbulence in the international arena, to which small states are particularly sensitive.

Voter’s turnout and participation of women during elections in Nagaland: An Analysis

Free and fair election is one of the vital features to indicate the state of democracy of any nation. It allows citizens to select their leaders to work for their welfare. The Nagas initially rejected the electoral system offered by Indian states and boycotted the 1952 and 1957 general elections due to their demand for the right to self-determination based on their distinct and unique culture and history and their indifference with the Indian independence movement. The granting of statehood on December 1, 1963, paved the way for the election process in the state. It held the first State Assembly election in January 1964. Since then, the election has been a regular feature of Nagaland politics. Nagaland's election was notable for two factors: its high voter turnout compared to other Indian states and the participation of women voters. This paper will highlight some of the reason that has led to high voter turnout and the reason for no female representation despite high female participation as voters during the election.

The Impact of the D21 Method and Its Modification on Citizens’ Participation in Participatory Budgeting. The Case of the Czech Republic

Participatory budgeting (PB) is often discussed as a tool to support active participation of citizens in the decision-making in the matters of the distribution of public resources. However, little was said about the possibility that the choice of a voting method used in the voting phase of the PB process could affect the participation in PB. In the Czech Republic, the Democracy 2.1 (D21) voting method is often used in municipalities implementing PB and additionally, it is promoted as a method to encourage more people to vote. This article aims to determine Czech municipalities with the D21 method and its modification, and to evaluate the impact of choosing these voting methods on participation rate in PB. The study suggests that the choice of a voting method is relevant for citizens´ engagement in voting. Based on the empirical findings, the D21 method and its modification are associated with a higher voter turnout in PB than another voting method. Further, the results underline the influence of external organizations offering online platforms for voting.

Public Sector Employment and Voter Turnout

Does working in the public rather than the private sector have a causal effect on electoral participation? Extant evidence using cross-sectional survey data remains unpersuasive due to data limitations and concerns posed by preference-based job selection. We address these challenges using population-wide individual-level register data on voter turnout covering four Norwegian local and national elections between 2013 and 2019. We identify causal effects by tracking the same individuals over time during (a) shifts between private- and public-sector employment, (b) relocations between municipalities, and (c) shifts into retirement. We find that local public-sector employees display 1–3 percentage points higher voter turnout compared with private-sector employees. These effects arise particularly when working in their residential municipality, but they largely dissipate upon retirement.

Vzdušje poplebiscitnih dni: kratek vpogled v medijsko poročanje na prelomu med letoma 1990 in 1991

The paper provides an overview of the wider social atmosphere from the plebiscite to the first days of 1991, when it was finally clear that the only possible solution for Slovenia was to leave Yugoslavia. Although there were still individual voices that allowed for the possibility of confederation, the political and economic situation in the country deteriorated to such an extent that Slovenia had to think primarily of protecting its own interests. The author presents the prevailing atmosphere in Slovenia based on newspaper sources. Despite some differences of opinion, the period around the plebiscite united the Slovenes, which was also indicated by a high voter turnout in the plebiscite and a high percentage of votes for an independent country, the Republic of Slovenia. Politicians, regardless of their party affiliation and differences, were aware that measures for the implementation of the plebiscite had to be initiated immediately after the plebiscite and that Slovenia's position in negotiations with the federal authorities and other republics had to be consolidated.

Police Tactics and Their Effects on Democracy

Scholars have long wondered whether the intersection of crime, justice, and local elections are correlated. Recently, multiple deaths of African-American citizens during encounters with police have become highly-publicized and have consequently catalyzed discussions around police misconduct and police reform. Based on the increased exposure of police misconduct, this study explores how contact with the criminal justice system and perceptions of police legitimacy shape political behavior in the modern era, with specific emphasis on the aggressiveness of police tactics and voting behavior in local elections. This study has attempted to control for neighborhood context by using the municipalities with similar ecological factors to highlight the correlation between specific police tactics and voting behavior in local elections. This study also will look at how specific police tactics either promote or obstruct the requirements of a participatory democracy set forth by Robert Dahl. Those requirements are as follows: meaningful and extensive competition, sufficient inclusiveness in national and local elections, and a high level of civil and political liberties. Due to this study’s focus on voting behavior in local election, the analysis will concentrate on the second requirement of participatory democracy. The results of this study show that perceptions of police legitimacy through the use of specific policing tactics are likely to be highly influential in the prediction of candidate selection as well as the likelihood of a citizen’s participation in local elections. Municipalities that have less aggressive police tactics turn out to have a higher voter turnout, as well are to be more likely to vote for a Democratic candidate, while those municipalities that institute more aggressive police tactics will have a lower voter turnout and will also more likely vote for a Democratic candidate but will have larger amount or residents vote for a Republican or Independent candidate.