High Rates Of Social Problems Research Articles

Resiliencia educativa de estudiantes ante los riesgos sociales generados por la barras juveniles de fútbol en Honduras

En las sociedades afectadas por la violencia, los niños, niñas, adolescentes y los jóvenes presentan necesidades y vulnerabilidades específicas, como lo demuestran los altos índices de problemas sociales en este nivel de la población: bajo rendimiento escolar, involucración en pandillas, y carencias afectivas y materiales. A la vez que son afectados, los adolescentes también se convierten en protagonistas al no existir un mecanismo social capaz de intervenir a tiempo en el ciclo reproductivo de la violencia, prestándoles la ayuda eficaz y también las oportunidades de un desarrollo social sano. En Honduras, el contexto de violencia ha ido en aumento y ha evolucionado en su afectación a la niñez y la juventud, incluyendo aquellos que ya se encuentran dentro del sistema educativo. Las comunidades educativas constituyen una de las principales fuentes de protección al alcance de los adolescentes y su familia por ser el hábitat principal en que conviven los estudiantes en esta edad. Sin embargo, la mayoría de las veces la escuela no está lista para entender la complejidad del fenómeno de la violencia, su naturaleza y evolución. En consecuencia, las instituciones educativas se vuelven focos generadores de la violencia en vez de espacios de protección. Cuando las medidas que se toman frente a los riesgos que afrontan los estudiantes no logran los impactos esperados, los ciclos de violencia tienden a repetirse con las generaciones siguientes y a evolucionar de manera negativa. Desde esta perspectiva, el Instituto de Investigación Educativas y Sociales de la Universidad Pedagógica Nacional (UPNFM) en Honduras con el patrocinio y asistencia técnica del Banco Mundial, ha desarrollado el presente estudio sobre la evolución de la violencia generada por barras juveniles de fútbol en los centros educativos, al igual que la contribución que brinda el entender los mecanismos de Resiliencia que desarrollan los estudiantes de secundaria frente a este fenómeno. Los hallazgos derivados de este estudio tienen como fin contribuir a desarrollar políticas educativas pertinentes para incidir en estrategias que permitan prevenir, atender y mitigar los efectos de este tipo de violencia al interior de los centros educativos y apoyar a los estudiantes y sus familias en el desarrollo de conductas psico-afectivas que les permitan desenvolverse en situaciones de alta vulnerabilidad social. Esta tarea educativa, resulta tan ineludible para el sector educativo como lo es la de promover los aprendizajes académicos. El estudio está basado en técnicas cualitativas y cuantitativas, tomando una muestra de 612 estudiantes de noveno grado, con entrevistas a padres de familia, docentes y directivos de dos centros educativos, uno en la ciudad de Tegucigalpa y el otro en la ciudad de Choluteca. En ambos centros educativos, los factores protectores percibidos por los estudiantes ante la exposición a la violencia, figuran los de contar con vínculos de familiares, amigos y maestros, unido a un fuerte sentimiento de pertenencia tanto a su familia, como a su institución educativa y al país. Todos estos factores contribuyen a una auto-percepción positiva sobre sus habilidades y conocimientos, que los lleva a manifestar metas muy altas para su futuro, en las que destaca, en primer lugar, completar su proyecto educativo. DOI: http://doi.dx.org/10.5377/paradigma.v21i34.1692 <Paradigma> - Revista de Investigación Educativa. Año 21. No. 34: 9-69

Traditional Medicine and Restoration of Wellness Strategies

The overview of literature provides emergent themes on the topic of Aboriginal health, culturally oriented interventions and prevention strategies. Recommendations are also provided on how to apply indigenous knowledge and traditional medicine approaches in the intervention for at risk Aboriginal populations or communities in crisis. Through a literature review of indigenous knowledge, it is proposed by several Indigenous scholars that the wellness of an Aboriginal community can only be adequately measured from within an indigenous knowledge framework which is a holistic and inclusive approach that seeks balance between the spiritual, emotional, physical, and social spheres of life. Their findings indicate that high rates of social problems, demoralization, depression, substance abuse, and suicide are prevalent in many Aboriginal communities and must be contextualized within a decolonization or self-determination model. The evidence of linkages between the poor mental health of Aboriginal peoples and the history of colonialism is key to improving the wellness in communities. Conversely, there is sufficient evidence that strengthening cultural identity, community integration, and political empowerment contributes to improvement of mental health in Aboriginal populations including at risk youth and women. The interconnection of land, language and culture are the foundations of wellness strategies. The overview clearly suggests adopting new strategies for intervention and prevention, and learning from historical wrongs to ensure future policies support of the restoration of traditional practices, language and knowledge as a means of developing strategies for this generation’s healing and wellness.

Healing Traditions: Culture, Community and Mental Health Promotion with Canadian Aboriginal Peoples

Objective: To identify issues and concepts to guide the development of culturally appropriate mental health promotion strategies with Aboriginal populations and communities in Canada.Methods: We review recent literature examining the links between the history of colonialism and government interventions (including the residential school system, out-adoption, and centralised bureaucratic control) and the mental health of Canadian Aboriginal peoples.Results: There are high rates of social problems, demoralisation, depression, substance abuse, suicide and other mental health problems in many, though not all, Aboriginal communities. Although direct causal links are difficult to demonstrate with quantitative methods, there is clear and compelling evidence that the long history of cultural oppression and marginalisation has contributed to the high levels of mental health problems found in many communities. There is evidence that strengthening ethnocultural identity, community integration and political empowermen...

Role of Latina-Owned Beauty Parlors in a Latino Community

The United States is currently struggling with how to best address persistent poverty and the high rates of social problems associated with its existence in urban centers (Hoechstetter, 1996; Jennings, 1994). Moore and Pinderhughes (1993) characterized the debate on the as who is responsible for the condition of the poor - the individual or society? Is persistent poverty caused by behavioral pathology or the economic structure? (p. xii). The answers to these questions have profound implications for the development of strategies to eliminate persistent poverty. Unfortunately, the debate has taken a deficit perspective toward communities (Saleebey, 1992, 1996) and has ignored community assets in the search for revitalization strategies (Kretzmann & McKnight, 1993; McKnight & Kretzmann, 1991). A focus on community social problems has a long historical record in the United States (Halpern, 1995): The neighborhood has long been an important locus for efforts to address the causes and consequences of poverty in American society. Over the course of the past century neighborhood-based initiatives have been called on to reduce class conflict, counter feelings of anger and alienation, localize control of institutions, create jobs and reverse neighborhood decline, and address a variety of specific poverty-related problems. (p. 1) Thus, the revitalization of neighborhoods presents many challenges for social work and other professions in helping to promote policies and services that address the needs of communities in a manner that meaningfully involves their populations in the decision-making process. Much attention has been paid to the high-risk environment of inner-city children and their families (Kozol, 1995) and the need for government (local, state, and federal) and the private sector to collaborate to create positive change at the community level (Perez & Martinez, 1993). Any efforts to revitalize these communities must enhance local assets. This article examines the nature and extent of persistent poverty among one population of color - the Latino population. A case study of Latina-owned beauty parlors in a large New England city illustrates the multifaceted role Latino businesses can play in the social-economic network of the community. Implications for social work practice in Latino communities are presented. Literature Review Poverty There are an estimated 22 million Latinos in the United States (Castex, 1994). The median income for Latino families is $23,884, compared to $39,239 for non-Latino white families (Institute for Puerto Rican Policy, 1993). All Latino groups have incomes below the national median (Holmes, 1996); Puerto Rican families have the lowest income of any group ($20,654), followed by Mexican families ($23,018). Cuban families have the highest median income of any Latino group ($30,095). Puerto Rican families have the highest percentage of people living below the poverty rate (39.4 percent), followed by Mexican families (29.5 percent), Central or South American families (24.6 percent), other Latino families (20.6 percent), and Cuban families (18.0 percent). These rates are in sharp contrast with the poverty rate of 9.4 percent for non-Latino white families (Institute for Puerto Rican Policy, 1993). However, despite the high concentration of poverty among most Latino subgroups, they have not received sufficient national attention. Enchautegui (1994) identified five reasons for this inattention: (1) misperceived identity, (2) lack of widespread attention to the working-poor population, (3) geographical concentration, (4) lack of political participation, and (5) differences among Latino subgroups. The interplay among these factors has resulted in Latinos being considered invisible in national policy. The literature on Latino poverty can be categorized into three schools of thought (Borges-Mendez, 1993; Enchautegui, 1994; Hurtado, 1995; Institute for Puerto Rican Policy, 1996; Melendez, 1993; Moore & Pinderhughes, 1993; Morales & Bonilla, 1993; Perez & Cruz, 1994; Perez & Martinez, 1993; Segura, 1992; Torres, 1995): (1) Poverty is the result of an interplay between immigrant status and rapid demographic changes (high rates of female-headed households and fertility); (2) Latinos are an underclass (low formal educational achievement and lack of or inconsistent employment history); and (3) a lack of market-attractive skills exclude Latinos from high-wage jobs. …

Black Males and Social Problems

Most Americans are aware of the high rates of social problems among Black Americans. For example, Blacks are disproportionately represented among Americans experiencing academic failure, teenage pregnancy, female-headed families, chronic unemployment, poverty, alcoholism, drug addiction, and criminal victimization (Poussaint, 1983; U.S. News and World Report, 1986). Consequently, there is a great deal of debate among politicians, journalists, academics, and ordinary citizens concerning the etiology of these problems. Those who attempt to explain the prevalence of these conditions among Blacks tend to argue one of three positions: genetic inferiority, culture of poverty, or racial oppression. Advocates of the genetic inferiority perspective argue that the high rates of social problems among Blacks is a product or expression of Black peoples' innate inferiority to Caucasians and other racial groups. Moreover, advocates of this perspective argue that Blacks possess genetic traits and characteristics that predispose them to engage in problematic behavior at higher rates than White (Garrett, 1961; Jensen, 1973). A major problem with genetic inferiority theories is that advocates of this perspective tend to differentially apply it in explaining the causes of social problems among various racial and ethnic groups. For example, White Americans have higher rates of academic failure, teenage pregnancy, female-headed families, drug addiction, and criminal involvement than do Europeans (Archer and Gartner, 1983; Time Magazine, 1985). However, the rate dif-