High-ranking Military Officers Research Articles

High-level military and sport leaders’ everyday challenges and psychological skills: A cross-contextual repeated measures study

ABSTRACT Research shows that high-level military and sport leaders share a high-stress and high-stakes leader role due to similar experiences of demanding conditions mainly manifested in psychological burden. This raises research questions about leaders’ psychological strategies to maintain their mental health and performance under demanding conditions. Thus, the current study investigated how experienced demanding conditions were related to self-rated leader performance level and mental health indicators among high-level military and sport leaders and whether the application of psychological skills by these leaders moderated these relationships. A composite questionnaire was used to collect data longitudinally, once a week for four consecutive weeks. Fifty-two Swedish high-ranking military officers and executives in elite team sport organizations completed the questionnaire. Multilevel analysis revealed no effect of demanding conditions on leader performance, but they harmed leader vitality and were associated with higher stress symptoms. Moreover, psychological skills did not moderate the relationship between demanding conditions and leader performance. However, motivational and instructional self-talk negatively moderated the relationship between demanding conditions and vitality. In contrast, emotional regulation, comprised of mindfulness and cognitive reappraisal, positively moderated vitality. Emphasizing the nuanced application of psychological skills is crucial while avoiding one-sided beliefs about their positive effects. Interventions are suggested to focus on vitality and related psychological skills to ensure leaders feel good while performing under demanding conditions. More cross-contextual leadership research, suggestively applied research, is needed to better understand the links between high-level military and sport leaders’ psychological skills, leader performance, and mental health under demanding conditions.

Assessing the effect of political statements on oil price volatility

This research aims to show that statements made by politicians and public servants are a real tool for influencing the oil price. In the research, the authors used the technique for time series study that combines the consistent application of fractal analysis, regression analysis. According to the World Bank, the initial information base was created for daily Brent crude prices for the period from 29.04.2016 to 15.04.2020. A database for statements made by politicians and public servants via electronic media, information and telecommunication networks (including the Internet) was also created. Statements made by politicians and high-ranking military officers have a greater impact on the oil price than political, economic or social statements. All factors, except the one that characterizes politicians' and public servants' statements, affect the oil price, and it decreases by USD 0.02. The results suggest that if the oil price declines during a period of time, it will soon start to increase and this process will take about 18 days.

ДЕРЖАВНЕ БЮРО РОЗСЛІДУВАНЬ ТА МАЙБУТНЯ ВІЙСЬКОВА ПОЛІЦІЯ ЯК СУБ’ЄКТИ РОЗСЛІДУВАННЯ ВІЙСЬКОВИХ КРИМІНАЛЬНИХ ПРАВОПОРУШЕНЬ

At all stages of Ukraine’s development, the system of investigation of criminal offenses was one of the attributes of ensuring the rule of law in the state. Among this, the system of investigations of military criminal offenses in the Armed Forces of Ukraine (hereinafter – the AF of Ukraine) is not an exception. In the context of the Russian Federation’s military aggression against Ukraine and its integration into NATO, this issue is becoming more significant. It should be noted that there is an urgent need to reform such a major military law enforcement agency as the Military Law Enforcement Service of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, which does not meet modern NATO standards, the member of which Ukraine plans to become in the nearest future, into a new Military Police that will investigate military criminal offenses together with the State Bureau of Investigations. Based on the above, we will review the activities of the State Bureau of Investigations and the Military Police, which will be established in the nearest future on the basis of the existing Military Law Enforcement Service of the Armed Forces of Ukraine as the main subjects of investigation of military criminal offenses. To this date, in connection with the possibility of creating a Military Police in Ukraine we should: adopt amendments to the Criminal Code of Ukraine, which provide for the classification of certain crimes under Articles 402, 403, 405, 406, 407, 408, 409, etc., to criminal offenses; to determine the powers of the Military Police to conduct a pre-trial investigation in the form of investigation of criminal offenses committed by servicemen, civil servants of military formations, and to leave the powers to investigate war crimes and crimes in the military sphere (the latter include various encroachments on the military-industrial complex) for the State Bureau of Investigations; to refer to the jurisdiction of the Military Police certain components of criminal offenses, in addition to Article 422 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, committed by servicemen, sergeants and junior officers, and civil servants of military formations, whose positions belong to “B” category [6]. At the same time, it is necessary for the investigators of the State Bureau of Investigations to provide the pre-trial investigation of war crimes and crimes in the military sphere committed by the commanders of military units, heads of enterprises, institutions and organizations under the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine, the Armed Forces of Ukraine and other military formations created according to the laws of Ukraine, by servicemen of field and high-ranking military officers, civil servants of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and other military formations, whose positions are classified as “A” and “B” ones, as well as committed by servicemen of military law enforcement agencies.

COED SPORTS AS AN ‘INTEGRATION TOOL’ IN HELLENIC MILITARY HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS

<p>This study focuses on women’s integration in the military through sports, and particularly coed sports in the Hellenic Military Higher Education Institutions: 1) the Hellenic Army Academy, 2) the Hellenic Military Academy of Corps Officers, 3) the Hellenic Military Nursing Academy, 4) the Hellenic Naval Academy, and 5) the Hellenic Air Force Academy. We argue that coed sports (mixed-gender teams) can be used as an integration tool in military institutions, although research on this topic is scarce. Our study begins with a literature review on gender, the military, and sport combining a qualitative and quantitative approach to facilitate a better understanding of how women and men navigate and perceive the meaning of their mixed-gender military sport experience in the Hellenic Military Higher Education Institutions. Initially, twelve Greek women, active officers in the Armed Forces, took part in a series of semi-structured interviews. The twelve women, all high-ranking military officers today—between the ages of 25 to 49—were randomly chosen. Subsequently, a total of 120 active officers of both genders responded to the Greek version of the "Group Environment Questionnaire" (Angelonidis, 1995). From a total of 18 questions, nine were selected to examine gender integration through sport. The main research question is whether sport in the five military higher education academies/schools in Greece contributes to gender integration as perceived and understood by the 120 participants (female and male officers). The findings showed that integration is a process involving non-isolation, meaning acceptance of the gender subject (the officer cadet/military student) regardless of his/her gender into the team, as opposed to his/her exclusion, and as a result the union-unity-acceptance in a sport team of all the subjects (officer cadets of both genders). According to the results of the analysis, there is a statistically significant interaction between the variables 'joint participation of men and women in sports' and the 'integration of women' in the five Hellenic Military Higher Education Institutions. The results of this study indicate that mixed-gender military sport programs serve as a means for gender integration, unity, and cohesion. Other than strengthening physical capacity, fitness and performance, the findings confirm that coed military sport activities could prevent sexism; eliminate or reduce gender harassment, discrimination, and stereotypes; strengthen interpersonal communication/relationships and teamwork; reinforce team and social cohesion, unity, and cooperation skills.</p><p> </p><p><p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0765/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p></p>

Dying to Serve: Militarism, Affect, and the Politics of Sacrifice in the Pakistan Army


 
 In every country, as an institution the military is responsible for protecting its physical borders and, at their request, helping the civilian government in a time of need. Pakistan’s military is not only a defender of physical borders and ideological frontiers, it also directly or indirectly is involved in politics. It is a robust institution that safeguards the country from external and internal threats and is always ready to make sacrifices for the nation. Many books have been written on the subject of Pakistan's military from different perspectives, but Dr. Maria Rashid’s book entitled “Dying to serve: Militarism, affect, and the politics of sacrifice in the Pakistan army” is a unique contribution that deals with ‘militarism’ and exposes the mechanisms through which it operates in Pakistan. This book has been critically written under diverse and well-arranged themes. Previous studies discuss the high ranking military officers, but omit the martyred soldiers and their poor families coming from socio-economically backward areas. Also highlighted throughout the book is the feminine role of members of the soldiers’ families.
 
 
 
 

War, Memory, and the 1913 Gettysburg Reunion by Thomas R. Flagel

Reviewed by: War, Memory, and the 1913 Gettysburg Reunion by Thomas R. Flagel Albert Dorsey Jr. War, Memory, and the 1913 Gettysburg Reunion. By Thomas R. Flagel. (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 2019. Pp. xiv, 170. $29.95, ISBN 978-1-60635-371-4.) Historian Thomas R. Flagel’s archival research for War, Memory, and the 1913 Gettysburg Reunion began with his preparation for a lecture he gave at the sesquicentennial commemoration at the hallowed Gettysburg National Military Park. His cogent argument is that when Civil War veterans, both Union and Confederate, returned to the places of “war memory, they almost invariably interpreted the site in personal rather than sectional or national terms” (p. xi). His work here is a departure from conventional scholarship, which argues that the Grand Reunion, the fiftieth anniversary of the battle of Gettysburg, was motivated by national reconciliation of northern and southern sectionalism. Flagel places front and center the experiences of four veterans (Heman Allen of Vermont; William Fickas, a Union artillery gunner; Virginian Moses Waldron, a survivor of Pickett’s Charge; and North Carolinian H. H. Hodges, who joined the Confederate army after his regiment fought at Gettysburg) to demonstrate how the vast majority of participants came back to deal with their own physical and emotional trauma. There were over 55,000 official attendees at the reunion; thousands more came unofficially. Flagel smartly demonstrates that there were two reunions—one for the politicians and their nationalistic agendas and one for the veterans. Dignitaries made grandiose speeches praising martyrdom, death, sacrifice, and salvation for country. Gettysburg, Flagel suggests, was America’s Golgotha. The furtive juxtaposition of Christ’s sacrifice for the salvation of humankind against the gore and death of men, northern and southern alike, for the greater good and global domination of the American nation-state was a constant theme throughout the weeklong commemoration. While the average lifespan for a white man in the early twentieth century was just over fifty years, the average age of the Civil War veterans in attendance was seventy-two. The author shows that most veterans at the reunion were more concerned not with the burden of reconciliation but with living long enough to persevere through the ceremony. Aged and mostly feeble, many of those men had sustained battlefield injuries, including missing limbs. Many suffered emotional damage. Planning the historic event took years, and debate was sometimes contentious. Should former Confederates be allowed wear their uniforms or bear [End Page 199] the Confederate flag? Should the federal government pay their fare to and from the event? For the chosen few, state and local governments and veteran’s organizations, especially the Grand Army of the Republic and the United Confederate Veterans, granted train fare and small stipends, respectively. There were few African American veterans at the Grand Reunion. Many former Confederates wore their uniforms and proudly flew their battle flags. Comparatively, few Yankees wore theirs. Many contemporary military officers and politicians were slated to attend, including former president William Howard Taft and President Woodrow Wilson, who gave a short and uninspiring speech on July 3 but then immediately left. The politicians and high-ranking military officers had ulterior motivations. Under the Great Tent, they gave impassioned speeches about sacrifice because they were concerned with nation-state building, writes the author. As they did, most of the veterans were traversing the old battleground, reliving their summer of 1863 experiences; “it was more a litany of small search parties” (p. 50). They looked for grave markers and surviving comrades; they were happy when they found them, disappointed when they did not. They asked questions of each other and told stories; sometimes they wept silently and other times uncontrollably. “One survivor was seen weeping next to a [grave] marker, saying to passersby, ‘he’s under there,’” writes Flagel (p. 48). The media, military, and moguls conflated the butchering of men, who were staunchly opposed to each other, with hallowed nationalism. Flagel’s important monograph provides a nuanced existential examination of what fifty years after the battle meant to the veterans in attendance: survival. Albert Dorsey Jr. University of California, Riverside Copyright © 2020 The Southern Historical Association

Against a Bitter Pill: The Role of Interest Groups in Armed Forces Reform in Russia

From 2007 to 2012, Russian armed forces faced unprecedented changes that affected their structural, economic, social, and ideological elements. However, not all aims were fulfilled, and some changes were rolled back, despite the political and financial support from Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev for the defense minister Anatoly Serdyukov. Using the data from 11 interviews with former high-ranking military officers, scholars, and insider press workers, the research shows that the unsustainability of the reform was caused by the radicality of changes, the interest groups influence, and the technocratic policymaking in nondemocratic Russia. In addition, the research demonstrates the strategies the reformers used in order to overcome the resistance from mobilized interest groups. They had not succeeded, that ultimately led to the resignation of the defense minister, which stopped further radical changes in the contemporary Russian armed forces.

Traumatic Rift: How Conspiracy Beliefs Undermine Cohesion After Societal Trauma?

Collective traumas may often lead to deep societal divides and internal conflicts. In this article, we propose that conspiracy theories emerging in response to victimizing events may play a key role in the breakdown of social cohesion. We performed a nationally representative survey in Poland (N = 965) two years after the Smoleńsk airplane crash in which the Polish president was killed, together with 95 political officials and high-ranking military officers. The survey found that people endorsing conspiratorial accounts of the Smoleńsk catastrophe preferred to distance themselves from conspiracy non-believers, while skeptics preferred greater distance to conspiracy believers. We also examined the role of people’s belief in the uniqueness of in-group historical suffering as an important antecedent of both conspiracy thinking and hostility towards outgroups (conspiracy believers and non-believers).

21st Century Japan–Philippines Strategic Partnership: Constraining China's Expansion in the South China Sea

The Philippines and Japan have evolved a security partnership in the face of China's maritime expansion in the South and East China Seas. The two countries pursue this security partnership through regular bilateral consultations among Philippine and Japanese heads of states, political leaders, defense ministry officials, and high-ranking military officers; joint naval exercises; and exploratory discussions for arms transfers and negotiations for a Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) between Japan and the Philippines. Initially, Article 9 of Japan's 1947 Constitution hindered this security partnership. However, a recent reinterpretation of the pacifist constitution now allows Japan a collective self-defense “particularly to export arms to its allies and security partners and to deploy the JSDF overseas when necessary. Now, the challenge for Japan and the Philippines is to ensure the viability of their security partnership in the light of Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte's efforts to improve his country's relations with China.

BRANDUOLINIO GINKLO NENAUDOJIMO NORMA IR ATGRASYMAS: KONCEPCIJŲ SĄVEIKA JAV ATVEJU

Straipsnyje nagrinėjamos branduolinio ginklo nenaudojimo normos ir branduolinio atgrasymo strategijos (ne)suderinamumo galimybės. Siekiant išgryninti teorinius koncepcijų sąveikos variantus, pirmojoje straipsnio daly­je atliekama teorinė konstruktyvistinės normų bei realistinei srovei priskiria­mos atgrasymo teorijos analizė. Išskiriant galimo koncepcijų suderinamumo ir ryškiausios priešpriešos taškus, konstruojamas tam tikras teorinis rėmas empirinei JAV atvejo analizei, kuri pateikiama antrojoje straipsnio dalyje. Tyrimas, grindžiamas kokybine turinio analize, atskleidė, kad nagrinėjamu 2009–2015 metų laikotarpiu JAV branduolinio ginklo nenaudojimo norma dėl dinamikos įgijo tradicijos formą. Ši normos forma palieka nedidelę bran­duolinio ginklo panaudojimo galimybę, kuri yra būtina atgrasymui. Taip bent teoriškai išsprendžiamas koncepcijų suderinamumo klausimas. Tačiau dėl tokio nenatūralaus nenaudojimo normos ir atgrasymo derinimo labiausiai nukenčia atgrasymo patikimumo elementas, o tai JAV branduolinę laikyseną paverčia neaiškia ir ateityje gali kelti tam tikrą grėsmę.

Fleeting Glory in a Wasteland: Wealth, Politics, and Autonomy in Northern Chad

AbstractIn January 2012, a newderdé(traditional leader) of the Teda in northern Chad was officially appointed. Held in the Tibesti, a remote, notoriously unruly but strategically important part of the Sahara, the investiture ceremony was attended by Teda from throughout the country and neighboring Libya and Niger, as well as by an impressive number of Chadian civil servants and international diplomats. Yet the ceremony itself was short and messy. Similarly, the historical underpinnings of the institution of thederdéand the selection process were unclear, leaving much room for debate. This uncertainty appears to lie at the heart of the institution of thederdé. Far from a resurgence of “traditional authority” to make up for “state failure” or to partake in the restructuring of postcolonial states—as observed elsewhere on the African continent—the investiture ceremony confirmed the decentralized nature of Teda social organization and the absence of even attempted governance, both with regards to the Chadian state and local political institutions. What mattered from a local point of view were not long-term strategies of power and control, but rather the immediate and gloriously wasteful distribution of wealth. Admiring eyes were turned not toward thederdéor the state officials who appointed him, but instead toward high-ranking military officers, well-dressed urban Libyan Teda, and trans-border smugglers, models of rapid but often short-lived success. This provides a counterexample to the current emphasis on governance and power in the analysis of African states and politics.

An Ethnography of the Week(s) Before the Flood: Cash Money, Progressive Politics, and Revolt in Millennial Brazil

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-US-ASCII text omitted.)In early June of 2013, flush with what was really only a small reserve of research money gleaned from various academic and government institutions in the US and Brazil, I traveled from Rio de Janeiro to the northeastern city of Salvador, Bahia to give a talk to the Federal University of Bahia's Anthropology Department. Before departing, and while getting breakfast in Rio's Urca neighborhood, I listened to men at the lunch counter talking about the quebra quebra (literally break break) in Rio's buses and city center the night before. argued that the manifestations were the work of professional agitators who were part of an ongoing battle for control of Brazil's left-leaning political parties. I was intrigued, especially since the quebra quebra around buses has a long history in Rio and Salvador, Urca is well-known as the home of high-ranking military officers, and I have more than a passing interest in the contradictions of life in Brazil today. But I must admit that I thought little of the protests or of the fact that they might spread, until my spider sense tingled in Bahia as, finishing my talk, some graduate students asked about my teaching in New York. As I responded that CUNY Graduate Center's program is filled with students committed to political organizing, including a number of people quite active in Occupy Wall Street, I felt a buzz pass through the room as the audience members seemed to straighten and refocus on the visitor. Gosh, they're really into Occupy, I thought myopically. Is it the movement itself, or is there something else at play?Later that afternoon, I escaped the lecture hall and visited some old friends in the working class neighborhood of Arraial do Retiro (hereafter Arraial). As I approached their house, a young boy, who I will call Miguel, spotted me and cried out, Mommy, who's that man?!? Who's that man?!? Get him out of His grandmother said soothingly, No, Miguel, that's tio [uncle]; you know Tio John, to which he responded, No, I Don't! Get that man out of here! Miguel had cuddled in my lap during my last visit, just two months earlier, to hear stories of airplanes and to brag about how brave he would be if he traveled alone to New York. But in June, he failed to recognize me. His grandmother explained, don't know what's happened here. You don't know the half of it! She continued with a shocking story involving the assassination of Miguel's 21-year-old father weeks earlier, as his son sat on his lap. After the shots rang out, Miguel ran back home-covered in blood and pieces of brain-screaming, They killed my daddy! killed my daddy!On the day in June that I visited the neighborhood, the same gang of teenagers who had killed Miguel's father-in a dispute for control of a valuable highway drug dealing point where they could meet expensive automobiles driven by Salvador's bourgeoisie-came strolling past his grandmother's house, kicking dogs, cats, and household instruments. I sought to melt into the tiny front room's miniature couch, and all present struggled to assuage the dangerous passersby by silencing the barking dogs. Yet such scenes, no matter how terrible they may be, are not novel in the impoverished Arraial, sandwiched between an abandoned quarry and the highway that links Salvador to Brasilia. Nor do they deviate all that much from dominant representations of the peripheries of Sao Paulo or Rio de Janeiro. But what is novel in Salvador, and I believe relevant to the recent waves of protest in Brazil, is the fact that 14 and 15 year olds are now walking in the street heavily armed during daylight, and they are taking in large amounts of cash.I had an inkling that something new was afoot when, in 2010, I received an electronic Christmas card from Miguel's now 21-year-old mother, Lara. Unemployed except for occasional jobs braiding hair, Lara's card depicted her with her three children in a new, expensive shopping mall. …

Biography Tadanori Tomita: ISPN President 2011–2012

Dear Editor: My father, Tadao, was from Himeji, Japan, and a graduate of Tokyo Veterinary School of Nihon University. Both my paternal grandfather and great grandfather were high-ranking military officers in the Japanese Imperial Army. My father was a cavalry officer stationed in Manchuria under Japanese control when he met my mother. My mother, Noriko, was from Niigata of Northern Japan, and her father worked for the National Rail Service. She was working as a clerk at her uncle’s store in Manchuria, where she met my father and they married. Under extreme stress and with a lot of stories to tell, my parents fled from Manchuria to Japan mainland shortly after World War II. Upon returning, they settled in Ikeda City, a beautiful northern suburb of Osaka at the base of Satsuki Mountain. In spite of its location, only 20 min by train from downtown Osaka, Ikeda was a rural community, and the majority of the lands were rice fields. I was born in November of 1945 and was their first born child. My sister was born 5 years later and together we were raised in a humble yet comfortable house (Fig. 1). We enjoyed cherry and azalea blossoms in the spring and went to the Inagawa River to catch fish and enjoyed firework in the summer. Autumn, we went to the mountain to pick chestnuts and persimmons, and enjoyed the change of the leaves. My father opened a busy veterinary clinic in Ikeda City which he loved and worked at until his death at the age of 74. It was observing his gentle and diligent care of the animals that first fostered my interest in medicine. Fig. 1 An infant picture of Tadanori Tomita

US Blunders in Iraq: De-Baathification and Disbanding the Army

In May 2003 Paul Bremer issued CPA Orders to exclude from the new Iraq government members of the Baath Party (CPA Order 1) and to disband the Iraqi Army (CPA Order 2). These two orders severely undermined the capacity of the occupying forces to maintain security and continue the ordinary functioning of the Iraq government. The decisions reversed previous National Security Council judgments and were made over the objections of high ranking military and intelligence officers. The article concludes that the most likely decision maker was the Vice President.

The Role of the Military in Presidential Politics

During the Bush-Kerry presidential election of 2004, both candidates sought and received endorsements from retired high-ranking military officers. At the Democratic National Convention, Senator John Kerry surrounded himself not only with former Navy colleagues but also with retired military brass. Retired Army (and former candidate) Wesley spoke at the convention, describing Kerry as leader, a fighter, and he will make a great commander-in-chief. (1) Twelve retired generals and admirals endorsed Kerry, including such notables as Admiral William Crowe, former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Merrill McPeak, former Air Force Chief of Staff. McPeak subsequently appeared in television advertisements defending Kerry and his service in Vietnam in response to critical television advertisements from the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth. Retired Army Tommy Franks, the architect of the successful invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, publicly endorsed President George W. Bush and later spoke in support of the President before a national audience at the Republican National Convention. Similarly, during the 2008 Obama-McCain presidential campaign, retired military leaders actively endorsed and campaigned for candidates. One of America's most respected retired officers, former Secretary of State Colin Powell, crossed party lines and endorsed candidate Barack Obama on national television. E-mails from General Wesley Clark sought campaign contributions for then-candidate Obama. (2) This was followed by Clark's devaluation on national television of Senator John McCain's war record in Vietnam, prompting then-Senator Obama to disavow Clark's criticisms. (3) In reporting the event, one article referred to as a prominent Democratic general. (4) The public endorsement of presidential candidates by retired general officers reflects a disturbing trend toward the politicization of the American military, and concomitantly, a gradual departure from the nonpartisan professional military ethic. This modern trend began subtly with the candidacy of Dwight D. Eisenhower but has taken a very disturbing and public turn as retired officers began to endorse candidates. What was once considered inappropriate behavior has now become commonplace. This article will review the history of the development, and gradual erosion, of a professional military ethic of political neutrality. Further, the article will examine the current state of permissible military participation in the political process. Finally, the authors posit that active and public participation of retired military officers in partisan politics, in their capacity as retired military officers, should be discouraged as potentially damaging to the US armed forces in both material and philosophical ways. If the military of a democracy is politically partisan, it is, in effect, damaging to democracy itself in that the military does not serve in the fullest, most impartial manner. The Development of a Politically Neutral Military Although the historical tradition of an apolitical military is generally accepted among most Americans, many might feel uncomfortable when contemplating the rather large number of men who have parlayed military achievements into political success. Prior to the Civil War, George Washington, Andrew Jackson, William Henry Harrison, and Zachary Taylor all ascended to the presidency after successful military careers. Lieutenant Winfield Scott more frequently, if less prosperously, attempted to secure the presidency, while simultaneously serving as Commanding of the Army. Scott's political ambitions date at least to the 1840 presidential campaign, which Harrison, a former general, won. In 1852, Commanding Scott ran unsuccessfully for President as the Whig Party candidate, garnering more than 40 percent of the popular vote but losing heavily in the electoral vote. …

Vers une opposition militaire : Tresckow, Gersdorff, la guerre d’extermination et le génocide juif. La relation entre le groupe d’armées Centre et l’ Einsatzgruppe B en 1941, à la lumière des nouvelles archives

Opposition to criminal orders was rare. Nevertheless, it has been found that high ranking military officers took conscience, very early, that the massacres were not isolated crimes nor incidental skids, but a genocidal program strongly resembling that which the Turks led against the Armenians in 1915 under cover of the Great War. Motivated by ethical preoccupation, these officers showed, in their attitude and their choices, that they had a total knowledge of the genocide. Once more, they put to light the fact that, confronted with extreme situations, each human being carries the possibility to think, to judge, and to choose. And that many of them found refuge not in the deliberate choice of evil, but rather in the refusal to think.

Sex proportion and performance evaluation among high‐ranking military officers

AbstractThis field study examined the relationships between sex proportion and performance evaluation among 3014 high‐ranking officers (Majors and Lieutenant Colonels) in the Israeli Defense Forces. Women's performance was rated lower than that of men when the women were token members of their units. However, the performance of women was rated higher than that of men when they constituted a higher proportion. Men's overall performance did not co‐vary with proportion. In addition, the interaction of sex with proportion had a significant effect on the dimensions of Operational and Analytic Competence. The pattern of findings supports Kanter's framework of skewed and tilted groups. Copyright © 2001 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The Rise of the Pentagon and U.S. State Building: The Defense Program as Industrial Policy

State-centered theories stress the potential for states to be proactive as well as reactive. But the analytic tools developed in this literature have not been employed to examine the most impressive episode of state building in the postwar United States-the rise of the Pentagon. This article examines the bureaucratic resources at the disposal of the Pentagon and concludes that high-ranking military officers have operated as relatively autonomous bureaucrats. Case studies of the aeronautics and microelectronics industries provide evidence that the Pentagon has implemented a de facto industrial policy in the name of national defense. The substantive conclusion-that the autarkic Pentagon has implemented a massive industrial policy-contradicts the view that the hegemonic U.S. state is strong in the international arena but too weak and fragmented to plan the domestic political economy.

Military-Industrial Linkages In Israel

Israel's military-industrial sector has undergone rapid expansion. This empirical study of military-industrial linkages in Israel posits the following hypotheses: • Israel's industrial sector is highly dependent on military production; • Israel's industrial sector is flooded with numerous former highranking military officers placed in key decision-making posts. Analysis is based on comprehensive data on Israeli governmental defense concerns and ancillary units, Histadrut (Labor Federation) defense companies, and private defense industries. The study reveals that Israel is indeed highly dependent on military production, noting differential extents of dependence among the major components of the industrial sector. It also confirms the second hypothesis, describing the distribution of senior officers in Israeli industry and its principal characteristics.

The Philippine Economy

The assassination of former Philippine Senator Benigno Aquino in August 1982, within minutes of his return to Manila from exile in the United States, precipitated the most severe crisis in the Philippines since independence. Today the country remains stalled in an economic and political morass. Demands for the ouster of President Ferdinand E. Marcos and changes in the economic policies of the country persist. The regime appears to have reached agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and transnational banks to restructure the country's international debt, but it is doubtful that the mass of Filipinos will willingly accept the retrenchment that such an accommodation demands. The recent report of the commission of inquiry into the Aquino assassination includes high-ranking military officers with close connections to Marcos among the conspirators. Few believe that the military would have assassinated Aquino on its own initiative; thus Marcos' credibility has been eroded even further. In addition, Marcos is not a well man (he is reported to be suffering from lupus erythematosus).This article can also be found at the Monthly Review website, where most recent articles are published in full.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.