High-level Visits Research Articles

Do High-Level Visits Reflect Regional Priorities? A Study of U.S. News Media Data

This study examines the representation of regional organization (RO) interests during high-level visits of their member states to the United States using a novel dataset of 1,040 news articles from 1991 to 2023. The data analysis focuses on ASEAN, BRICS, ECOWAS, and GCC and employs sentiment analysis and topic modeling to explore how member states leverage these visits and how U.S. news media frames these events. The analysis of data reveals that member states strategically utilize high-level visits to promote RO agendas and interests, with varying levels of success depending on the RO and the U. S. media’s reception. Furthermore, the analysis reveals a shifting focus from bilateral issues to regional and international concerns over time, underscoring the evolving priorities of RO member states in a globalized world. The findings offer valuable insights into the interplay of national and regional interests during high-level diplomatic visits and the influential role of U.S. news media in shaping public perception.

BEYOND RHETORIC: CHINA'S PUBLIC DIPLOMACY IN KENYA THROUGH A POLITICAL-ECONOMIC LENS (2013-2020)

This article explores the evolution of China-Kenya relations within the context of China's broader public diplomacy strategy, focusing particularly on the period from 2013 to 2020. The foundation for these bilateral relations was laid as China opened up to developing countries and African nations gained independence. While formal diplomatic relations between China and Kenya were established in 1963, it was during the 2000s that these relations diversified significantly under the leadership of Chinese President Hu Jintao and Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki. This diversification spanned commercial, cultural, and political domains, becoming a notable example of public diplomacy. With the ascension of Chinese President Xi Jinping, China's public diplomacy experienced a strategic shift towards a more assertive and politically oriented approach. This study argues that under Xi Jinping, new initiatives and strategic plans were introduced, enhancing the existing framework of China's public diplomacy. A key element of this transformation was the increased emphasis on foreign aid, which gained momentum through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Between 2013 and 2020, China's foreign aid to Kenya played a pivotal role in reshaping the structure of Chinese public diplomacy. This period saw a continuation and expansion of activities in culture and media, established in earlier phases, alongside a growing focus on infrastructure development, humanitarian aid, healthcare assistance, and educational and cultural projects. The study begins by examining traditional public diplomacy tools such as cultural exchanges, high-level visits, and educational initiatives. It then discusses specific projects implemented between 2013 and 2020, analyzing their contributions to public diplomacy efforts. Finally, the article provides an overview of these projects, as documented in AidData, highlighting their impact on the bilateral relations between China and Kenya.

Sending the B team: The impact of lesser signals of resolve

When signaling resolve, is it necessary to go ‘all-in’ and send the strongest possible signal or can sending a lesser signal be effective? Prior research suggests that sending a lesser signal is an admission of irresolution, akin to sending no signal. We make the novel claim that lesser signals of resolve can actually be worse for credibility than sending no signal, particularly in general deterrence situations. We theorize that while the absence of a signal may go unnoticed, a lesser signal puts a spotlight on irresolution. Building on prior findings that high-level visits can function as signals of extended deterrence commitment, we test our theory using new data on visits abroad by the US president, vice president, secretary of state, and secretary of defense. We find that only presidential visits are effective at deterring military challenges against the country visited. Visits by lesser officials, whom we dub the ‘B Team’, actually increase the risk of deterrence failure.

Russia — Africa: old friends and perspective partners (on the example of Angola and Mozambique)

The article analyzes diplomatic, trade and economic relations, as well as military-technical cooperation between Russia and Angola, Russia and Mozambique caused by the growing role of African countries in world politics and economy. These African states traditionally hold a special place in the Russian, and previously Soviet, foreign policy. In the 21st century Africa is one of the most dynamically developing and promising regions in the world, which is reflected in the Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation. This is evidenced by Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s recent activity. In the first months of 2023, he has already toured Africa twice: from January 23 to 27 and from February 6 to 9. Russian-Angolan and Mozambican bilateral relations have been always seen as “reliable and timetested”. It was 1975 when the USSR established diplomatic relations with Angola and Mozambique after they gained independence from Portugal. During the Soviet Union ties between our countries were actively developing. After the collapse of the USSR bilateral cooperation signifi cantly decreased, while military-political collaboration continued, including the settlement of the armed conflict in Angola. At the present stage, our relations are developing in many directions. These are, in addition to military assistance, Russia’s participation in the development of Angolan diamond deposits, cooperation in the field of education, merchant shipping, as well as exploration and use of outer space for peaceful purposes. A new impetus to the development of relations is given by high-level visits “on the sidelines” of BRICS and the Russia-Africa Summits.

Impact of Primary Care Exception Expansion on Family Medicine Resident Billing During the COVID-19 Pandemic.

The Medicare Primary Care Exception (PCE) permits indirect supervision of residents performing lower-complexity visits in primary care settings. During the COVID-19 pandemic, Medicare expanded the PCE to all patient visits regardless of complexity. This study investigates how PCE expansion changed resident billing practices at a family medicine residency during calendar year 2020. We hypothesized that residents not constrained by the PCE would bill more high-level visits. We queried billing codes from attendings' and residents' established evaluation and management visits associated with the University of Washington Family Medicine Residency (UWFMR) from January to December 2020. We used χ2 tests to compare resident and attending physicians' use of low/moderate and high-level codes by quarter. Resident high-complexity code use increased after PCE expansion in Q4 (odds ratio [OR] 3.50 [2.34-5.23]) compared to Q1. No change was observed among attending physicians (OR 1.05 [0.86-1.28]). Resident and attending billing patterns became more similar following PCE expansion. With the PCE expansion, senior family medicine resident physicians at UWFMR used higher-complexity billing codes at a rate approximating that of attending physicians. The findings of this study have implications regarding the financial well-being and sustainability of primary care residency training and raise a relevant policy question about whether the PCE expansion should persist. More research is needed to determine whether these findings were replicated in other primary care residency practices, the impact on resident education, and the impact on patient outcomes.

Vizit Yu. Cedenbala v Kitaj 1952 g. v kontekste kitajsko-sovetskoj druzhby

With the establishment of friendship between China and the Soviet Union, Mongolia recognized the People's Republic of China and the two countries established formal diplomatic relations and exchanged ambassadors, and at the end of September 1952 a delegation led by the new leader of Mongolia, Yumjaagiyn Tsedenbal, arrived in China. This visit played an important role in the development of Sino-Mongolian relations, and the process of interaction between the two countries in 1952 and its results clearly showed that mutual political trust and high-level visits were important factors in the development of bilateral relations.

How Friendly Diplomatic Relations Promote Bilateral Trade in Digital Services: Empirical Evidence from China's Partnership Diplomacy

How to use diplomacy to promote bilateral digital services trade in the context of politicization of trade issues is a key issue for developing countries to seize digital opportunities to develop their productivity. This paper empirically tests the role of partner diplomacy in promoting the development of inter-country trade in services. The study finds that: (1) the scale of bilateral services trade between China and the host country increases by approximately 13% for each partner level increase in diplomatic relations, and this boosting effect remains robust after considering model changes, changes in explanatory variables and endogeneity issues. (2) The mechanism test finds that the promotion effect of partner diplomacy on bilateral services trade is essentially a trade cost-cutting effect, which is achieved in four forms: trade negotiations, high-level visits, treaty signing and platform building.

JAPAN’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS CHINA (2001-2006)

The article considers the dynamics of Japan’s foreign policy towards China at the beginning of the millennium. Its study was the purpose of this article. Its achievement presupposed the solution of the corresponding tasks: consideration of Japan’s multilateral diplomacy in other countries, characterization of the economic policy of the Koizumi cabinet in China. On the basis of the analysis carried out, appropriate conclusions were drawn. Since becoming Prime Minister of Japan, Junichiro Koizumi has made significant changes to his China policy. On the one hand, Koizumi believes that China’s economic growth and internal stability play a positive role for the Japanese economy. On the other hand, he sees China as a rising power that threatens Japan’s external environment and at the same time shakes its dominance in Asia. During Koizumi’s rule, Sino-Japanese relations generally showed a deteriorating trend: he actively deepened economic exchanges with China, but at the same time took a tough stance towards China in the field of foreign policy and security. Koizumi’s repeated visits to the Yasukuni Shrine seriously damaged Sino-Japanese relations, leading to the suspension of high-level visits between China and Japan. And Sino-Japanese relations have deteriorated to their lowest point since 1972.

Chinese President’s Visit to Nepal and Consolidation of Relations of Two Countries

This paper explores Chinese President Xi Jinping’s Nepal visit and its significance in diplomatic relations between the two countries. Drawing information from the secondary sources, this paper provides a brief overview and analysis of the Nepal-China relation, high-level visits between the two countries and Xi Jinping’s new diplomacy of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The paper argues that President Xi’s visit to Nepal on 13 October 2013 following his visit to India should be taken as part of his new diplomacy rather than the continuation of the tradition of exchanging high-level visits between the two countries. During this visit, Nepal and China signed a 20-point comprehensive agreement. In his statement, President Xi mentioned that China will help Nepal to get transformed from a ‘landlocked’ to a ‘land-linked’ country. For that purpose, he put forward the modality of Trans-Himalayan Multi-Dimensional Connectivity Network as a way out. Xi has expressed the commitment to opening up further new entry points between China and Nepal for enhancing connectivity between the two countries. President Xi announced financial help of around 56 billion rupees to Nepal between 2020 and 2022. The recent developments, with careful and timely implementation, have the potentiality of opening new geopolitical, regional, and economic opportunities for Nepal.

India -UAE Relations: Emerging Dynamics

In addition to being historical and founded on long-standing ties anchored in trade and economics, the India-UAE bilateral ties are progressive in nature.  The unique connections between these two nations have become stronger over time. The importance both countries have on these connections is demonstrated by the recent exchange of high-level visits between the two sides. Today, the relationship between India and the UAE is characterized by their shared economic and commercial interests as well as their strong political commitment to maintaining their current status and advancing the development of a stronger and more resilient alliance. In recognition of their 50 years of close bilateral relations, the leaders of India and the United Arab Emirates decided to expand their Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. The historic Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA), which took effect on May 1, 2022, was signed by India and the UAE. In order to confront the common global concerns, the two nations will have to work even harder together. This will also encourage the growth of new trade, investment, and innovation dynamics and increase bilateral interaction in a variety of fields. The relationship between India and the UAE has developed beyond a simple one-sided relationship and has become a really comprehensive bilateral growth story, propelled by consistency, commitment, and action. The two governments' comprehensive multi-stakeholder strategy and approach strengthen their mutual understanding and respect. With the signing of the India-UAE CEPA, both countries are entering a golden age of economic and trade cooperation. Going forward, India and the UAE want to strengthen their collaborations in technology, innovation, and start-ups. UAE and India also share common and shared concerns on issues of regional as well as international peace and security. In the ongoing war in Ukraine too, both have repeatedly abstained from voting against Russia at the UN, signaling common understanding and approach. There is a consensus between both nations that the security of the Gulf and the Indian Ocean are complementary and deserve a holistic approach. Both leaderships also appreciate the dangers and threats posed by violent non-state extremists. With the baton of leadership being officially passed on to Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan (MBZ)  in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the limits of friendship between the two nations is boundless. As both the nations look towards their respective centenaries, it looks clear that the golden era of UAE-India bilateral relationship is just about to gain momentum.

Visiting the hegemon: Explaining diplomatic visits to the United States

Diplomacy is a chief instrument of foreign policy. Through high-level diplomatic visits, governments can facilitate cooperation and signal the quality of their relations with other states. Because host countries cannot receive an indefinite number of visits, they must make strategic decisions, prioritizing some countries over others. This reveals information about their foreign policy priorities as well as diplomatic hierarchies and practices in the system as a whole. But what determines high-level diplomatic visits? Existing scholarship disagrees. In this research note, we assess the determinants of high-level diplomatic visits to the U.S. Theoretically, we draw on previous studies and formulate structural, domestic, and practice-oriented accounts of high-level visits as tools of foreign policy. Empirically, we gather original data on diplomatic visits to the U.S. by foreign leaders from 1946 to 2012. Our main results are two-fold. First, high-level diplomatic visits to the U.S. are primarily determined by structural factors such as economic relations. Second, we find clear differences in invited country profiles during and after the Cold War, demonstrating that high-level visits are used strategically to promote shifting foreign policy priorities.

Does Public Diplomacy Sway Foreign Public Opinion? Identifying the Effect of High-Level Visits

Although many governments invest significant resources in public-diplomacy campaigns, there is little well-identified evidence of these efforts’ effectiveness. We examine the effects of a major type of public diplomacy: high-level visits by national leaders to other countries. We combine a dataset of the international travels of 15 leaders from 9 countries over 11 years, with worldwide surveys administered in 38 host countries. By comparing 32,456 respondents interviewed just before or just after the first day of each visit, we show that visiting leaders can increase public approval among foreign citizens. The effects do not fade away immediately and are particularly large when public-diplomacy activities are reported by the news media. In most cases, military capability differentials between visiting and host countries do not appear to confer an advantage in the influence of public diplomacy. These findings suggest that public diplomacy has the potential to shape global affairs through soft power.

Political cooperation between Thailand and Russia: current trends and issues

This article analyzes the political cooperation between Thailand and Russia over the period from 2014 to the present. The concepts of national interest, balance of powers, and neoliberalism are used as the analytical frameworks. The current bilateral cooperation is characterized by positive dynamics in the political sphere as it appears from the visits of the heads of government since 2015. These visits led to the advancement of all-round cooperation for both countries. However, the political ties have not yet reached the optimal level, and mutual cooperation between the two countries faces certain challenges. The main conclusion lies in determination of the issues in relationship between the countries: 1) political instability in Thailand affects the cooperation; some changes that took place in the Thai government between 2006 and 2014, as well as internal problems entailed by the coup d'etat, influenced its foreign policy. The author indicates that the key factors that affect Russia-Thailand relations are the political and diplomatic mechanisms. High-level visits and bilateral discussions contribute to strengthening of ties between the two countries. However, for further development of the relations, Thailand must resolve its domestic issues.

Political cooperation between Thailand and Russia: current trends and problems

The author studies such aspects of the topic as political cooperation between Thailand and Russia from 2014 till present. The concepts of national interests, the balance of power and neoliberalism are used as the analytical framework of the study. The current bilateral cooperation has positive dynamics in the political field which is demonstrated by the visits of the heads of government since 2015. These visits have led to the development of cooperation for the both countries in all aspects and dimensions. However, the political leverage hasn’t achieved the optimum level, and the cooperation between the two states faces particular problems. The author outlines some of them: first of all, political instability in Thailand affects cooperation. Several transformations in the government of Thailand, which had taken place from 2006 till 2014, as well as domestic problems caused by the coup, have affected the foreign policy of the country. The author arrives at the conclusion that the main factors, influencing Thailand-Russia relations, are the political and diplomatic mechanisms. High-level visits and bilateral discussions help deepen and strengthen the connections between the two states. Nevertheless, these relations will not progress if Thailand fails to solve its domestic problems.   

The China-Saudi Arabia (Jizan) Industrial Park under the Belt and Road Initiative

Saudi Arabia is the largest economy in West Asia and North Africa which plays an important role in politics, economy and other fields in the Middle East and the whole world. Since 2016, high-level visits between China and Saudi Arabia are more frequent. China and Saudi Arabia have established a comprehensive strategic partnership and established a comprehensive, high-level and institutional cooperation platform – the China Saudi high-level joint committee. Under the overall coordination of this mechanism, the economic and trade cooperation between China and Saudi Arabia, which focuses on energy sources, industrial cooperation, trade and investment is in an unprecedented period of strategic opportunities. The China-Saudi Arabia (Jizan) Industrial Park is a major investment project to deepen production capacity cooperation between China and Saudi Arabia. At present, it has made positive progress in communication and coordination mechanisms, infrastructure construction and introduction of enterprises into the park. Therefore, this paper argues that under the guidance of the Belt and Road Initiative, China and Saudi Arabia should accelerate the docking of development strategies, facilitate the construction of overseas industrial parks such as the Jizan Industrial Park, attract more investment of manufacturing enterprises from China and third market countries, endeavour to build the Jizan Industrial Park as a landmark project of practical cooperation between China and Saudi Arabia, boost the implementation of Saudi Arabia’s ‘Vision 2030’, and promote the industrialization process of Arab countries.

Public Diplomacy Increases Foreign Public Approval: A Regression Discontinuity Analysis

Although many governments invest significant resources in public-diplomacy campaigns, there is little well-identified evidence of these efforts’ effectiveness. We examine the effects of a major type of public diplomacy: high-level visits by national leaders to other countries. We combine a dataset of the international travels of 15 leaders from 9 countries over 11 years, with worldwide surveys administered in 38 host countries. By comparing 32,456 respondents interviewed just before or just after the first day of each visit, we show that visiting leaders can increase public approval among foreign citizens. The effects do not fade away immediately and are particularly large when public-diplomacy activities are reported by the news media. In most cases, military capability differentials between visiting and host countries do not appear to confer an advantage in the influence of public diplomacy. These findings suggest that public diplomacy has the potential to shape global affairs through soft power.

India-UAE Security Ties: Moving Towards an Enduring Partnership

Traditionally dominated by the trade, energy and Diaspora ties, the India-UAE relationship has been growing substantially in the security arena in recent years. There are deliberate and robust attempts from both sides to forge strong security cooperation. The high volume of trade and commerce, common threat perceptions such as terrorism and piracy, continuing regional instability in West Asia since 2011 are some of the key drivers of the growing India-UAE security cooperation. Recent high-level visits have provided the much needed confidence to both sides to engage in the security domain. The relationship has strong potential to grow in the future, given the persisting fragile security environment in their neighbourhood.

ДВОСТОРОННІ ВІДНОСИНИ МІЖ ШВЕЙЦАРІЄЮ ТА БІЛОРУСІЄЮ

The article deals with the Swiss-Belarusian bilateral relations in the political, economic, humanitarian and cultural area from 1991 until nowadays. It provides a brief overview of the studies on this topic published in both countries as well as official reports by the Federal Council, where Belarus was mentioned. The article focuses on the former and current issues of intergovernmental relations between Switzerland and Belarus. It analyses the periods of deterioration caused by divergence of views on democracy and human rights, and the periods of improvement, when sanctions were lifted, the number of high-level visits increased, and new diplomatic and consular representations were established. The article traces the dynamics and structure of foreign trade between the two countries and notes its rapid growth since the mid-2000s, which was facilitated by major Swiss investors, joint ventures and other entities as well as business forums. It also gives data on the financial assistance and humanitarian aid that the Confederation has provided to Belarus, especially to the areas most affected by the Chernobyl nuclear disaster, within its programmes of cooperation with Eastern Europe and via the Swiss Cooperation Office in Minsk (now the Embassy of Switzerland in Belarus). The article also describes the activities of the Belarusian diaspora in Switzerland as well as the cooperation between the educational, scientific and cultural institutions of the two countries. The author concludes that while Belarus is not one of Switzerland’s priority partners, in recent years the bilateral relations between them have been gradually improving.

Engaging the Asian Giants: India, China and Bangladesh’s Crucial Balancing Act

Bangladesh has engaged both India and China as they fulfill its aspirations for development without raising the apprehensions of either. High-level visits between Bangladesh and India and the resolution of some of the long pending issues have removed some earlier distrust, greatly institutionalizing the relationship between the two. India opposes the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), while Bangladesh is a participant. China shares a robust relationship with the military of Bangladesh, while security cooperation between India and Bangladesh is nascent, involving capacity building and cooperation to meet non-traditional security challenges. Bangladesh has kept the sensitivities of the two countries in mind as it engages with both. Therefore, it has built its energy and infrastructure with the largest credit line ever offered by India while also engaging with China to invest massively in infrastructure projects. Bangladesh is the only country in South Asia to have profited from relations with both India and China in such a way. In this study, four sectors have been selected in which Bangladesh has engaged both countries and benefitted immeasurably.

Business Groups, Institutions, and the China–Vietnam Rice Trade

Recent high-level visits between China and Vietnam have prioritized Vietnamese rice exports, with varying results. When the issue was first raised in 2015, rice exports surged dramatically. From 2016 through 2017, they performed poorly despite efforts to encourage them. This paper argues that the buying behavior and lobbying preferences of business groups, made possible by a unique institutional setup, explain the different results.