Within the interdisciplinary field of Transgender Studies, a perennial problem is the differing understandings which scholars (and more broadly, social actors) have of the ontologies of sex, gender and transgender – correspondingly shaping their readings of texts. In this work, Pearce brings theoretically constructive discussion to bear on how trans people, their communities, and the healthcare services and practitioners which centre them inform and relate to each other discursively. The book results from a 7-year (2009-2016) ethnographic doctoral project in the UK, focused on online community spaces. The intersectional content creates motives for interest from many readers, including scholars of Transgender Studies, sociologists of health and illness, and gender studies with interest in service user/provider power dynamics. There is also great reflexive potential for medical practitioners – both the “gender experts” (p. 92) working within Gender Identity Clinics, and service providers working in general practice. The text opens with an autoethnographic passage to situate the origins of the research. Chapters 1, 3, 4, 5 and 7 open with a first-person vignette, drawing upon Pearce's personal experiences of community, healthcare and scholarship. The autoethnographic accounts benefit the work by interlacing a deeply relatable sincerity which complements the genealogical approach taken to contextualising the field. As Pearce puts it, the genealogical approach “acknowledges and examines how subjectivities are constructed through social processes” (p. 20, italics original) – the well-developed contexts for these processes provide a robust foundation for the sociological consideration of subjectivities in relation to (shifting and evolving) trans discourses. I argue (in a manner analogous to feminist standpoint theory) that the strength of Pearce's analytic clarity and dedicated reflection on community inter- (and intra-) actions would not have been possible without her positionality. Further, Pearce's insider status has not only equipped her to access the community forums which partially comprised her data set, but also the growing “sophistication of informal theorisation” (p. 39, italics original) in some digital trans spaces. Drawing upon ideas of value produced outside the academy adds to the originality and sophistication of the material reviewed in the first section of the book (chapters 1-3). The book aims to answer how different understandings and experiences of trans are “produced, reified and legitimised through health discourses and practices” (p.8). Further, it considers how such health discourses are negotiated, disseminated and contested between trans community groups, activists and professionals – while recognising that these groups are heterogeneous and overlapping. Exceptional attention is given to unfolding the language used to communicate central technical concepts – notably discourse, cultural and professional cisgenderism (Kennedy, 2013), and key theoretical contributions through the conceptual vehicles of ‘trans as movement’ and ‘trans as condition’. The social processes which both inform and constitute a person being diagnosed with gender dysphoria (or other diagnostic terms, dependent on what guidelines were followed, and when) simultaneously “make trans lives possible and limit the liveable scope of those possibilities” (p.29, italics original). The second section of the book (chapters 4 and 5) addresses research findings, while the third section (chapters 6 and 7) looks to the future and possible changes to address problems in trans healthcare. These problems are depressingly predictable and familiar to many insider group members in particular – at least in descriptive terms. The value of this work lies in the theoretical nuance displayed in answering the research questions it sets out. In arguing that trans identities undergo co-construction between health professionals and trans service users, Pearce shows that “condition-oriented definitions of trans… can also limit the scope of trans possibilities, thereby rendering trans conditional” (p. 90, italics original). This occurs through the impact of interactions within clinical space, and the indirect impact that clinical discourses have on how trans people reflexively engage with their genders. The limitation of trans possibilities is discursively richer than how options are navigated within gender clinics. The flattening of trans to transition is also addressed, with important discussion on both the lack of trans health research beyond transition (i.e, accessing hormone replacement therapy or gender-related surgeries), and the impact on trans people when their health needs are reduced to transition. The conditionality of trans undergoes further theoretical development in chapter 5, through the consideration of temporality. The ways in which trans embodiment, expression, and beliefs can be opened up or closed down based on how (and if) healthcare interactions are navigated are framed as “strategic futurities” (p. 133).The range of theoretical conversations which are developed across different chapters is impressive. Ultimately, this book offers sophisticated yet clear explanations of the terrain of trans health in the UK, with superb analytic purchase – made all the more impressive by its accessibility and candour.