Hassan al-Turabi Research Articles

FROM JAMAL UDDIN AFGHANI TO RACHID AL-GHANNOUCHI; THE APPROACHES OF CONTEMPORARY MUSLIM INTELLECTUALS TO THE CONCEPT OF STATE

This research addresses the approaches of contemporary Muslim more specifically Islamist intellectuals to the concept of the state. To analyze their approaches, this paper will discuss all of the three stages of Modern Islamic political thought, namely; Pan Islamism, Islamism and, Post-Islamism. Within this three stages which are referred the time frame of developing Modern Islamic Political Thought, this paper will address the concept of state in the thought of Jamal Uddin Afghani, Muhammad Abduh, Rashid Rida, Abul Al’a Maududi, Hassan al-Banna, Sayyid Qutb, Malik Bennabi, Hassan al-Turabi, Yusuf al-Qaradawi, and Rachid al-Ghannouchi. The aim of this paper is to analyze the concept of the state of mentioned intellectuals based on two important research questions; firstly, what was the main perspective of their thought and secondly, what was their stand to accept the concept of Modern state. This research is a qualitative form of research based on primary and secondary data. Primary data will be collected from the literature of mentioned intellectuals and secondary data will be collected from the literature which is written by others on their thought. To collect both types of data, this research used books, articles, websites, and libraries. It is hoped that this research will contribute significantly to Academia by analyzing their approaches to the concept of the state.

Conflictos armados y represión durante el primer gobierno del presidente Omar El Bashir en Sudán (1989-1999)

Este artículo analiza una primera etapa del Gobierno presidido por Omar Hassan Ahmed al Bashir (1989-1999), desde el punto de vista de la evolución de la guerra y del avance de la visión islamista. Desde un enfoque histórico y descriptivo, se examina el triunfo del Consejo del Mando Revolucionario y la política de represión llevada a cabo desde el Gobierno central, mediante la estrategia de la «llamada global». Asimismo, se estudia la evolución de las relaciones de poder en el seno del Gobierno y las discrepancias y disputas que culminan con la expulsión de su principal ideólogo civil islamista: Hassan al Turabi. Esto significaría, a la postre, el triunfo de los militares islamistas de Bashir frente a los civiles islamistas de Turabi.

An insight into the Sudanese NSR regime foreign policy decision-making (1989–1999)

ABSTRACTThe paper examines the Sudanese National Salvation Revolution (NSR) regime foreign policy decision-making in the initial years. It provides an overview of formal and informal policy structures that carried out the National Islamic Front’s (NIF) external agenda, and the way state institutions were undermined in their pursuit to formulate or contribute in foreign policy direction. It offers an insight into Dr Hassan al-Turabi’s dominant role and influence in policy-making as the éminence grise of the NIF in power. The paper deliberates the implications of the form and shape of policy-making set up that led to the fragmentation of the NIF and the ejection of al-Turabi from the regime power formula. The Sudanese present political landscape shaped largely by this period and the intervention of ideology in the external affairs of the state. The paper reflects on the outcome of that phase on current Sudanese political context on issues related to the regional and international arena, domestic sphere and institutions.

Sudan after Al-Turabi

The death of Sudanese Islamist ideologue Hassan Al-Turabi (1932–2016) warrants an examination of Al-Turabi’s and Islamism’s legacy in Sudan and in the broader Middle East and Africa regions. This article outlines the reasons for the rise of Islamism and extremism in these regions, and argues that this rise is rooted, among other factors, in local and global processes that exacerbated inequalities within and between countries in the two regions; and between these regions and other parts of the world. The article further examines the gendered politics of the National Islamic Front (nif)/National Congress Party (ncp) within a wider discussion of the rise of politicised Islam in the Middle East and North Africa. I highlight Islamist discourses and practices and the impact on women in Sudan.

Hassan al-Turabi’s Discourse on the Arts

In Islam, God’s wondrous creativity is reflected in the unity of designin the widest diversity and beauty of the cosmos. For someMuslims, Islamic art expresses this natural beauty as well as themiracles of God’s creation related in the Qur’an and the prophetictraditions (aḥādīth). This article focuses on Hassan al-Turabi’sperceptions of the arts and the aura of conservative prohibitionand cautious permission that surrounds them. For him, the Islamicattitude toward the arts and aesthetics is determined by monotheism(tawḥīd), which entails one’s absolute belief in God’s onenessand the abjuration of anything that might compete with it or withHis omnipotence. God has created in beauty a dualistic nature:guidance (belief and faith) and temptation (seduction and aberration)for humanity.

Hassan al-Turabi’s Religious Discourse on Faith, Renewal, and Ijtihād

The role of Islamic intellectuals is not confined to elaborating on the religious ideology of Islam. Equally important is their role in setting this religious ideology against other ideologies, sharpening and clarifying their differences, and thereby developing and intensifying one’s commitment to Islam as a distinct, divinely based ideology. Islam, as both a religion and an ideology, simultaneously mobilizes and transforms, legitimizes and preserves. It can be an instrument of power, a source and a guarantee of its legitimacy, as well as a tool to be used in the political struggle among social classes. Islam can also present a challenge to authority whenever the religious movement questions the existing social order during times of crisis and raises a rival power, as the current situation in Sudan vividly demonstrates. Throughout his political career, Hassan al-Turabi has resorted to religious symbolism in his public discourse and/or Islamic rhetoric, which could often be inflammatory and heavily reliant upon the Qur’an. This is, in fact, the embodiment of the Islamic quest for an ideal alternative. Our paper focuses on this charismatic and pragmatic religio-political leader of Sudan and the key concepts of his religious discourse: faith (īmān), renewal (tajdīd), and ijtihād(rational, independent, and legal reasoning).

Hassan al-Turabi’s Religious Discourse on Faith, Renewal, and Ijtihād

Hassan al-Turabi’s Religious Discourse on Faith, Renewal, and Ijtihād

Gender and Citizenship Center Stage

Sondra Hale’s deep and long-term relationship with Sudan has produced a substantial body of scholarship that has transformed the anthropology of gender in the Middle East. She argues in her work that a version of Islamic citizenship was articulated by Hassan al-Turabi’s Islamist government in Sudan in the 1990s to shape society’s notion of the ideal Muslim woman. This essay looks at Hale’s work on women’s citizenship in Sudan to examine the constitution of this notion and how it shapes women’s citizenship in post-Arab Spring Egypt. My aims are to explore the various conflicting powers through which ideals of women’s citizenship in Egypt after the revolution are produced and to problematize Hale’s notion of citizenship to better understand the role that Islamism plays in shaping these gendered political subjectivities.

The Rise and Fall of Sudan's Al-Ingaz Revolution: The Transition from Militarised Islamism to Economic Salvation and the Comprehensive Peace Agreement

Following the secession of South Sudan, Northern Sudan finds itself at a crossroads. Governed since 1989 by the Al-Ingaz regime, Khartoum's political elites are under pressure from the international community and the ordinary Sudanese people to democratise and ditch the autocratic Islamism that has been their hallmark for decades. Omar Al-Bashir and Ali Osman Taha face fierce criticism for presiding over the break-up of Africa's biggest country. Simultaneously, key constituencies in the security services and business community are signalling discontent too, lobbying instead for a further centralisation and the abandonment of the grudging liberalisation that started after Hassan Al-Turabi's removal from power in 1999–2000. Based on interviews with key movement and party members, this article assesses to what extent the Comprehensive Peace Agreement has changed the National Congress Party (NCP) and the Harakat Al-Islamiyya. It examines the internal dynamics within Khartoum's power bloc and argues that the current regime has in many ways become, ‘Al-Ingaz without its Islamic soul’, dixit one senior Islamist. Despite Bashir's controversial speech in Gedarif in December 2010, during which he called for Sharia and an end to multiculturalism in Northern Sudan, NCP ideologues are eyeing a strategic redeployment of political capital and economic investment, seeking to become an ordinary hegemonic party.

Why the Islamic Revolution Ended: The Regional Politics of Sudan Since 1989

This essay examines the Islamic movement's role in shaping Sudan's regional relations and politics, particularly in the greater Horn of Africa. The focus is on the competing foreign policies adopted by the Islamic regime in Khartoum in 1989 and the extent to which the radical Islamic or the national interest agenda prevailed. Moreover, the essay emphasizes the extent to which the internal power struggle between Sudan's most powerful men, Omar al-Bashir and Hassan al-Turabi, determined the country's foreign policy rationale. Since 1996, Turabi's international Islamist goals have clashed with Bashir's domestic objectives, leading to a split within the Islamic movement in Sudan.

Research Note: Hassan al-Turabi, Osama bin Laden, and Al Qaeda in Sudan

This research note explores the events and circumstances surrounding Osama bin Laden's stay in Sudan from 1991 to 1996. In particular, it discusses the role that the Sudanese politician, Hassan al-Turabi may have played in the development of bin Laden and al Qaeda. It draws particular attention to the role of the Popular Arab and Islamic Congress (PAIC) in the emergence of a distinctive form of Radical Islam and offers a preliminary discussion of the emergence of particular qualities of al Qaeda ideology.

The Islamist Movement in Sudan : The Impact of Dr. Hassan al-Turabi's Personality on The Movement (Doctoral Theses in Middle East Studies)

The Islamist Movement in Sudan : The Impact of Dr. Hassan al-Turabi's Personality on The Movement (Doctoral Theses in Middle East Studies)

Unholy Wars

Reading this book is a lot like trying to eat undercooked meat – there is proteinin there, but it is flavorless and tedious. You can chew and chew, but youjust cannot bring yourself to swallow it. The author presents his case with anauthoritative tone, stuffing each paragraph with names, dates, and historicaldata, but a closer look reveals the use of manipulative language that stringstogether half-truths and repeated insinuations with conclusions that do notdirectly relate to the given evidence. The “Acknowledgements” mention thatthe author has important friends in media and politics, yet his credentials(e.g., for whom he is working, or what his political motivations are) are notgiven. This is a serious weakness.Even more serious is his clear contempt for Islam, for he makes no genuinedistinction between Muslims’ desire for self-rule based upon their beliefsystem (often called “Islamism”) and terrorism. The CIA’s use of Muslimlives to advance American corporate interests is taken for granted, whileMuslims are portrayed as untrustworthy imbeciles or ungrateful servants.Such mainstream and moderate organizations and intellectuals as TablighiJamaat, Jamaat Islami, Maududi of Pakistan, and Hassan al-Turabi of Sudanare given as examples of dangerous extremism. American terrorism againstIraq, Sudan, and Afghanistan, and its support of Israel, are unquestioned asbeing justified, noble, and necessary, while any attack on western interests orAmerican lives is described with emotionally loaded terms. The only seriouscriticism of the United States is that it ever trusted Muslims as allies ...

The Islamic Awakening's Second Wave

New Perspectives QuarterlyVolume 19, Issue 1 p. 36-41 The Islamic Awakening's Second Wave Hassan Al-Turabi, Hassan Al-TurabiSearch for more papers by this author Hassan Al-Turabi, Hassan Al-TurabiSearch for more papers by this author First published: 28 June 2008 https://doi.org/10.1111/0893-7850.00461AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Volume19, Issue1Winter 2002Pages 36-41 RelatedInformation

The Challenge of Radical Islam

Among the participants were Rashid al-Ghannoushi, the exiled leader and articulate spokesman of al-Nahda, Tunisia's Islamic opposition movement; Ibrahim Shukri, a chief of the Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt; Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, the radical militant leader of Afghanistan's fundamentalist Hezb-i Islami faction; Abassi Madani, then one of the two leaders of Algeria's ascendant Islamic Salvation Front (fis); and, of course, a high-ranking delegate from the Islamic Republic of Iran. Also present were prominent Arab leftist and nationalist figures, such as Georges Habash, the Christian head of the radical secular Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. The host was Hassan al-Turabi, the spiritual chief and master mind of Sudan's Islamic military government, who supervised the effort to draft a plan of action for defying the tyrannical West.