Guarantee Of Peace Research Articles

Women as concordia seekers in Ancient Rome: gender discourses and propaganda ideology (second-first centuries BC)

ABSTRACT Concordia was a moral tool for the regulation of conflicts and the maintenance of order within the ancient Roman family. This paper focuses on the relationship that Roman ideology established between women and harmony, conceiving them as guarantors of peace. From a perspective of gender and peace research, gender discourses present in texts as well as in the images and legends of Roman coins from the end of the Republic (2nd-1st centuries BC) are analysed. The article aims to answer the questions of how women were made responsible for peace, the symbolic meanings and implications this had, as well as the possibilities for agency and recognition it offered them.

Intangible Cultural Heritage: Social Memory and the Axiology of Protection

Traditional culture and values are the axiological foundation of states. Folk culture and folklore can be considered the cornerstone of national heritage. This article analyses the actions taken by UNESCO which contributed to the crystallisation of a multilateral international agreement that, for the first time in history, covered the conservation of intangible cultural heritage. The article’s main research hypothesis is the statement that cultural heritage is an axiological mirror of civilisation, as well as the basis for the existence and development of society. This is connected with a more detailed thesis that the intangible manifestations of culture are the source of living heritage of humanity and carriers of values. Since cultural heritage encompasses manifestations of various cultures’ activities and creativity, the comparative method was also used. The research findings show that supporting cultural diversity plays an important role in building interpersonal solidarity in the spirit of dialogue, mutual trust and cooperation. Respect for intangible cultural heritage is a guarantee of peace and security internally and from an international perspective.

Decolonizing the “state of nature” in political thought

The study of coloniality as a “social imaginary” (Charles Taylor) from the perspective of decoloniality invites European scholars, to “think again”, to interrogate their own traditions, including their modern political philosophical tradition. In this article, I will discuss a powerful modern political imaginary, namely the democratic narrative of the “social contract”. Such narratives or “imaginations of our origin” (Ursprungsphantasien: Philip Manow) give us answers to the enigma of our social and political existence: what does it mean to live in this political community? What does it give us, ask from us? In the modern narrative of the “social contract”, we are told that, to be a good citizen, we have/had to leave the “state of nature” (status naturalis), a state often described as a state of disorder, conflict, and war, and accept the status of citizenship (status civilis) and a powerful state as guarantee of peace and the rule of law. In this article, I will firstly give some examples of the use of this narrative in very diverse contexts: 1) in the context of the European religious civil wars in the 16th and 17th centuries (birth of the modern liberal political philosophy), 2) in the context of the transition of European nation-states to the European Union after WWII, 3) in the context of the transition of Apartheid South Africa to a non-racial democracy. Secondly, I will concentrate on one of the first philosophers who introduced the state of nature/civil state narrative, Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679), to discover that his political imagination is deeply influenced by the colonial experience in the “New World”, especially the meeting with the indigenous Indians in America. In several aspects, they are in Hobbes’ imagination the incarnation of the life in the “state of nature”. This raises the question, how the idea of a democratic social contract can be reformulated, without Eurocentric and racist premises, and without simply reversing the Hobbesian narrative: since the “colonizer” is the root of our conflict and controversies, to expel him will restore a durable peace.

عصر حاضر میں مکالمہ بین المذاہب کے اصول و آداب: اسلامی تعلیمات کی روشنی میں ایک مطالعہ

Interfaith correction means dialogue between different religions, different faiths, and different systems of theology. The need for interfaith dialogue is greater than ever. Islam is the guarantor of peace and security. Therefore, Islam believes in the formation of a peaceful society. Due to differences in religion and faith, human society can never maintain peace and order. Because each group considers itself to be right and other religions to be wrong according to its own opinion. Harmony with the followers of other religions begins with dialogue aimed at reconciliation and the establishment of a peaceful society at the end. The purpose of interfaith is not only to recognize each other's existence but also to respect each other's views by sticking to differences and Islam is the religion of respect for humanity.

МИРОТВОРЧЕСКИЙ КОНТИНГЕНТ ВООРУЖЕННЫХ СИЛ РОССИЙСКОЙ ФЕДЕРАЦИИ ПО ПОДДЕРЖАНИЮ МИРА И СТАБИЛЬНОСТИ В ЗОНЕ НАГОРНО-КАРАБАХСКОГО КОНФЛИКТА. КРАТКИЙ ОБЗОР ПО ОТКРЫТЫМ ИСТОЧНИКАМ (с ноября 2020 г. по декабрь 2022г.)

The article is devoted to the role and place of the peacekeeping contingent of the armed forces of the Russian Federation in maintaining peace and stability in Nagorno-Karabakh during the period of the resumption of hostilities. The author characterizes the complex domestic political situation in the republics, especially the criminogenic situation on the border of Nagorno-Karabakh and the warring states. The peacekeeping contingent of the Russian Federation became the guarantor of peace and security in the region during the war between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

Challenges for the Conventional Deterrence of Pakistan in the Post 2019 Security Situations: Options and Choices

The study aims at discussing the changing dynamics of conventional deterrence in South Asia especially after the Pulwama-Balakot incident of 2019. The study is evaluated through Descriptive, Exploratory and Predictive data analysis approach. For elaborating different aspects of the study, both primary and secondary data was used. The study conducted in-depth interviews of the experts on the strategic and nuclear environment of the South Asian region. The study is divided in to three parts. In first part of the study, India-Pakistan relations since their independence in 1947 have been discussed. It was followed by discussing how Indian military strategic thinking against Pakistan has been changed from being defensive in Sunderji Doctrine (SD) of 1987 to offensive in the Cold Start Doctrine (CSD) of 2004 and then to the Land Warfare Doctrine (LWD) of 2018. The study then continues on discussing how India has crossed the international border line and conducted so-called surgical strikes inside Pakistani territory after a militant attack on the Indian paramilitary troops in Indian Occupied Kashmir (IoK) in 2019 and how Pakistan responded to the Indian aggression with a military operation codenamed “Operation Swift Retort”. The second part of the study is related to the Indian acquisition of modern sophisticated weaponry from the great powers like US, Israel, Russia etc. and the possible impacts of these weapons systems on the strategic stability of Pakistan. How the weapon systems like Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) system, Rafale fighter jets, Anti-Tank Guided Missiles (ATGM), Nuclear Submarine, P8-I Antisubmarine aircraft, Apache attack helicopter, Spy satellites and the armed Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) will pose threats to Pakistan, was main theme of the second part of the study. The possibility of any future war between India and Pakistan was also discussed in this section. Third section of the study was related to the possible options for Pakistan to counter the growing Indian conventional superiority. It was discussed that Pakistan should improve its long-range air defense system, improve the speed, lethality and range of its missiles, acquire or develop nuclear submarine and fifth generation aircrafts, improve Intelligence Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities along with the acquisition of attack helicopters and enhancing the endurance and range of armed UAVs to counter any future Indian aggression. Overall the Indian military modernization, the acquisition and procurement of modern sophisticated weaponry was discussed in the study. How negatively it will impact Pakistan and what options and choices are available with Pakistan to counter it, was the basic theme of the study. It was also thoroughly examined that Pakistan’s nuclear weapons are not for wars, but it’s the guarantor of peace in South Asia. It was also examined that Pakistan will never allow any aggression to disturb its strategic stability and will never hesitate to ensure its strategic stability and the basic sovereignty as a state at any cost, even by using its nuclear weapons as a last resort in case of failure of its conventional weapons.

Роль свадебной церемонии в эллинистической Македонии

The history of the Hellenistic kingdoms remains the subject of many scientific discussions. The question of the peculiarities of the Macedonian monarchy has been widely discussed again in recent years. To solve this problem, they study certain aspects of the political, social and cultural life of the state, which confirms the relevance of the chosen topic. The purpose of this study is to identify the role of the royal wedding ceremony in the politics of the Macedonian rulers. The research is based on narrative and epigraphic sources. The main methods are analysis and synthesis, as well as comparative-historical. The celebration of the royal wedding is designed to demonstrate the power of the dynasty and seal the political union of the two states. However, with regard to Hellenistic Macedonia, these statements should be considered in the context of the reign of Philip II. Although narrative sources have preserved little information, but their comparison allows us to assert that the beginning of such luxurious events was laid by Philip II. At the same time, his own weddings, apparently, were limited to a feast and did not serve as a guarantor of peace and the union of the two states. The changes took place at the wedding of his daughter Cleopatra. Probably, the changes are connected with the new status of the king himself, who became the head of the Corinthian League. Since that time, the marriage ceremonies of the Hellenistic kings have been held on the same scale. Conclusions. In fact, Philip has established a new tradition. Marriage was not a guarantee of non-aggression of new relatives against each other. The pomp of the ceremony, on the one hand, was a demonstration of the power and authority of the dynasty, and on the other hand, it was used to promote a particular political idea.

The Tradition of Mokhatamu Quru`ani for The Bride In The Marriage Customs (Study of Living Quran in Bongo Village, Batudaa Pantai District Gorontalo)

This article discusses the practice of Mokhotamu Quru'ani for the bride in the Gorontalo Community Wedding Procession in Bongo Village, Batudaa Pantai District Gorontalo. The focus of this article is how the participants interpret the tradition reading of the Quran for the bride. To get the social meaning of this tradition, this research uses the Bronislaw Malinowski functionalism approach as a reference and data analysis. The results of this study concluded that Mokhotamu Quru'ani began since the acceptance of Islam as a religion and was integrated with local customs. The implementation of Mokhotamu Quru'ani is practiced with local culture which is based normatively through the philosophy of Adati Hula-Hulaa To Saraa, Saraa Hula-Hulaa to Quru'ani. In the practice the bride reads the Qur’an starts from Q.S. Ad-Duha to An-Nas and Ad-Dhuha. Mokhotamu Qurua'ni has a religious function as a guarantee of peace and happiness of marriage life. Based on the theory of functionalism, the tradition of Mokhotamu Quru'ani fulfil biological need, interumental needs and integrative needs.

JUS POST BELLUM AS A SECTION OF THE THEORY OF JUST WAR

The article considers problems which are raised within the theory of just war in relation to the question of a just end to a war (jus post bellum). It is shown that in modern academic literature there is not even a clear understanding of the subject of jus post bellum, not to mention a broad consensus on specific moral issues. All this distinguishes this section of the theory of just war from other sections. There are three groups of questions that are raised by various authors under the heading of jus post bellum: 1) when should hostilities cease? 2) who should be held responsible for war crimes? 3) how to guarantee peace and security for the future after the end of the war? On each of these issues, the author of the article presents the points of view of the most famous authors who study the theory of just war, and also substantiates his own point of view. In particular, it is concluded that war must be stopped when the principles of jus ad bellum (right to war) cease to be satisfied. The principles of just cause, last resort and proportionality should be of particular importance. The scope of responsibility of political leaders, military commanders, ordinary combatants, as well as the civilian population in violation of the principles of just war is substantiated. Despite the fact that the responsibility of the civilian population for its political passivity is fundamentally permissible, the difficulty lies in the fact that the very criteria of legal capacity are largely guided by the typical characteristics of the civilian population. It is shown that a peace treaty or other act ending the war, in order to become a guarantee of peace and security in the future, must earn legitimacy from the population of all the warring states. Another such guarantee is the reform of the UN in order to increase its effectiveness. Finally, it is proved that post-war reconstruction (aimed at security, rule of law and development) is the task of all parties involved and the world community as a whole.

Beyond controversy, putting a livestock footprint on the map of the Senegal River delta

The Senegalese delta, like many other agricultural territories in the Global South, is experiencing changes in agricultural trajectory. These changes are related to the promotion of competitive and performance-based forms of agriculture. In a context of tense relations between farmers and herders, the quest for equitable access to land, which is a guarantee of peace, stability, and balanced economic and social development, is being called into question by the arrival of capital investors and new actors that are highly supported by the State. This situation raises questions about two important issues: (i) the challenge of the sustainable management of natural resources, especially land; and (ii) the socio-political stakes related to the fact that land is a sensitive resource, both politically and socially. The situation is exacerbated by the fact that dominant discourses are being built around representation of unused and available lands. The aim of this article is to address this controversy by questioning land-use planning processes and tools and underlining the reality depicted. We demonstrate that discourses around land availability are built upon sectoral visions that tend to overshadow the realities of land use. Indeed, livestock farming and particularly its mobile form (i.e., pastoralism) is rendered invisible by not being considered in the majority of land-use and agricultural policies. Through a participatory survey of campsites, we show that gathering basic information on livestock farming should not to be reduced to technical issues. Beyond that, we acknowledge that these land-use issues are rooted in sector-based and neoliberal visions of development. We conclude by discussing the importance of effective decentralization in financial and technical means and the development of systemic proficiency that goes beyond normative sectoral views to acknowledge and act on territorial development.

Negotiating Modernity by Concepts of Relatedness: Towards the Construction of Malagasy Solidarity (Fihavanana Gasy)

Among the most explicit ideas and norms of desired, pro-social behaviours in modern Malagasy society is the rhetoric around, and longing for, ‘fihavanana’, a term that can be roughly translated as ‘solidarity’. It features therefore as a very prominent aspect of relationality in Madagascar, serving as a means of control and of conflict resolution and also as a guarantee of peace. Yet there is another, very different, dimension to fihavanana that is waiting to be uncovered, which this article aims to highlight. It is in fact a battle term, coined to negotiate issues of modernity and identity. My analysis will show that the concept of ‘Malagasy solidarity’ (‘fihavanana gasy’) has its roots not in problems of violence or war but in the experience of deep social rupture produced by confrontation with European concepts of enlightenment, rationality, Christianity and secularity during the 19th century. Fears of a consequent threat to authentic Malagasy culture led, from the first half of the 20th century onwards, to the development of a new, powerful discourse on the need to recover true Malagasy values, and ‘solidarity’ was among the most prominent of those selected. This ongoing discourse and the trend towards the institutionalisation of a concept of relatedness like Malagasy solidarity should thus be understood and reframed within an identitarian logic.

Prawa człowieka. Pomiędzy ideologią a polityką

Human rights were only recognized as a worldwide value after World War II. From then on, they began to set the direction for the further evolution of political systems and international law. They are a discipline somewhere between philosophy, in particular ethics, various branches of law and political sciences. Human rights, as one of the relatively young terms appearing in the dictionary of politics and societies, are a unique social and political value, as well as a criterion for assessing the activity of authorities, the constitution and other legal provisions. Recently, they have also become an important element of international politics and a program objective for governments. The aim of this study is to analyze human rights issues in the context of their deep and multidimensional crisis, their violations, politicization and ideologization, because despite the collected, written and accepted by almost all countries human rights, gross violations of them still take place, which in this century is a contradiction of this. what was supposed to be a guarantee of peace in the world, and above all, which becomes a negation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights itself.

Russian-German Relations and the Resignation of Otto von Bismarck

The resignation of the first chancellor of the German Empire, Prince Otto von Bismarck, has been studied by German historians for a long time and from various points of view, but at the same time, due to the diversity of causes and controversial consequences, it is still a debatable problem. The relevance of the history of bilateral Russian-German relations remains unchanged, and even becomes significant at the present stage of European history. No one has specifically dealt with the issue of Russian-German relations and negotiations, as well as the identification of particularly acute issues that occupied both sides in the midst of the chancellor crisis in the winter-spring of 1890, and this article is intended to fill this gap. The main sources of the work were the reports, letters and telegrams of the Russian ambassador Count P. A. Shuvalov to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire N. K. Girs, stored in a special folder in the Secret Archive of the Minister of the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire (AVPRI). An analysis of these documents, some of which are being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, shows: Russia's main task was to achieve an extension of the Reinsurance Treaty, which would expired in the summer of 1890. The treaty ensured the stability of bilateral relations, which was one of the cornerstones of the security system in Central Europe and the Balkans. The more specific issue of the “Bulgarian loan” and the provocative activity of Austria-Hungary in Bulgaria, which Russia was extremely concerned about, was also connected with the Balkan region. The non-renewal of the Reinsurance Treaty, which was a result of Bismarck's resignation, marked the beginning of the rapprochement between Russia and France and, consequently, the folding of the Entente, which meant that the main Bismarck's fear — the “nightmare of coalitions” — came true and the further narrowing of mutually beneficial contacts between Russia and Germany, which single-handedly were the guarantee of peace in Europe.

The Political Capacity of President Biya as a Guarantor of Peace and Unity in Cameroon: A System Legitimising Perspective on Solutions to the Anglophone Crisis

Influence over political affairs is a crucial aspect of a leader because it ensures that he/she can make impactful changes that can transform the nation. Such a leader should be a guarantor of whatever need arises for his/her country. Since October 2016, protests anchored by corporatist demands by teachers and lawyers in Cameroon morphed into civil disobedience acts resulting in what is now known as the anglophone crisis. The English-speaking part of the country has been attempting to secede from its French-speaking majority. In line with the continuous spread of tensions, there have been several suggestions and recommendations on how to resolve the anglophone crisis. There have been no signs of plausible solutions despite the crisis's escalation (Cok, 2019). However, several peaceful solutions have been made through preliminary talks and dialogue involving government agents, centralists, federalists and separatist representatives, yet to be successful due to lack of cooperation by separatist factions. The purpose of this article is to illuminate the numerous efforts and measures taken by President Biya and to reiterate that peace talks alone will not resolve the crisis, primarily when hardline disunited separatist groups are determined not to collaborate with the state and accept solutions. With the employment of a qualitative research method, this article further seeks to bring to light reasons why Cameroon, under the Stewardship of President Biya, should have no hard time finding lasting solutions to the crisis, taking into consideration his political capacity and will. An outline of the President's completed and ongoing measures to resolve the anglophone crisis is thus highlighted herein. Isn't it time for Cameroonianians and stakeholders to take advantage of Biya'spolitical capacity to influence as leverage to resolve the anglophone crisis, given he was re-elected on a ticket of ‘force of experience' to safeguard Cameroon's unity with a renewed electoral mandate? This article thus analyses why all stakeholders need to collaborate with President Biya’s efforts to establish lasting solutions to the anglophone crisis and maintain peace and unity.

Dejtonski mirovni sporazum – Okončanje velikodržavnih pretenzija?

Dejtonski mirovni sporazum – Okončanje velikodržavnih pretenzija?

Logos’ Centrality and Expression in Martyria as a Superior Form of Dialogue

This paper describes some motivations and outlines some limits regarding the possibility and necessity of interreligious, interconfessional, and interideological dialogue, in an attempt to improve our understanding of Orthodox Christianity’s role in these important aspects of domestic and foreign politics. This study aims to resolve the divergent opinions that exist in the Orthodox Church regarding the possibility of remaining in this kind of dialogue. The ancient philosophical mode of dialogue and the modern one are analyzed: dialogue as debate and negotiation. The study begins from the analysis of some technical terms describing the social and spiritual dimensions of dialogue; from the perspective of these spiritual and social dimensions, the possibilities, the potential positive results, and the risks of remaining in dialogue with someone of another confession, belief, or ideology are analyzed. It reveals the evolution of the dialogue’s content, its enrichment with the spiritual dimensions of martyria and exomologesis, and the efficient centrality of the Logos in it, as suggested by the etymological definition of dialogue. It also emphasizes the necessity of a deep understanding of all these spiritual dimensions of dialogue for achieving efficient and fruitful communication with representatives of other social or religious groups. This communication can be seen as a guarantee of peace and social stability.

Sport as a strategy for sustainable local development: The experience of the 2018 Youth Olympic Games in Buenos Aires, Argentina

ABSTRACT Sport, as a complex and polysemic concept, offers an arena from which to explore socio-physical relationships, traversed by political dynamics that are structured between local and global in a given context. The international community has early recognized sport as a means to achieve peaceful coexistence and promote healthy lifestyles. Modern mega sporting events, in particular, often express the policy orientations of a social conjuncture, in dialog with the realities imposed by globalization. At the same time, mega sporting events help to establish positive discursive links at a global level, achieving consensus on key political issues. In this sense, the United Nations works to promote – among the Member States – sports initiatives that allow synergy with the goals proposed in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, paying special attention to the contributions of sports practices in what they have to do with: alleviation of poverty, improvement on universal education, achievement of gender equality, prevention of diseases, commitment to environmental sustainability, guarantee of peace, and achievement of peaceful resolution of conflicts. Taking the above into account, this article aims to offer the reader a theoretical reflection that immerses itself in the potential of sport as a catalyst for sustainable local development and peace. In order to accomplish that, the unique experience of the City of Buenos Aires (Argentina) as host of the Youth Olympic Games during 2018 will be reviewed, selecting those issues that would allow recognizing this edition of the youth games as an initiative for local development and for the promotion of values in pursuit of sustainability.

Karabakh Knot of Geopolitical Contradictions in the South Caucasus

The aim of the work was to study the geopolitical processes in the South Caucasus, representing the “Eurasian Balkans”. Based on the discourse analysis, the geopolitical position of the region and the geopolitical interests of its main actors were considered. The transformation of the Karabakh knot of geopolitical contradictions from a regional confrontation into a special “chess game” with the active participation of Western countries is shown. In this game Turkey is trying to become the leading center for development a new geopolitical structure of interaction between the Eurasian Turkic-speaking states as opposed to the Russian Eurasian project. It is concluded that only Russia can become the guarantor of peace and exert geopolitical influence on the wider region of the Greater Caucasus.

Russian toolkit for settling international conflicts and peculiarities of its application

As the successor state of the former superpower USSR, the Russian Federation retains its high status of the “guarantor of peace” for the entire international community due to a range of political, military and economic means, currently being on of the few “police states”. The role of police states is important to such extent that no major conflict can be settled without their participation or approval. Such status of Russia is being maintained by its military power, as well as a number of political privileges. Alongside any police state, Russia has developed its own strategy for interfering or settling the international military conflicts using the existing toolkit. This defines the relevance of analysis of the current state of the Russian range of means and tools for suppression and settlement of the conflicts. The goal of this research consists in examination of the the means available to the Russian Federation for settling military conflicts, as well as in the analysis of the state and prospects of their use in peacekeeping campaigns of the Russian Federation. It is worth noting that the Russian Federation as the successor state of the Soviet Union, and one of the members of the nuclear club and permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, retains and extends the range of tools for handling and settling military conflicts, from the preventive tools of cultural-diplomatic influence such as Federal Agency for the Commonwealth of Independent States Affairs, Compatriots Living Abroad, and International Humanitarian Cooperation (commonly known as Rossotrudnichestvo) to high-tech military weapons, which have no analogues among the overwhelming majority of participants of international relations. The presence of such rich arsenal testifies to strong peacekeeping potential of the Russian Federation; however, the currently observed inclination towards the priority of coercive tools can severely undermine the ability of the Russian Federation to settle international military conflicts.

ГЕОПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ КЕЙСЫ В ПРОЦЕССЕ УРЕГУЛИРОВАНИЯ ПРИДНЕСТРОВСКОГО КОНФЛИКТА

The article analyzes the features of the involvement of external actors in the process of resolving the Transnistrian conflict. The authors made an excursion to the genesis of registration of the regional system of relations, which revealed the specifics of the national interests of the world’s leading players in the region. The article also analyzes competition of geopolitical in- terests in the region, representing by its nature the reflection of the transform- ing basics of modern world order. Despite the term of Euro-Atlantic solidarity established in the scientific community, however, it is impossible to talk on the agreed position of the European and North American communities in ap- proaches to regional processes. The nature of the settlement of the Transnistri- an relations reflects an incomplete coincidence of the positions of the European Union and the United States in the process of resolving the conflict . At the same time, attempts to resolve the conflict bring to the surface the Romanian factor which every year is growing and exerting a great influence on Moldova both in the trade and economic sphere and in the political one. The authors mark a special place of the Russian Federation in the regional system of rela- tions. Possessing an extensive system of national interests in the region, Russia performs the functions of the guarantor of peace and stability. Moreover the creation of an effective system for the protection of its compatriots in Trans- nistria is of particular importance for the Russian leadership. The author’s article presents the Moldovan political forces – conductors of the interests of certain geopolitical cases. It reflects the tools of influence of external actors on the regional relationship architecture. Based on the analysis the authors draw conclusions about the presence of additional obstacles in the way to ensuring the inviolability of the security architecture in the region.