Groups In Myanmar Research Articles

Educational Challenges and Expectancy of Non-governmental Education Leaders in Armed Conflict Areas in Myanmar

Myanmar is a country with long-term internal conflict with many ethnic minority children suffering from the lack of access to quality education. To solve the issue, non-governmental schools have been built in armed conflict areas. However, the schools are dealing with many challenges such as lack of resources or threat to security. At present, there is a knowledge gap in the practices of non-governmental school leaders in tackling the challenges and their expectancy to provide quality education to their students. Therefore, this study explored the educational challenges and expectancy of non-governmental leaders from Kachin State and Shan State in Myanmar through interviews to assist policy makers and other stakeholders in crafting inclusive education in the country. There are three major parts in the findings: challenges, overcoming methods, and the opportunities the leaders are seeking. The findings suggest the urgent need of cooperation between the government and ethnic armed organisations on the education of the children, changes in national curriculum, and teacher education. Due to the sample size of this qualitative study, the findings may not be generalised for all the ethnic groups in Myanmar. However, they can help policy makers and other stakeholders with policies for inclusive education as they reflect the real life experience of those working in education sector in armed conflict areas.

Outcomes of Acute Myeloid Leukemia (AML) in Adolescents and Young Adults (AYAs) Compared to Adults in a Referral Center from Lower Myanmar

Introduction Acute myeloid leukemia (AML) is the second most common form of haematological malignancies with high prevalence among all age groups in Myanmar. However, there are very limited data particularly related to AML in adolescents and young adults (AYAs). To fill the gap in AML data from resource-constraint countries and to compare the treatment outcomes of AYAs (15-39 years) with adults (40 years and above), a hospital-based, prospective study was conducted between January 2019 to October 2021, on the cases of AML treated at the North Okkalapa General and Teaching Hospital, one of three referral centers of Myanmar. Methods All cases of AML other than acute promyelocytic leukemia (APL) received two courses of induction containing daunorubicin and cytarabine followed by three courses of consolidation with high dose cytarabine. Treatment of APL included differentiation agents (all-trans-retinoeic acid and arsenic trioxide) based induction with addition of daunorubicin and cytarabine in high-risk cases until remission followed by chemotherapy free consolidation and maintenance up to two years. Patients were followed up for a minimum of one year and overall survival (OS) was calculated using the Kaplan-Meier method. Results A total of 140 including 81 (57.9%) AYAs and 59 (42.1%) adults with newly diagnosed de-novo AML were treated during 34-months period. Median age of AYA AML was 22 years (range-13-39 years) whereas that of adult AML was 54 years (range-40-76 years). There was no gender difference (49.2% versus 50.7%, for male and female). Among AML subtypes, M4 was the commonest subtype (28.5%) and APL, M3 (22.8%) was the second most prevalent AML followed by M2 (18.5%) and M5 (10.7%) subtypes. Cytogenetic data was available in 37 of 108 (34.2 %) non-APL cases with 16.2 %, 67.6% and 16.2 % respectively had good, intermediate, and high-risk cytogenetics. Of 108 non-APL including 61 (56.5%) AYAs and 47 (43.5%) adults, 46 (42.6%) died within one week or during induction and remaining 62 (57.4%) achieved remission at the end of induction. Among 32 APL (20 AYAs and 12 adults), mortality rate was 21.9% due to early death (12.5%) and induction death (9.4%) with only 78% achieved remission after induction. There was no statistically significant difference between the remission rates of AYAs and adults, in both APL (75.0% versus 83.3%, respectively, p=0.68) and non-APL groups (60.65% versus 53.2% respectively, p=0.43). During follow-up, 29 (20.7 %) were lost to follow-up while 6 non-APL AML (5 AYAs and 1 adult, 5.6%) relapsed within one year with 18 of 32 APL (56.3%) and 32 of 108 non-APL AML (29.6%) remained alive at one year. Two-year cumulative survival for AYAs compared to adults was 47% vs 42% respectively for non-APL AML (p=0.42) and 74% vs 83% for APL (p=0.608) with no statistically significant difference between two age groups. Conclusion In this resource limited setting, although having higher proportion of younger population and better prognostic types like APL, remission rate and survival was still low due to higher number of early and induction deaths which could be improved by early diagnosis and better supportive care.

Motivation to test, treat, and report malaria cases: a quantitative assessment among private sector providers in the Greater Mekong Subregion

BackgroundAccurately testing, treating, and tracking all malaria cases is critical to achieving elimination. Ensuring health providers are able and motivated to test, treat, and report cases is a necessary component of elimination programmes, and particularly challenging in low endemic settings where providers may not encounter a large volume of cases. This study aimed to understand provider motivations to test, treat, and report malaria cases to better optimize programme design, adjust incentive schemes, and ultimately improve reporting rates while growing the evidence base around private providers in the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS).MethodsWith funding from the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, this study aimed to identify and validate distinctive subtypes of motivation among private sector providers enrolled in the Greater Mekong Subregion Elimination of Malaria through Surveillance (GEMS) programme, implemented by Population Services International. Quantitative questionnaires were administered electronically in person by trained enumerators to various provider groups in Myanmar, Lao PDR, and Vietnam. A three-stage confirmatory factor analysis was then conducted in STATA.ResultsFollowing this analysis, a two-factor solution that describes motivation in this population of providers was identified, and providers were scored on the two dimensions of motivation. The correlation between the two rotated factors was 0.3889, and the Kaiser–Meyer–Olkin (KMO) measure of sampling adequacy was 0.93, indicating an excellent level of suitability. These providers, who are often assumed to only be financially motivated, engaged in malaria elimination activities because of both internal and external motivational factors that are independent of remuneration or financial gain. For all three countries’ data, significant covariances between the two latent variables for internal and external motivation were found. The models were found to be of adequate to good fit for the data across all three countries. It was determined that private sector providers, who were previously believed to be primarily financially motivated, were also motivated by personal factors. Motivation was also associated with key outcomes of importance to malaria elimination, such as reporting and stocking of tests and treatments.ConclusionMaintaining or increasing provider motivation to test and treat is essential in the fight to eliminate malaria from the GMS, as it helps to ensure that providers continue to pursue this goal, even in a low incidence environment where cases may be rare and in which providers face financial pressure to focus on areas of health service provision. Establishing mechanisms to better motivate providers through intrinsic factors is likely to have a substantive impact on the sustainability of malaria case management activities.

Responding to the Humanitarian Crisis of the Rohingya in Myanmar: A Comparison between the Role of State and NGOs

The present study discusses the role of NGOs in the efforts of the Indonesian Humanitarian Alliance for Myanmar (AKIM: Aliansi Kemanusian Indonesia Untuk Myanmar) to handle the humanitarian crisis experienced by Ethnic Rohingya groups in Myanmar in 2017. This phenomenon in Myanmar began to draw a lot of attention when the AKIM was able to contribute to the cause even though state actors and IGO attempts were blocked by the Myanmar government. In this case, NGOs were able to play a role outside the traditional structure of modern international relations that was inaccessible to state or international organizations (IGOs) or state governments. This phenomenon indicates that NGOs have more access to attempts to settle the humanitarian crisis being experienced by the ethnic Rohingya groups in Myanmar. This is notable because the Myanmar government has blocked the aid of other countries and IGOs and has denied the assistance offered by the United Nations. The qualitative method was used in this study, employing a case study model to observe the effects that occurred. During data collection researchers, used study documents, and then the data was processed through interpretive analytical techniques to draw conclusions and formulate a model for the study.

G6PD deficiency among malaria-infected national groups at the western part of Myanmar with implications for primaquine use in malaria elimination

BackgroundGlucose 6-phosphate dehydrogenase deficiency (G6PDd) plays a central role in readiness assessment for malaria elimination in Myanmar by 2030 that includes primaquine (PQ) use. The risk of hemolysis in G6PDd individuals hampers the widespread use of primaquine safely in malaria-infected patients. In the pre-elimination era, it is important to screen initially for asymptomatic malaria in combination with G6PD deficiency by applying more sensitive diagnostic tools. Therefore, this study examined the proportion of G6PDd and the distribution of G6PD genotypes among malaria-infected national groups in Myanmar before initiation of malaria elimination strategies.MethodsA cross-sectional study in one township each with high malaria burden from two states in the western part of Myanmar, was conducted during 2016-2018, and 320 participants (164 Rakhine and 156 Chin National groups) were recruited. We used RDT and ultrasensitive polymerase chain reaction (us PCR) method to confirm malaria infection, and a G6PD RDT(CareStart) to detect G6PDd and PCR/restriction fragment length polymorphism (RFLP) method to confirm the variant of G6PDd for genotyping. G6PD enzyme activity was measured by G6PD Biosensor (CareStart).ResultsMalaria positivity rates detected by RDT were lower than those detected by us PCR in the combined samples [13% (42/320) vs. 21% (67/320)] as well as in the Rakhine samples [17% (28/164) vs. 25% (41/164)] and in Chin samples [9% (14/156) vs. 17% (26/156)]. G6PD deficiency rates were approximately 10% in both the combined samples and specific national groups. For G6PD enzyme activity in the combined samples, G6PDd (defined as < 30% of adjusted male median) was 10% (31/320) and severe G6PDd (< 10% of AMM) was 3% (9/320). Among malaria-infected patients with positive by both RDT and usPCR, G6PDd was less than 20% in each national group. G6PD genotyping showed that the G6PD Mahidol (G487A) was the major variant.ConclusionsThe varying degree of G6PDd detected among malaria-infected national groups by advanced diagnostic tools, strongly support the recommend G6PD testing by the National Malaria Control Program and the subsequent safe treatment of P. vivax by primaquine for radical cure. Establishing a field monitoring system to achieve timely malaria elimination is mandatory to observe the safety of patients after PQ treatment.

Pretending to be States: The Use of Facebook by Armed Groups in Myanmar

ABSTRACT Which functions do social media fill for non-state armed groups in countries with internal armed conflict? Building on conflict data, interviews and media monitoring, we have reviewed the use of social media by Myanmar’s nine most powerful armed groups. The first finding is that they act like states, using social media primarily to communicate with their constituents. Second, they also use social media as a tool of armed struggle, for command and control, intelligence, denunciation of traitors, and attacks against adversaries. Third, social media serves for national and international outreach. Like Myanmar’s national army, the armed groups have combined prudent official pages with an underworld of more reckless profiles and closed groups that often breach Facebook’s official community standards. In February 2019, when Facebook excluded four groups from its platform, they lost much of their ability to reach out and act like states. Yet they kept a capacity to communicate with their constituents through closed groups, individual profiles and sophisticated use of links and shares. Finally, the article affirms that the Facebook company, in the years 2018–2020,took upon itself a role as an arbiter within Myanmar’s internal conflicts, deciding what information was allowed and disallowed.

The political economy of Norwegian peacemaking in Myanmar’s peace process

Norway is widely accepted as a global leader in peacemaking, due to its lengthy track record of involvement in complex peace processes. Its predilection for peacemaking is usually interpreted as a form of ‘status-seeking’ by a smaller state, aimed at enhancing Norway’s influence and reputation in the international system. However, this perception offers a limited view and obscures other motivations that drive Norway to peacemaking. Aimed at addressing this gap, this paper dissects Norwegian peacemaking efforts in Myanmar between 2011 and 2019. The paper utilises a critical political economy lens to uncover the deeper motivations underpinning Norwegian peacemaking, drawing on new interview fieldwork with diverse stakeholders in Myanmar’s peace process. The paper finds that material interests, including the desire to access new markets in the Global South, have played a significant role in influencing Norwegian peacemaking, highlighting the instrumental potential of ‘status-seeking’ in foreign policy. Concerningly, this strategy has served the interests of dominant power groups in Myanmar, contributing to the subordination of minority actors, thus compromising their engagement and revealing an image of Norway that belies constructivist perceptions of its status as a moral or humanitarian ‘great power’.

Symbolic habitus and new aspirations of higher education elites in transitional Myanmar

This paper examines critical aspects of the birth of the new generation of Myanmar’s emerging elite groups and their roles in the society based on in-depth qualitative research conducted in two universities in Yangon. It particularly pays close attention to the critical roles of the two universities – as political, social and knowledge institutions – in the formation of the new elite groups in Myanmar. The interplay between the students’ individual agency and the two elite higher education institutes implies three sets of processes: the societal context in a transitional democratic country, the institutional habitus of higher education, and the young elites’ agency. Findings from observations, interviews, and field research indicate that students attending the two universities exhibit a common sense of pride in being members of academically and historically prestigious institutions. At the same time, students in each university developed distinctive understandings of their roles as elites in the transitional society of Myanmar, reflecting the disciplinary difference of each institution. More importantly, this study found that the symbolic habitus of the two universities provided the new elites with a strong desire to contribute to the nation’s development, although their actual practice and outcome remains uncertain. This study thus urges careful consideration of the role of higher education, beyond merely instilling symbolic prestige, to nurture the emerging elites to thrive in the rapidly changing society.

International Responses to Human Rights Violations in Myanmar: The Case of the Rohingya

While Myanmar is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious country, the Bamar (Burmese) nonetheless comprise almost 70 percent of the country’s total population. Of the many ethnic groups in Myanmar, the Muslim Rohingya, are mainly centered in the Rakhine (Arakan) State, which borders Bangladesh. Although the position of these people as a distinct ethnic group was recognized by the U Nu government (1948-1962), the introduction of the 1982 Citizenship Act by the country’s military government, however, have rendered them stateless. Subject to a wide range of systematic human rights violations by the Myanmar authorities, the Rohingya have often sought refugee in Bangladesh as well as many other countries in the region and beyond. Whilst most like-minded states and international organizations have duly responded to the issue, especially by providing humanitarian assistance and criticizing the Myanmar junta for its treatment of the Rohingya, however, much remains to be done to find a permanent solution to the issue of statelessness of these people. The purpose of this article is therefore to analyze responses from some segments of the international community over the issue of human rights violations on the Rohingya and the resulting exodus of these people from Myanmar. As such, this article will examine responses from Bangladesh, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the regional community, the United States, the European Union (EU), the United Nations (UN) and the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC).

Transformation of Myanmar Muslim Community: Singapore as a Role-Model

This study looks into Myanmar and Singapore, holding the latter as the role model for the former. Even though both countries are homelands to minority Muslims, the situation of Muslims and other minority groups in Myanmar is not as contented as that of the Muslims in Singapore. Singapore has upheld the religion and Asian values despite her achievements in modern developments. Singapore’s steps towards maintaining racial harmony within the minority groups and between government and the minorities can be emulated by Myanmar. Through qualitative analysis of the historical accounts and library materials, the paper unveils that the present plight of the Muslims and the Rohingya like minorities in Myanmar only started with the coming of military junta into power in 1962. Racial and nationalist movements initiated by the military government eradicated the Muslim identity depriving them from the rights of citizenship. The findings also suggest ways on how Muslims in Myanmar can ignite their dying flame of patriotism, learn to re-integrate with others and contribute towards national pride and nation building. Adding onto this analysis, the multi-religious policies of Singapore and its founder Lee Kuan Yew are analyzed from archives and media materials in order to set an example for Myanmar policy makers.

Culture Communication: Is an Effective Support for Conflict Resolution and Peace Process in Myanmar?

Culture is a system of shared belief and customs in the society. In other way, culture is the symbol of the life of people. Myanmar and its citizen has suffered the trauma of ethnic conflicts throughout the history since 1948. The governments of Myanmar throughout the times have also been finding the solution for conflict resolution and peace process based on the political approach. Now, it is the time for considering about an alternative approach to conflict resolution and peace process based on the culture which is the symbol of the people. The study aims to provide the new interpretation in completing conflict resolution by Myanmar government and a kind of support that can reveal the hidden and being forgotten cultures and identities of ethnic minority groups in Myanmar based on cultural communication. The researcher made two group discussions with ethnic people in two ethnic regions of Myanmar and had in-depth conversation for detailed facts and information. The research mainly presents the impact of culture communication as a better tool for conflict resolution and peace process based on the real voices of ethnic people.

Interethnic Conflict and Genocide in Myanmar

This article, based on event history and a narrative analysis of reports produced by human rights groups, reveals that the genocide of Rohingyas of the Rakhine state of Myanmar is the result of the Myanmar military government’s deliberate policies and unpremeditated consequences that have led to the higher level of conflict among groups in Myanmar. It examines the processes by which the Myanmar government has constructed the collective identity of Rohingya as illegal immigrants. It focuses on the role of the sustained historical and conflictual relationships among the Myanmar government, Rohingyas, and the Rakhine Buddhists that contributed to the Rohingya genocide.

Indonesia's Constitutional Immigration Policy: A Case of Rohingya Ethnic Group Refugees

In this increasingly dynamic world, international migration especially international refugee and asylum seeker has become a hot issue in many countries, including Indonesia. For example, a communal conflict between Rakhine and Rohingya ethnic groups in Myanmar in 2012 calls the attention of the international community, especially in Southeast Asia regions. The socio-political situation forced the ethnic minority Rohingya to leave Myanmar to move (migrate) or seek asylum to the neighbouring countries, such as Indonesia. In Indonesia, Rohingya refugees are mostly surviving in the boats "Manusia Perahu camp in Aceh since 2015. The influx of refugees such as Rohingya into Indonesia constitutes a new problem in constitutional and social terms. This paper aims to explain Indonesia's constitutional immigration policy and the public responses to asylum seekers taken from the case of Rohingya ethnic group in Indonesia. This study uses the literature review methods to explain the social problems and application of Indonesian regulations towards Rohingya refugees in the boats Manusia Perahu camp in Aceh. This study finds that a more explicit regulation is needed to regulate the entry of refugees, so that the locals will not be disturbed and still create security between countries.

Ethnic Conflict and Violence in Myanmar: The Exodus of Stateless Rohingya People

Since independence, different minority groups in Myanmar have experienced ethnic conflicts and violence. Among them, the Rohingya community face the worst challenges. Due to government-imposed restrictions and the denial of the government to grant them citizenship and constitutional rights, the Rohingya face many problems in their everyday life. This article aims at revealing the main reasons behind the ethnic conflicts in Rakhine state of Myanmar and the reasons that force the Rohingya people to flee the country to such a huge extent.

Worldviews in Myanmar: A Missiological Perspective

Abstract Each of the many ethnic groups in Myanmar has its own unique worldview; however, these are all principally related, in some respects, to the three primary worldviews in Myanmar, as informed by the culture historically: animism, Buddhism, and, to a lesser extent, Hinduism. For the purposes of this article, I am defining “worldview” as: A culturally-informed, yet personal, system of thought, wherein are held existential beliefs, such as regards the existence or non-existence of a god or gods; evaluative beliefs, such as regards proper and improper expressions of social intercourse; and prescriptive beliefs, such as regards value and purpose. In light of this definition, the worldviews in Myanmar will be explored as to their existential, evaluative, and prescriptive beliefs, with a summary statement, addressing the missiological challenges, which those worldviews present, in particular, to Christian unity.

Developing Civil Society in the Non-state Sphere: Welfare and Rights-based Organisations Associated with Ethnic Armed Groups in Myanmar

Armed groups are usually seen as threats to humanitarian action but less attention has been paid where they provide assistance to constituent populations. Ethnic armed groups (EAGs) in Myanmar have developed associated welfare organisations that perform this role. This article argues this is due to EAG social embeddedness and flexibility to changes in sources of funding and support, and the influence of their relations with international humanitarian organisations. This article further contends a subset of advocacy, health and education organisations have evolved to form a nascent civil society within the political and social non-state sphere of some established EAGs.

Giving Trends in Myanmar: More Than Merit Making

Myanmar, with a human development index ranking of 145 out of 188 countries (UNDP,2016), has been given the prestigious title as the number one giving nation in the world for three years running (2014-2016) by Charities Aid Foundation, challenging the notion that giving is tied to wealth. Explanations for why this is the case tend to focus on the religious practices of Theravada Buddhism and merit-making. This explanation is only part of the picture, however, and does not account for the similarly high rates of giving by other religious groups in Myanmar or for the failing of other Buddhist nations to equal Myanmar’s generosity. I will argue that the low levels of state investment in basic human welfare and the widespread deprivation in the country due to the long years of military rule, coupled with the lack of effective institutions to provide basic social welfare services, are equally strong motivators for charity. At the same time, I will demonstrate that giving trends in Myanmar - even those motivated by compassion or religious duty - area response to immediate needs that are unmet by government or institutional support. For the vast majority of people, reliance on your neighbor is the only available insurance. Such charitable giving rarely extends to philanthropic giving, which addresses systemic and root causes of poverty rather than targeting symptoms. I provide explanations for the high level of charitable giving in Myanmar, looking at everyday examples of giving in Myanmar from both individuals and local businesses and considering the humanitarian disaster of Cyclone Nargis in 2008 as a case example.

Insurgency, Drugs and Small Arms in Myanmar

The many links between drugs, small arms and insurgency have been widely discussed and addressed by scholars. The literature in particular has convincingly shown how several insurgent groups in Myanmar have used the drug business to finance and sustain their violent movements. Funds generated from drug production and circulation help the insurgent groups to procure arms, and are widely believed to be supporting the protracted nature of these movements. In this context, Myanmar presents itself as a classic example wherein the relationship between drugs, small arms and insurgency becomes clearly apparent. The country has become a major hub for illicit drugs production. It has been observed that insurgency, arms smuggling and illicit drugs business depend heavily on each other for their sustenance. The ‘ungoverned territories’ bordering other states also help insurgencies and keep the drug business flourishing. Given this context, this article focuses on unravelling the linkages among insurgency, drugs and small arms in Myanmar.

The Authorization of Religio-political Discourse: Monks and Buddhist Activism in Contemporary Myanmar and Beyond

AbstractThrough the example of contemporary Buddhist nationalist groups in Myanmar, this article draws attention to the cultural authorization of religio-political discourse. The symbolic power of a monk's pronouncements is amplified because of the cultural reverence attached to his vocation as a Buddhist monk, even without doctrinal references or ritual practices. A monk's cultural position within Burmese Buddhism particularly strengthens his authority when he frames his preaching and actions as a defense of Buddhism. Without attention to these cultural institutions and the religious authority they confer, the resonance and influence of monks' words cannot be completely understood. Furthermore, without directly responding to the logic of these authorizing discourses, responses intended to counter the violence emerging from Buddhist nationalism and promote tolerance will be ineffective.

Ethnic Accommodation and Electoral Rules in Ethno-Geographically Segregated Societies: PR Outcomes Under FPTP in Myanmar Elections

In this article I explore how the current first-past-the-post (FPTP) rules contributed to the failure of ethnic compromise during the democratic period (1948–1962) in Myanmar by encouraging extremist parties, hardening ethnic divisions, and causing political deadlock, ironically the same charges the centripetal school lays against proportional representation (PR). This puzzle of “PR outcomes” under FPTP is explained using geographic information systems techniques that map the country's 2010 electoral districts onto an ethnic population map. It shows that ethnic party success in the 2010 election closely follows the distribution of ethnic groups in Myanmar and that given the high level of ethno-geographic segregation in Myanmar the representation of ethnic parties would be similar under PR and the alternative vote to the current FPTP. I conclude by discussing Indonesia's electoral rules as a possible solution for Myanmar. The general theoretic contribution is that, although past scholars have generally argued that FPTP is bad for ethnically divided societies, their mechanisms are incorrect for ethno-geographically segregated societies.