Collective Narcissism Research Articles

Russians’ Attitudes Towards the War in Ukraine

ABSTRACTThe Russian invasion of Ukraine has caused considerable military casualties on both sides and widespread harm to Ukrainian civilians. While polls suggest that a slim majority of Russians endorse the invasion, the factors underpinning this support remain uncertain. We investigated factors associated with support for the war among Russians. In three large, diverse, samples of Russian adults (total N = 2856), we extend the dual process motivational model to the context of international warfare, focusing on two key ideologies: right‐wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO). Consistent with polling data, we find that approximately half of the participants support the war. Across studies, RWA, especially its submission facet, emerges as a strong and consistent predictor of increased support for the war in Ukraine. In contrast, the associations with SDO are weaker and more inconsistent, with anti‐egalitarianism playing only a minor role in opposing peace efforts. Additionally, factors such as Russian identification, nationalism, group efficacy, war‐related misperceptions and collective narcissism also contribute to war support. Our findings suggest that Russian support for the war may reflect broader support for the existing regime with backing for the military intervention serving as a demonstration of loyalty to Vladimir Putin and his government.

Teach them how to fish or give them fish? The effect of collective narcissism on intergroup help.

Intergroup help contributes to the solution of global issues in particular. However, whether to teach an outgroup how to address their problem permanently, or to directly help them solve the current problem? Collective narcissism might play a crucial role in this process. Based on the core characteristics of collective narcissism, this research explored whether and how collective narcissism would affect people's willingness to give different types of intergroup help. Study 1 examined the correlation between collective narcissism and intergroup help. Studies 2 and 3 investigated the impacts of outgroup threat and ingroup image on the relationship between collective narcissism and intergroup help respectively. In Study 4, the interaction between outgroup threat and ingroup image was further examined. The results showed that collective narcissism reduced participants' willingness to offer intergroup help, especially autonomy-oriented help. For low-threat outgroups, collective narcissism increased participants' willingness to give dependency-oriented help. In contrast, collective narcissism increased participants' willingness to give autonomy-oriented help when refusal to intergroup help tarnished the ingroup image. For high-threat outgroups, collective narcissism did not predict participants' willingness to give intergroup help. These findings suggest that collective narcissists' preferences for intergroup help change with outgroup threat and ingroup image.

Agentic collective narcissism and communal collective narcissism: Do they predict COVID-19 pandemic-related beliefs and behaviors?

In a multinational study (61 countries; N = 15,039), we examined how collective narcissists, both agentic (ACN) and communal (CCN), reacted cognitively (through endorsement of unfounded conspiracy and health beliefs) and behaviorally (via prevention, hoarding, and prosociality) to the pandemic. Higher ACN and CCN predicted greater endorsement of COVID-19 unfounded beliefs and higher likelihood of having recently engaged in pandemic-related prevention, hoarding, and prosociality. The predictive effects of ACN and CCN were independent, suggesting construct separability. Fear positively predicted endorsement of unfounded beliefs and behaviors, but the slope of that relation was flattened when ACN and CCN were particularly high. Finally, the relation between ACN or CCN and outcomes changed across countries varying in collective fear.

Unique, better, model, leader: Claims of exceptionality in Hungary’s foreign policy and beyond

In the IR literature, devoting attention to small state exceptionalism remains the exception. This paper aims to rectify this situation by analyzing claims of exceptionality of the successive Orbán governments of Hungary. It aims to shed light on Hungary’s foreign policy by making two core claims. First, based on a diverse range of sources, it shows that successive Hungarian governments have increasingly come to conceptualize Hungary as an exceptional, trail-blazing, model country in foreign policy and beyond, especially after 2018. Secondly, the paper shows how claims of exceptionality can lead to resentment and isolation in foreign policy, if and when they go hand-in-hand with collective narcissism.

Born This Way? National Collective Narcissism, Implicit Homophobia, and Homosexual Essentialism in Populist Poland.

Prejudice toward the LGBT community has become prevalent in Poland under the ultraconservative populist government. The results of three studies conducted between 2018 and 2019 (N1 = 879, N2 = 324, and N3 = 374) indicate that Polish collective narcissism-the belief that the exaggerated greatness of the nation is not recognized by others-is associated with implicit homophobia assessed as the intuitive disapproval of gay men and automatic evaluative preference of heterosexuality over homosexuality. Those associations were to a large extent explained by the relationships between collective narcissism and (1) the belief that groups defined by sexual orientations are essentially distinct; (2) the belief that homosexuality is a personal choice, not genetically determined or culturally universal. The experimental results of Study 3 indicated that inducing the belief that non-normative sexuality is genetically determined and culturally universal reduced automatic preference for heterosexuality over homosexuality (but not intuitive disapproval of gay men) across levels of collective narcissism (contrary to predictions). The obtained results complete the picture of the association of narcissistic beliefs about the nation and homophobia emerging from previous studies. National narcissism is linked not only to explicit but also to latent, implicit homophobia likely to be triggered by increased presence of national narcissism in public discourse. Moreover, national narcissism is linked to implicit homophobia, especially via the agentic belief that sexual orientation is a matter of choice. Changing this belief reduces implicit homophobia also among national narcissists.

Yes, we can (but for different reasons): Collective narcissism is linked to different values but similar pro-ingroup collective action tendencies among disadvantaged and advantaged ethnic groups.

Collective narcissism, a belief that one's group is exceptional and entitled to special treatment but underappreciated by others, is related to important social and political outcomes but has been predominantly studied in advantaged groups. The present research compares the motivational correlates (through values) of collective narcissism in ethnic groups of different status (advantaged and disadvantaged) and explores its associations with attitudes towards, and intention to engage in collective action. Three studies examined these processes in different national and intergroup contexts (total N = 16,275). Overall, ethnic collective narcissism was linked to self-protective values (power, and less consistently, conservation) in advantaged groups but to universalism in disadvantaged groups. Moreover, in both advantaged and disadvantaged groups, ethnic collective narcissism was related to more positive attitudes towards, and intentions of pro-ingroup actions but not to attitudes towards (other) disadvantaged groups (i.e., intergroup solidarity). These studies suggest that collective narcissism may be associated with different motivations, yet linked to similar intergroup attitudes among advantaged and disadvantaged groups.

Too great to be more prosocial: the relationship between collective narcissism and humanitarian aid in the Chinese context

Too great to be more prosocial: the relationship between collective narcissism and humanitarian aid in the Chinese context

Examining Indonesia’s Aggression towards Malaysia over Tari Pendet Dispute in Youtube Comments: The Role of Collective Narcissism

This study analyses themes that emerged in discussions on YouTube comments by Indonesian regarding the 2009 Pendet Dance controversy. The research uses netnography methods with a qualitative approach. Using Netlytic, corpus was collected from YouTube under 'Malaysian Pendet Dance' keyword. There are 1030 comments gathered from 4 relevant videos. The corpus was selected and eliminated to 52 comments. For comparison, the corpus is divided based on the upload period, marked by the time Discovery Channel apologized to Indonesia. Based on collective narcissism understanding, researcher frames the emerging themes and sub-themes related to the nature of collective narcissism. The themes and sub-themes of the comments were then coded, compared, and projected with the help of NVivo software. The results show that there is a development of stacking narcissism themes across periods. The collective narcissism themes found in the 2009 period were aggressiveness; desire for justification and other nations’ recognition of own culture; prejudice which causes hostility. Meanwhile, during the commentary period from 2010 to present, the same themes are found, with the addition of sub-themes and three new main themes namely the hardship of forgetting old wounds; see oneself as a tortured victim; and radicalism-to which brought another issue. The conflict between the Indonesian and Malaysian began in 1963 in the Borneo conflict and still ongoing. The collective narcissism that Indonesian society displays towards Malaysia is mediated by the ideology of blind patriotism and the perceived threat to the group by external aggression.

Nationalism as collective narcissism: the pathology of an everyday practice

The article brings together the social psychoanalytic approach by Erich Fromm with current research on nationalism in Western democratic societies. While current research often focuses on the extreme forms of nationalism, the work of Erich Fromm contributes to an understanding of nationalism that encompasses the whole society in a world structured by nation states. The notion of a social unconscious helps to reflect upon both visible and often unnoticed forms of nationalism and links it to an interconnected understanding of psychic and social structure. With Fromm we can understand nationalism as collective narcissism which has been preceded by a loss of self-esteem. Relevant threats to self-esteem in Western democratic societies shaped by a neoliberal ideology, like individualisation and singularisation, will be outlined in the article.

Concept Creep of Collective Narcissism

Collective narcissism refers to overvaluing the group with which one identifies. In a widely circulated and attention-grabbing paper, Putnam and colleagues (2018) measured collective narcissism by asking people how much their state in the U.S.A. contributed to the nation’s history. This led to some media reports proclaiming that the U.S.A. is “a nation of narcissists.” We demonstrated here (valid N = 539) that Putnam’s operationalization of collective narcissism had a small correlation (r = .18) with a traditional individual difference measure of collective narcissism, falling short of typical benchmarks for convergent validity. These results call into question whether collective narcissism can be measured as Putnam did. In the end, this empirical investigation has implications for “concept creep.” Measures that lack convergent validity but use the same label (in this case, “collective narcissism”) not only create confusion, but also increase the chances of unfounded yet highly publicized claims. In this case, the meaning of the new measure does not adequately reflect the meaning of the original construct—implicating concept creep of collective narcissism.

Authoritarians and “revolutionaries in reverse”: Why collective narcissism threatens democracy

Collective narcissism is a belief that the ingroup deserves but is denied special treatment and recognition. It is a projection of the narcissistic need to be recognized as better than others on the social level of the self. It is an aspect of ingroup identification, one of the ways group members favour their ingroup. National narcissism is associated with collective narcissism of advantaged national subgroups (e.g., Whites, men). National collective narcissism and collective narcissism of advantaged groups similarly predict discrimination of disadvantaged national subgroups (e.g., racial minorities, women) and legitimization of group-based inequality. Members of disadvantaged groups who endorse national narcissism internalize beliefs legitimizing inequality. Ultraconservative populists propagate national narcissism to undermine the political system that does not sufficiently serve the interests of advantaged groups. National narcissism predicts patriotism and nationalism. Once the three forms of national favouritism are differentiated, it becomes clear that patriotism does not come at the expense of nationalism, discrimination, societal polarization, or erosion of democracy. Instead, it may be a remedy against them.

The Father’s Love: Collective Narcissism and Defensive Reactions to Allegations about Pope John Paul II in Polish Public Opinion

Abstract Recent allegations that Pope John Paul II turned a blind eye to clergy sexual abuse as archbishop and pope have ignited much controversy in Poland. In this study, we utilize data from an original representative survey of Polish adults to examine predictors of defensive political reactions to these allegations. We hypothesized that national and Catholic collective narcissism (an exaggerated belief in in-group greatness that requires consistent external validation) would predict defensive attitudes in the face of the allegation, and that nonnarcissistic in-group satisfaction with national and Polish identities would be less related to defensive attitudes. Using a variety of statistical approaches, we find support for these predictions among Polish Catholics.

The Anti-Social Triad of Grievance Politics: An Integrated Model of Reactionism, Ressentiment, and Collective Narcissism

In this article, we undertake a comprehensive examination of reactionism, ressentiment, and collective narcissism, collectively termed as the “ anti-social triad of grievance politics.” Although these constructs are conceptually distinct, they are psycholoically intricately linked. Reactionism denotes a backward-facing political orientation, ressentiment signifies a chronic and embittered emotional mechanism, and collective narcissism reflects a precarious and wounded psychological state. Together, they constitute a potent blend of anti-social sentiments within grievance politics, yet their interconnectedness is overlooked when they are studied in isolation. Our study pioneers in establishing original connections between reactionism, ressentiment, and collective narcissism, providing empirical evidence of their coexistence and interactions. We introduce a novel scale to measure reactionism and explore its associations with existing measures of ressentiment and collective narcissism, as well as their associations with values, authoritarianism, and populism. By elucidating the tight interplay among these phenomena, we offer valuable insights into their implications for responses to social change and the essence of democracy.

Nacjonalizm jako manipulacja zbiorowymi wyobrażeniami (stereotypami) o swoich i obcych w „Megalomanii narodowej” Jana Stanisława Bystronia

The research purpose of the article is to analyse Jan Stanisław Bystroń’s research on collective imaginaries of one’s own people and strangers, on the basis of which he formulated an original perspective on the perception of nationalism. The research question is as follows: What is nationalism in the views of Bystroń? He was one of the first scholars to point out that nationalism boils down to the manipulation of collective imaginaries that are the source of prejudice. His National Megalomania (1924) can be considered a forerunner of research on stereotypes. The research purpose of the article is also to point out that his comments on national megalomania preceded the theories on collective narcissism formulated in the 1970s by Erich Fromm and Theodor W. Adorno. They are to this day analysed in scholarly literature, also in the context of research on nationalism. These analyses indicate that the source of narcissism is ressentiment. This concept of Friedrich Nietzsche is also used in theories about nationalism, so it was also included in the analysis of nationalism in this article. Bystroń’s research was interdisciplinary in nature, which allowed him to point out a new and, in many points, pioneering perspective on the perception of nationalism. Research on his work also requires an interdisciplinary approach. For this reason, the study uses references to theories from a wide spectrum of social and humanistic research. As a result, it was possible to interpret Bystroń’s contribution to the study of nationalisms from a broader perspective.

Gender and National Collective Narcissism: Gender Asymmetries and Obstacles to Gender Equality

To elucidate how ingroup identification is implicated in attitudes towards gender equality, it is important to consider that (1) people simultaneously identify with more (a nation) vs. less abstract groups (gender), and (2) gender collective narcissism is the specific aspect of ingroup identification likely to inspire opposite attitudes towards gender equality among men (negative) and women (positive), but (3) national narcissism is likely to align with men’s interests and inspire negative attitudes towards gender equality among men and women. In Study 1, we demonstrate that gender collective narcissism is the same variable among men and women. In Study 2, we show that among women (but not among men) in Poland, gender collective narcissism predicts intentions to engage in normative and non-normative collective action for gender equality. In Study 3, we show that gender collective narcissists among women endorse an egalitarian outlook, whereas gender collective narcissists among men reject it. In contrast, national narcissism predicts refusal to engage in collective action for gender equality and endorsement of an anti-egalitarian outlook among women and among men. Thus, national narcissism and gender collective narcissism among men impair pursuit of gender equality. Gender collective narcissism among women facilitates engagement in collective action for gender equality. Low gender collective narcissism among men and low national narcissism may also facilitate support for gender equality.

Populism, Economic Distress, Cultural Backlash, and Identity Threat: Integrating Patterns and Testing Cross-National Validity.

Populism is on the rise across liberal democracies. The sociopsychological underpinnings of this increasing endorsement of populist ideology should be uncovered. In an online cross-sectional survey study among adult samples from five countries (Chile, France, Italy, Romania, and the United Kingdom; N = 9,105), we aimed to replicate an economic distress pattern in which relative deprivation and identity threat are associated with populism. We further tested a cultural backlash pattern-including perceived anomie, collective narcissism, and identity threat as predictors of populism. Multigroup structural equation models supported both economic distress and cultural backlash paths as predictors of populist thin ideology endorsement. In both paths, identity threat to belonging played a significant role as partial mediator. Furthermore, an integrative model showed that the two patterns were not mutually exclusive. These findings emphasize the implication of identity threat to belonging as an explanatory mediator and demonstrate the cross-national generalizability of these patterns.

‘A Community Under Siege’: Analysing Kohut’s Thoughts of ‘Narcissistic Rage’ in Githa Hariharan’s Fugitive Histories

This paper looks at the operational mechanics of narcissistic rage as a subversive force within the poignant depiction of communal violence in Githa Hariharan’s novel Fugitive Histories, utilizing a psychoanalytical lens inspired by the insights of Kohut. This exploration aims to unravel the intricate nexus between the phenomenon of riot and narcissistic tendencies, scrutinizing the concept of collective narcissism as it pertains to social communities. Employing Kohut’s in-depth study of group psychology, the research delves into the transformative dynamics of narcissistic rage and its consequential impact on instances of communal upheaval. The paper culminates in a discussion highlighting the potential role of empathy as a mitigating agent against the perils of narcissistic rage.

Populism, Collective Narcissism, and Support for War

Abstract People’s pro-war attitudes provide an important lens for understanding the various conflicts and wars taking place around the globe. The present research bridges the social psychological insights on ingroup identity with the macro realism theory of international relations studies. It examines the association of populism and collective narcissism with support for war under the conditions of offensive and defensive realist foreign policies. The research comprises two studies. Study 1 shows that populism is linked with offensive realism, whereas collective narcissism is associated with defensive realism. Study 2 further demonstrates that the perceptions of threat mediate the relationship between collective narcissism and support for war, rather than mediating the relationship between populism and support for war. Both populism and collective narcissism are related to authoritarianism. This research contributes to a theoretical understanding of the effects of populism and collective narcissism on resorting to military actions in international politics.

Palliative and hegemonic dimensions of conservatism: the mitigating role of institutional trust in shaping attitudes toward migrants and migration policy preferences.

The study explores the links between palliative and hegemonic dimensions of conservatism, attitudes toward migrants and restrictive migration policy preferences. Participants reported on their palliative dimension (social conservatism, traditionalism) and hegemonic dimension (social dominance orientation, collective narcissism) of conservatism, trust in government, attitudes toward migrants, and restrictive migration policy preferences. The results show that both dimensions of conservatism are indirectly linked to more restrictive migration policy preferences through negative attitudes toward migrants. Moreover, the present study indicates that increasing institutional trust may be an effective mechanism mitigating negative attitudes toward migrants for individuals high in the palliative dimension of conservatism.

Mindful-Gratitude Practice Reduces Prejudice at High Levels of Collective Narcissism.

This research tested the hypothesis that mindful-gratitude practice attenuates the robust association between collective narcissism and prejudice. In Study 1 (a between-subjects study using a nationally representative sample of 569 Polish adults; 313 female), 10 min of mindful-gratitude practice-compared to mindful-attention practice and control-did not decrease prejudice (anti-Semitism), but weakened the positive link between collective narcissism and prejudice. In Study 2 (a preregistered, randomized, controlled-trial study using a convenience sample of 219 Polish adults; 168 female), a 6-week mobile app supported training in daily mindful-gratitude practice decreased prejudice (anti-Semitism, sexism, homophobia, anti-immigrant sentiment) and its link with collective narcissism compared to a wait-list control. The hypothesis-consistent results emphasize the social relevance of mindful-gratitude practice, a time- and cost-effective intervention.