Green Grocers Research Articles

Neighbourhood food typologies, fast food outlet visitation and snack food purchasing among adolescents in Melbourne, Australia.

Despite the increased attention on neighbourhood food environments and dietary behaviours, studies focusing on adolescents are limited. This study aims to characterise typologies of food environments surrounding adolescents and their associations with fast food outlet visitation and snack food purchasing to/from school. The number of food outlets (supermarket; green grocers; butcher/seafood/deli; bakeries; convenience stores; fast food/takeaways; café and restaurants) within a 1 km buffer from home was determined using a Geographic Information System. Adolescents' self-reported frequency of fast food outlet visitation and snack food purchasing to/from school. Latent Profile Analysis was conducted to identify typologies of the food environment. Cross-sectional multilevel logistic regression analyses were conducted to examine the relationships between food typologies, fast food outlet visitations and snack food purchasing to/from school. Melbourne, Australia. Totally, 410 adolescents (mean age= 15·5 (sd = 1·5) years). Four distinct typologies of food outlets were identified: (1) limited variety/low number; (2) some variety/low number; (3) high variety/medium number and (4) high variety/high number. Adolescents living in Typologies 1 and 2 had three times higher odds of visiting fast food outlets ≥1 per week (Typology 1: OR = 3·71, 95 % CI 1·23, 11·19; Typology 2: OR = 3·65, 95 % CI 1·21, 10·99) than those living in Typology 4. No evidence of association was found between typologies of the food environments and snack food purchasing behaviour to/from school among adolescents. Local government could emphasise an overall balance of food outlets when designing neighbourhoods to reduce propensity for fast food outlet visitation among adolescents.

Lunch Interrupted! COVID-19 and Japan’s School Meals

On April 22,2020 a crowd gathered at the Fujikata Racetrack in Tsu City, Mie Prefecture, Japan With the anxiety of the COVID-19 pandemic swirling about them, citizens ventured from their homes donning facemasks Once at the racetrack they formed a "socially distant" line and waited for the gates to open Residents were not waiting to see a race Rather, they had come to do their grocery shopping While nearby city markets and green grocers were still open for business, these citizens had come in hopes of snagging a bargain and also supporting their community This was not your typical farmers' market the produce was gathered from unfulfilled school lunch orders With schoolyards shuttered due to the pandemic, the fresh ingredients ordered months ago had nowhere to go, and rather than let the food go to waste, the community and local government intervened Even with the schools closed, school lunch helped to unite a community

Green Grocer: Using Spatial Analysis to Identify Locations for a Mobile Food Market.

The Greater Pittsburgh Community Food Bank (GPCFB) developed the Green Grocer mobile food market to address limited access to fresh, affordable food options in local communities. GPCFB and researchers from the University of Pittsburgh established a partnership for Green Grocer implementation and evaluation, including application of geospatial techniques to help identify locations of stops for Green Grocer. We used geospatial analyses to identify locations in Allegheny County with limited food access as potential stops for the Green Grocer mobile food market. Using census, county, city, and public health data, we conducted a spatial overlay analysis based on five key metrics: poverty/income rates, Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) use, obesity rates, grocery/supermarket access, and mass transit access. We first defined our base target areas by finding the intersection of tracts with high rates of poverty, SNAP use, and obesity. To obtain our final recommended target neighborhoods, we then calculated the symmetric difference between these base target areas and areas of low grocery access and transit use. As identified from our overlay analysis, six neighborhoods became the targeted pilot sites for Green Grocer. These particular communities had higher poverty rates than Pittsburgh, Allegheny County, and Pennsylvania averages. A separate pilot evaluation was conducted after the initial sites were selected to examine additional population characteristics and to help determine any modifications to the program. Geospatial overlay analysis identified key locations to help the GPCFB target allocation of fresh food and produce. When used in tandem with other programmatic information and processes, this data-driven approach was essential in the development and identification of distribution of resources.

Evaluation of a Mobile Farmer's Market Aimed at Increasing Fruit and Vegetable Consumption in Food Deserts: A Pilot Study to Determine Evaluation Feasibility.

Purpose: In November 2015, Greater Pittsburgh Community Food Bank implemented a pilot phase of the Green Grocer mobile market, a program aimed at improving access to locally sourced fresh foods in low-resource neighborhoods. We conducted an evaluation of this pilot phase.Methods: We conducted baseline surveys of residents in six neighborhoods that received Green Grocer in the pilot phase to understand the food environment, including perceptions of fresh food availability, and another survey of Green Grocer consumers to evaluate their experiences and satisfaction. We measured respondent intake of fruit and vegetable in the terms of days per week and servings per day. We used Poisson regression with cluster-robust standard errors to model the average change in produce consumption pre–post intervention.Results: Residents of select communities observed meaningful improvements in intake. After covariate adjustment, Homewood residents observed an average 13% increase in vegetable intake (days/week) rates post-Green Grocer (p=0.04). Clairton residents also showed marked increases, with an average 20% increase in vegetable intake (servings/day) (p=0.049). After 6 months, declines in produce purchase from discount stores and supercenters were observed alongside increases in procurement from Green Grocer, farmer's markets, gardens, and other sources.Conclusion: Our preliminary work provides support that this mobile market serving under-resourced areas was valued by consumers and showed increases in vegetable consumption in several neighborhoods. When scaled-up, this program had the potential to reduce geographically-based food and health disparities.

Modest ratios of fast food outlets to supermarkets and green grocers are associated with higher body mass index: Longitudinal analysis of a sample of 15,229 Australians aged 45 years and older in the Australian National Liveability Study

Food purchasing decisions are made within the context of the range of options available, yet most epidemiological studies focus upon single outlet types. Ratios of fast food outlets to supermarkets and green grocers were linked to addresses of 15,229 adults in the 45 and Up Study at baseline (2006–2008) and follow-up (2009–2010). Compared to having no fast food outlet but having healthy food outlets within 3.2km from home, multilevel growth curves revealed that relative exposure>25% fast food outlets were associated with 0.36–1.19kg/m2 higher BMI (p<0.05). These associations were consistent as people aged. No associations were observed for food outlets<0.8km.

Community adaptations to an impending food desert in rural Appalachia, USA

The United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) describes a food desert as an urban neighborhood or rural town without ready access to fresh, healthy, and affordable food. An estimated 2.3 million rural Americans live in food deserts. One goal of the USDA is to eliminate food deserts. However, at a time when some food deserts are being eliminated, hundreds of grocery stores are closing, causing other food deserts to arise. The literature is scarce on how a community adapts to an impending food desert. Alderson, West Virginia, USA (population 1184) rallied to face an impending food desert when the only grocery store in town closed in December 2014. This study investigated how this small rural community adapted to its oncoming food desert. A community member survey was administered to 155 Alderson families (49%) to determine how the new food desert affected family food acquisition and storage behaviors. A restaurant survey was given to the town's four restaurants to determine how the food desert affected their businesses. Sales data for a new food hub (Green Grocer) was obtained to see if this new initiative offset the negative effects of the food desert. ANOVA and <i>t</i>-tests were used to compare group numerical data. Two group response rates were compared by testing the equality of two proportions. Categorical data were analyzed with the &#967;2 or frequency distribution analysis. Group averages are reported as mean ± standard error of the mean. Significance for all analyses was set at <i>p</i><0.05. Even though 86% of the population shopped at the new Green Grocer, 77% did most of their shopping at a store at least 17.7 km (11 miles) from home. The number of long-distance monthly shopping trips made after the food desert (3.3±0.4) did not change significantly (<i>p</i>=0.16) from the number before the food desert (2.8±0.3). Price comparisons among the Green Grocer and three distant supermarkets showed a 30% savings by traveling to distant supermarkets. Frequency of monthly restaurant visits did not change after the emergence of the food desert (2.98±0.54 vs 3.05±0.51, <i>p</i>=0.85). However, restaurant patrons requested to buy fresh produce and dairy from the restaurants to use for their own home cooking. Food pantry use increased by 43%, with community members requesting more fresh produce, meat, and dairy. The food desert triggered a 21% increase in home gardening and an 11% increase in home food preservation. Opening a Green Grocer offset only some of the effects of the food desert, because community members use it as a convenience store to purchase fresh produce and dairy products that families may lack before their next long-distance trip to a supermarket. Alderson's low-income residents now rely more heavily on food pantry assistance, while a small number of other residents have started gardening and food preservation. The first factor governing food acquisition behavior in rural Appalachia is food pricing, with the proximity of food access coming in second. How to overcome these two major barriers to food security in the midst of current economics and marketing remains to be answered.

Food environment of fruits and vegetables in the territory of the Health Academy Program

Abstract This study provides a spatial analysis of distribution and access to commercial fruit and vegetable establishments within the territory of a representative sample of public fitness facilities known as the Health Academy Program (HAP) in Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais State, Brazil. The study evaluated commercial food establishments within a buffer area based on a radius of 1,600 meters around each of 18 randomly selected fitness facilities. Quality of access to fruits and vegetables was assessed by the Healthy Food Store Index (HFSI), consisting of the variables availability, variety, and advertising of fruits, vegetables and ultra-processed foods. The analysis was based on calculation of the Kernel intensity estimator, nearest neighbor method, and Ripley K-function. Of the 336 food establishments, 61.3% were green grocers and open-air markets, with a median HFSI of 11 (5 to 16). In only 17% of the territories, the majority of the “hot area” establishments displayed better access to healthy foods, and only three areas showed a clustering pattern. The study showed limited access to commercial establishments supplying healthy fruits and vegetables within the territory of the public fitness program.

Access and affordability of nutritious food in metropolitan Melbourne

AbstractAimThe cost of food is a key determinant of food choice. Little is known about the cost of food in metropolitan areas. The present study aimed to determine access to healthy food across Melbourne, Australia.MethodsA random sample of 22 out of 31 local government areas was selected for inclusion in the study and one census collection district was chosen for analysis. The cost of a healthy food basket and basket of fruits and vegetables was assessed in a sample of supermarkets and green grocers. A ratio of healthy (supermarkets and grocery stores) to unhealthy (fast food and takeaway outlets) food stores was calculated.ResultsThe median cost of a healthy food basket across 68 supermarkets for a family of four was not significantly different across suburbs ($456.27, 20.07). Families in inner city use less of their income on the basket (15%) compared to middle and outer suburbs (19%, P = 0.02 and P = 0.03, respectively). The median price of a sample of fruits and vegetables across 24 green grocers was significantly cheaper than supermarkets (P = 0.01). Accessibility to healthy food decreased significantly between inner (ratio = 3.4), middle (ratio = 2.5) and outer suburbs (ratio = 0.91).ConclusionsThose living in outer suburbs may have poorer access to healthy food. Ensuring more affordable, accessible healthy food is available for those living in outer suburban areas may improve nutrition outcomes.

Is neighbourhood obesogenicity associated with body mass index in women? Application of an obesogenicity index in socioeconomically disadvantaged neighbourhoods

An aggregate index is potentially useful to represent neighbourhood obesogenicity. We created a conceptually-based obesogenicity index and examined its association with body mass index (BMI) among 3786 women (age 18–45y) in socio-economically disadvantaged neighbourhoods in Victoria, Australia. The index included 3 items from each of 3 domains: food resources (supermarkets, green grocers, fast food restaurants), recreational activity resources (gyms, pools, park space), and walkability (4+ leg intersections, neighbourhood walking environment, neighbourhood safety), with a possible range from 0 to 18 reflecting 0–2 for each of the 9 items. Using generalised estimating equations, neighbourhood obesogenicity was not associated with BMI in the overall sample. However, stratified analyses revealed generally positive associations with BMI in urban areas and inverse associations in rural areas (interaction p=0.02). These analyses are a first step towards combining neighbourhood characteristics into an aggregate obesogenicity index that is transparent enough to be adopted elsewhere and to allow examination of the relevance of its specific components in different settings.

A comparison of exercise economy between obese and non-obese 8 to 10-year old children

Background: Obesity is socioeconomically patterned in developed countries, with low socioeconomic position (SEP) individuals at greater risk of being overweight and obese; however, the mechanisms by which this occurs are not well understood. One possibility is that persons of low SEP have less opportunity (e.g., financially) to live in neighbourhoods supportive of exercise and healthy eating, and are consequently more likely to be of unhealthy weight. The present study examined whether the neighbourhood physical environment played an explanatory role in the greater adiposity of less educated women, compared to those with higher educational qualifications. Methods: A cohort of 1819 women from the Melbourne SESAW study provided information regarding their body mass index (BMI) and level of education; objective measures of participants’ home neighbourhood environments were obtained using a Geographic Information System (GIS). Results: Compared to women with high levels of education, women with less education had higher average BMI, which was partially explained by lower density of sports facilities, supermarkets and green grocers, and worse proximity to coastlines and supermarkets among less educated women. In a multiple mediator model, which explained 17.7% of the low-high education difference in BMI, the number of sports facilities and presence of a coastline within 2 km of participants’ homes were both significant mediators of the observed sociodemographic disparity in BMI. Conclusions: These findings indicate that the neighbourhood physical environment may help explain the socioeconomic patterning of overweight and obesity. Specifically, women with low levels of education appear to live in more obesogenic environments with poorer access to places in which to exercise or purchase a wide range of healthy foods, which may foster greater obesity risk. Improving the availability of physical activity and sport facilities in particular should be considered as part of public health initiatives aimed at reducing obesity risk among low SEP women.

A Sketch of My Life

I was born May 22, 1922, at home at 8530 Church Road in St. Louis, Missouri. Was the second child born to my parents, the first one having lived only a few hours. So I was thoroughly welcomed! My aunt and grandparents lived downstairs, and it was a big happy day for all of them (me too probably). I was healthy and feisty. My dad was a green grocer and butcher, and when I was 3 years old, we moved to Chicago, where he owned several meat markets and green grocers too. He kept almost all his money in the bank, and suddenly the banks closed. All his money was lost, except what little he had kept out. I was about 7 then and by this time had a little brother (4 years younger). To make ends meet, my mother made potato salad. My brother and I would take our Coaster Wagon and go across the street to the green grocer there and get potatoes. We would pull the wagon home, and Mom would make the potato salad, and Dad would sell it to hotels. I remember walking to school (there were no school buses and no snow days either), and when it had snowed, the snowbanks were higher than I could see over. I also remember that if I left my doll outside overnight, the moisture from Lake Michigan would have my doll all wet by morning. It was very hard to make a living, though, and my mother's sisters and parents wanted us to come back to St. Louis, where they could take care of us. So we did. Mom sewed for people with a Singer sewing machine. One day a man came by and said he worked for the Singer Company. He convinced her to buy a machine. She had to put $15 down on it. It was a tabletop machine. The top looked like a desk when it was closed (then one could lift the machine out), and it sat on top of the desk part. It had a foot pedal. I heard that machine going all the time. Mom sewed for people and also made our clothes. I watched over my brother and by now a sister, who was 8 years younger than me, to keep them busy and away from the machine. No notices came for a few months about where to send more money. So my mother finally called Singer Company. Singer said they had never heard of the man! He must have stolen the machines or something. So my mother made arrangements to pay Singer directly. I kept the machine after my mother died and just sold it in 2009! I graduated from high school in May 1939. However, while no one knew it at the time, I had gotten married in January 1939. My parents were trying to raise money for an organization, and a dance was held. I went and saw the love of my life immediately, Ralph. Ralph was 11 years older than I. We fell in love, and 3 months later we got married. In those days a person was not allowed to be married while in high school. So we kept it a secret. Ralph had written letters to me, though, and my mother found them, thereby finding out we were married! She was quite startled and angry at first, but then both she and my dad seemed okay with it actually. Then we had a Shiveree. As it was during the Depression, once it was discovered that we were married, we lived in the home of my parents. Ralph was in construction, a millwright. And as the war was building up, we traveled to assist in putting machines into factories. I stayed with my parents much of the time. However, at one point we all moved to Matagorda County, Texas, where I was expecting our third child! But my parents always wanted us to live with them so they could be close to our family. They helped us, and we helped them too. And what did I do? I took care of my family and helped my mom. When the children went into high school, I started working. I had quite a varied career. I worked at Famous Barr, helping to count the merchandise when it came in and made sure that the number of items matched the invoice. I sold opera tickets. I counted Eagle Stamp books to make sure no one cheated! I even got promoted. But after 5 years I decided that I didn't want to spend the rest of my time there, and I quit. …

RING CHARACTERIZATION OF QUALITY INDICES IN BUTTERHEAD LETTUCE CULTIVATED UNDER MULCH AND BARE SOIL

ABSTRACT Butterhead lettuce was characterized by physical, microbiological and nutritional quality indices as a function of plant zoning and soil management (bare soil and mulch). Quality indices were measured in all the rings from the external toward the internal ratio. Assayed indices were: relative water content, water content, free and bound water, and the ratio between free water and total water, leaf area and color, total microbial counts (TMC) and ascorbic acid content (AA). The lettuce characterization by rings showed a remarkable plant zoning as a function of leaf age and development; also, some initial indices were affected by the soil management employed. Plastic mulches affect the microclimate around the plant, resulting in better plant water status. However, the use of black plastic covers could absorb sunlight therefore increasing soil temperature and causing lower AA and higher TMC in lettuce tissue.PRACTICAL APPLICATIONSDuring lettuce development, each leaf had a different level of exposure to environmental conditions, such as light, humidity, nutrients absorption and temperature affecting the quality indices of the raw material and introducing a source of variability in the physico‐chemical, biochemical, nutritional and microbiological indices within the plant. In this way, the location of the leaf within the whole plant is an important factor to be considered. Moreover, during lettuce heads trading, it is a common practice to remove the external leaves as storage advances. These leaves are more perishable than middle and internal ones because of their direct exposure to environmental conditions. Understanding the way in which physical, microbiological and nutritional indices were distributed in the whole lettuce plant could be of interest, to know the value of the losses of regular green grocers' practices, from a nutritional and a safety point of view.

The Physico-Chemical Characteristics and Some Nutritional Values of Vegetable Amaranth Sold in Nairobi-Kenya

Twenty one major supermarkets and ten independent green grocers in the city of Nairobi were surveyed for types of vegetable amaranths sold and their post harvest handling. The nutrient composition of the vegetables was also analyzed. In addition, information on three other traditional leafy vegetables (TLVs) namely, Cleome gynandra, Solanum nigrum, and Vigna unguiculata was obtained. All the vegetables were sold in bundles of average weight 0.45 kg. The edible fraction per bundle averaged 38.9%. Chemical analyses showed that vegetable amaranth had a moisture content of 85.5%, therefore a dry matter content of 14.5%. Expressed on dry matter basis, the mean total ash content was 19.2%, crude protein content 26.1% and the crude fiber content 14.7%. The mean ascorbic acid content was 627 mg/100 g, zinc content 5.5m g/100 g and iron content 18 mg/100 g. The men nitrate content was 732.5 mg/100 g, total oxalates 5830 mg/100 g and soluble oxalates 3650 mg/100 g, while the lead content averaged 1.03 mg/100 g. The study concludes that vegetable amaranth has potential as popular vegetable in the diets of Kenyans to significantly contribute to provision of micronutrients, particularly iron and zinc.

Grower‐Only Farmers' Markets: Public Spaces and Third Places

I N 1970, THE PIKE PLACE MARKET IN SEATTLE WAS A COLLECTION OF run-down buildings in a worn-out corner of downtown. There were always farmers selling produce they had grown and a shopper could find a parking space on the street near the market, unless it was a particularly nice Saturday morning. The market regularly brought together small farmers from the Seattle area and loyal urban customers. There were also fish vendors and green grocers who sold produce they had purchased wholesale, but the heart of the market was the tables where farmers sold the fruit, vegetables, and flowers they had grown. As the sign said (and still says) ‘‘Meet the producer.’’ Developers who saw the potential of a six-acre site on the bluff overlooking Elliot Bay and the waterfront threatened the future of the market. A grassroots organization, ‘‘Friends of the Market,’’ went to work to save the livelihoods of the farmers and the market with its laid back atmosphere (Figure 1). In September 1971, Seattle citizens voted to make the market an historic district, and the market was saved. Today, Pike Place Market is probably more successful financially than ever, but something has been lost. The market has become a tourist destination and the experience is staged for the tourists. Parking is more difficult, and the crowds have become thick. Though there are still tables for farmers, only on Wednesday and Sunday are the local farmers out in force. The market is less a place for the old, regular, Seattle shoppers looking for regional, seasonal food, and easy interaction with growers and other shoppers. It is more a place for out-oftowners to take pictures, buy souvenirs, or have seafood packed as

Energetics of emergence in the cicadas, Cyclochila australasiae and Abricta curvicosta (Homoptera: Cicadidae)

The final moult in cicadas marks a major transition in lifestyle and is a behaviour that makes the cicada vulnerable to predation. Consequently, emergence times are short and, we predict, therefore the rate of energy consumption would be high. Hence, we measured the energetic cost of emergence in Cyclochila australasiae (green grocer) and Abricta curvicosta (floury baker) cicadas during the final moult from nymph to adult cicada. Maximum energy expended whilst emerging was compared between the sexes and species. Even though C. australasiae take longer to emerge than A. curvicosta, the mass-specific cost of emergence is not different between the two species ( C. australasiae: 11.34±2.55 J g −1; A. curvicosta: 12.91±1.90 J g −1). The mass-specific metabolic rates of fully emerged adults of both species are approximately twice those of the nymphs and the maximum metabolic rate during emergence is about 1.5 times higher than the resting metabolic rate of emerged adults. Emergence times, as indicated by rates of oxygen consumption, are longer than expected and probably reflect limitations in the oxygen capacity of the cicadas during moulting.

Developing marketing strategies for green grocers: An application of SERVQUAL

AbstractSuccessful food retailing depends to a significant degree on providing a positive shopping environment for consumers. The SERVQUAL format is one way of gathering information about shoppers' ideal and actual ratings of an outlet's characteristics. Three modifications of the conventional application of the questionnaire are described. Implementation of the methodology is shown to be an effective tool for a retailer to identify strengths and weaknesses with respect to patrons' evaluations of outlet characteristics. Six green grocers were selected to reflect the diversity of outlets in a state, and the survey was conducted in the spring of 2000. Results indicate consumer ratings vary by feature group for ideal, actual, and actual minus ideal subgroup scores. The information can be used to generate better store‐specific strategies to meet consumer expectations. [EconLit citations: C42, Q13.] © 2005 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Agribusiness 21: 81–96, 2005.

Signs of Identity, Signs of Discord: Glottal Goofs and the Green Grocer's Glottal in Debates on Hawaiian Orthography

This article discusses some aspects of the campaign of Hawaiian‐language activists to promote the "correct" spelling of Hawaiian names on public signs in Hawai 'i, as well as to insist on the pronunciation of names according to Hawaiian rather than English norms. The issues of correct spelling and correct pronunciation are intertwined in complex ways with differing oral and literate traditions that exist not just between Hawaiian speakers and speakers of local varieties of English, but also between older and newer norms for writing and speaking Hawaiian.

Comparative study of vegetable intake in Japan and the United Kingdom

According to published sources, the vegetable consumption in Japan and the U.K. between 1965 and 1985 has remained largely steady. However, in the U.K. the consumption of vegetables other than potatoes, has somewhat increased.A questionnaire was designed to determine the attitude to and utilisation of vegetables in both Japan and the U.K. 750 questionnaires were distributed in Greater Tokyo (76.9% returns) and 400 in Leeds, U.K. (66.8% returns). On a hedonic scale (1–5) an almost identical number of respondents in both countries liked vegetables very much (J — 69.8%, U.K. — 70.0%). Approx. 60% of Japanese ate vegetables with every meal, while only 20% of the British did so. Up to 80% of the Japanese felt that they should eat more vegetables, while almost 60% of the British were satisfied with their level of intake. In both countries vegetables were eaten primarily because of taste and nutritional aspects. A significant number of Japanese used them because of colour.In Japan an important source of information on cooking methods was the media, while in U.K. respondents mainly learned from their mothers. In both countries vegetables were most often obtained from supermarket and green grocer. A total of 31 vegetable varieties were mentioned in Tokyo and 29 in Leeds. Cabbage, carrots and potatoes were at the top of both lists. 46.8% of Japanese preferred raw cabbage, while the British preferred it boiled. Further information on seasoning and vegetable combinations is required.

Morison's Pills

<h3>To the Editor.—</h3> May I offer a comment on an illustration that appeared in AMAGRAMS (<b>211</b>:184,1970). The lithograph of "Singular Effects of the Universal Vegetable Pills on a Green Grocer" is by C. J. Grant and was done in 1841. It is one of a series of caricatures on Morison's pills and on the inventor, James Morison, known as "The Hygeist." Morison made a fortune from his pills, a potent cathartic containing aloes, jalap, colocynth, gamboge, rhubarb, and myrrh. Poets saluted him, essayists, including Carlyle, devoted chapters to him, limericks referred to him, and songwriters quoted him. One children's limerick went: There was a young salesman of Leeds Rashly swallowed six packets of seeds When a month came to pass He was covered with grass And he couldn't sit down for the weeds. The first verse of a song entitled "Morison's Pills," with a very catchy melody, goes: "... What