Greek Political Parties Research Articles

Populism in Foreign Policy: Shifting Paradigms in Greek Political Parties

Populism in Foreign Policy: Shifting Paradigms in Greek Political Parties

Commemoration in crisis: A discursive analysis of who 'we' and 'they' have been or become in ceremonial political speeches before and during the Greek financial downturn.

This study analyses the discourse of statements of the leaders of two Greek political parties commemorating the restoration of Greek democracy on 24 July 1974; the ruling party New Democracy and the opposition, Coalition of the Radical Left. We focus on how these leaders act as entrepreneurs of their identities by constructing their ingroups in broad or narrow terms and their outgroups in vague or specific terms. These constructions were ventured during a period of relative political stability (2008) and instability (2012), and we focus on how ingroup prototypes and group boundaries are narrated across Greece's past, present and future in ambiguous or concrete terms. The study aligns the social identity approach to political leadership with studies on political discourse and 'the rhetoric of we'. We view commemorative statements as historical charters and respond to calls for discourse analysis to take greater account of historical context. The findings suggest concrete hypotheses about how leaders with different amounts of political support might define, as identity entrepreneurs, who 'we' are, and who 'we' are not in democratic contexts marked by stability or crisis.

Fear of Islam in Greece: migration, terrorism, and “ghosts” from the past

The article explores the “fear of Islam” through a specific series of political debates about Islam and the future of the Greek-Orthodox national identity. The analysis is based on the method of qualitative content analysis, which makes use of thematic categories and draws on the proceedings of the Greek parliament. The main questions the article will try to address are: How have Greek political parties reacted to public demand for the construction of a mosque? What have been the rhetorical tropes they use? How have they capitalized on current and old fears about Islam? What have been the implications of this discourse on state policies toward Islam? Have there been any differences in this discourse over time? The analysis highlights the role of historical interpretations of Greek national identity and contemporary problems related to new waves of migration due to Greece's place on the border with Turkey and with the broader Islamic world.

Expressions of Euroscepticism in Political Parties of Greece

Eimantas Kocanas ‘Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece’, Master’s Thesis. Paper supervisor Prof. Doc. Mindaugas Jurkynas, Kaunas Vytautas Magnus University, Department of Diplomacy and Political Sciences. Faculty of Political Sciences. Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it’s imperative to constantly analyze and research the Eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing Eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of Eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism; is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism. At the end of this paper, based on conducted analysis, it was concluded that: 1). European integration is viewed differently between Greek political parties. Soft Eurosceptic parties agree with the principal of European integration, but later differ on how they view current and future integration. Hard Eurosceptic parties tend to disapprove of European integration ideals or to view them through a prism of party ideology; 2) Based on how a party views European integration in past, present and future sense, it determines what level of Euroscepticism it expresses and what level of Eurosceptic attitude is present within a party when dealing with European issues; 3). Dependent from which source of Euroscepticism (strategic or ideological) party expresses anti-EU behavior, it affects party application of Euroscepticism towards EU; 4). Even parties that are considered to be pro-EU reside small levels of Eurosceptic behavior within themselves, which is caused by party ideology coming into conflict with elements of European integration such as power balance of member states or levels of democracy in the union; 5). Soft Euroscepticism dominates Greek political parties. Hard Euroscepticism is present only in strongly ideological (radical) political parties. Greek party polity combines within itself various types and variations of Euroscepticism, each different from each other and yet at the same time having similar roots. This shows that Euroscepticism is not a single entity, having only one form or expression, each unique in how it is applied and assimilated.

Coalition oversight and blame avoidance in Greece

This article examines the behavior of Greek political parties before, as well as during, the recent austerity period. Drawing on coalition oversight and blame avoidance literature, it argues that the unpopularity of austerity governments leads to extreme levels of dissent within the coalition. I operationalize this ‘intra-coalition opposition’ behavior using parliamentary questions, a legislative institution that has not been studied in the context of coalition politics. The analysis demonstrates that junior members in unpopular austerity governments increase their use of parliamentary questions to a degree that matches or even exceeds the formal opposition. However, intra-coalition dissent is conditional on the type of unpopular government policies, and on the ideology of coalition members. Specifically, using a new method of text analysis, I show that while the socialist Panhellenic Socialist Movement uses its parliamentary questions to avoid or minimize the blame associated with austerity policies, the conservative New Democracy does not, because left-leaning parties are electorally vulnerable to austerity measures. The results have implications for studying dissent in coalition politics in general, and the politics of austerity in particular.

Politicians, political parties' funding in Greece and anti-money laundering regulatory framework

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine politically exposed persons and major Greek political parties' funding sources as well as the anti-money laundering regulatory framework for political parties' funding sources. Design/methodology/approach – This paper aimed at investigating data about Greek political parties' funding by identifying new problems and developing solutions. Findings – The main findings are that Greek political parties' major sources of revenues are public subsidies and bank loans. Also, data show that two major Greek political parties cannot easily repay their bank loans (especially PASOK) and must renegotiate terms with banks and must agree for a new, long-term and lower payment schedule at a lower interest rate. Extending the period of repayment is necessary for viability of debts, and banks will protect themselves against default and total losses of about 253.1 million euros from the two major political parties. Public subsidies are the only collateral that Greek political parties offer to banks. Practical implications – As a result of research, structural changes are necessary to immediately be made in order to cope with politically exposed persons and political parties' corruption and funding in Greece, especially during the current fiscal crises. Greek political parties need to raise funds from other sources than only public subsidies. Anti-Money Laundering Regulatory Framework have to stop conduit contributions and force banks to apply Know Your Client Principle for donors. Also, to include on Suspicious Activity Report a checkbox of “Political Finance Violations”. Establishing a code of conduct informing employees of the risks and subsequences of political corruption, creating a culture of honesty and high ethics and implementing Controlled Foreign Corporation legislation to cope with corruption in political parties' funding can help to recover ill-gotten assets. Finally, implementing Business Principles for Countering Bribery and UK Bribery Act will increase transparency in funding of Greek political parties. Originality/value – The paper examines corruption and funding sources of Greek political parties, especially during the period 2009-2011, suggesting policy measures to deter and detect money laundering and illegal funding to politically exposed persons and political parties. Findings offer important measures for political analysts, government and society as a whole. A stable political system is prerequisite for a healthy society and for economic growth.

Greece Political Crisis: New Parties and Old Ideas

The article deals with the programs of Greek political parties and key results of snap elections in May and June 2012. The main questions are: will the austerity policy, implemented since 2010, continue, what is in store for Greece, if further reforms become politically unacceptable, and what are the chances that the Greek political crisis spreads to other South European states. The author concludes, that neither Greek nor EU decision-makers can propose effective program to establish economic growth. In these circumstances we see the rise if radical and populist political parties. If other European countries face the same economic problems, their political landscapes can undergo significant changes.

What Can Greece Learn from the Crisis so Far?

The debate over how Greece has reached this point has been going on for many months. The question, as expected, has been and continues to be the subject of political conflict between Greek political parties, mainly between New Democracy, which was in charge of the country until the national elections on 4 October 2009, and PASOK, which took power immediately afterwards. Overall consideration of the data shows that the country could have avoided appealing to the Support Mechanism if measures to reduce the deficit had been taken in time. This, unfortunately, did not happen, due to a series of failures, omissions and mistakes by the PASOK government, but also due to the strategic political choice of the then government, during the last quarter of the year, to ‘inflate’ the deficit. The Greek economy has certainly displayed serious and lasting structural problems, such as limited competitiveness, a large public debt, corruption, the presence of multiple conflicting laws, an inept public sector and extensive state intervention in the economy. All the governments of the last 30 years are responsible for these weaknesses; they did not dare to promote the appropriate reforms in time. The New Democracy government, in which I participated, also bears some responsibility, of course, because it hesitated when applying the radical structural changes required to rationalise the Greek economy. Given the consequences of the financial and credit crisis that began in 2008, almost all EU countries presented a high deficit and debt in 2009. Characteristically, in that period, the majority of European governments failed to accurately forecast deficit levels. For example, in the Stability Programme submitted in early 2009, the Netherlands forecast a surplus of 1.2 % of GDP, while ultimately reaching a deficit of 5.4 %. Malta forecast a deficit of 1.5 %, but ultimately reached 3.8 %.

The public debate on a quality assurance system for Greek universities

Over the last 10 years, the regular functioning of Greek universities has been disrupted several times due to various reforming governmental efforts by major Greek political parties. Actors inside (academics, students) and outside (policy-makers and analysts, experts, journalists) university resist the implementation of certain European education policies, such as the establishment of a quality assurance mechanism, at a national level. In order to analyse this resistance the advocacy coalition theoretical framework, developed by Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith, is used. Therefore, Greek universities are considered as a policy subsystem where actors, inside or outside universities, form coalition networks that share policy core beliefs and values, engaging in coordinated action in order to translate these into public policy. The beliefs of the key actors presented here are derived mainly through semi-structured interviews but also through the analysis of the parliamentary proceedings, articles published in scientific magazines and the press and specialised material posted on the internet. This article investigates and analyses the intense process that led to a policy change in the subsystem with the establishment and implementation of an institutionalised quality assurance system.

Political marketing in the Greek context: does market orientation exist?

The purpose of this paper is twofold: (1) to investigate whether and to what extent the two major parties in Greece, ND and PASOK, are market-oriented, and (2) to examine how effectively the two existing political market orientation models can explain the Greek reality. These models, Market-Oriented Party (MOP) and Political Market Orientation (PMO) combined with the concept of Strategic Political Postures (SPPs), form the theoretical underpinnings of the paper. The author followed an explanatory case study approach to examine the two major Greek political parties. The case study evidence indicated that both Greek parties of government used elements of market orientation. However, they cannot be characterised as fully market-oriented, since they focused almost exclusively on short-term voter desires and failed to fulfil their pre-election promises. The paper concludes that the two models of market orientation may partially explain the Greek case.

New Policies, Old Politics: American Concepts of Reform in Marshall Plan Greece

Commencing postwar reconstruction and achieving military victory over the communist Democratic Army of Greece (Δημοκρατικός Στρατός Ελλάδας—DSE), while, at the same time, maintaining democracy were the two key goals of the Marshall Plan in Greece until 1949. The schedule of political and economic reform became extremely tight in 1950-1951 when the Korean War transformed the nature of the Plan. American aid precipitated the decline of traditional Greek political parties in favor of new center-right and center-left forces that espoused the emerging Western European consensus model of the welfare state, one that opposed both communism and authoritarianism. American intervention was instrumental in curbing authoritarian tendencies, depoliticizing the Greek monarchy, and immunizing the army against political interference. The Marshall Planners also showed Greeks how to alter the environment in which economic policy was made: to restore financial stability, dismantle inefficient bureaucracies, open up to foreign trade, mobilize labor movements to boost productivity, support supranational processes, and, most importantly, prepare to live with less and less American assistance.

Online political marketing in Greece: An evaluation of the 2007 national elections and two case studies

This paper presents findings on the use of Web sites as a political marketing tool in the context of the 2007 Greek national elections. The questions guiding this research are how popular were online campaigns in terms of candidate use of Web sites and which trust and credibility-building Web site design cues were leveraged by candidates. This study also explored differences in online campaign practices both between Greek political parties and between the 2007 national Greek elections and the 2002 federal US elections. The entire population of Greek candidates’ Web sites ( n = 373) was reviewed and evaluated against a framework that consisted of 58 Web site design features reflecting the potential of Web technologies for political marketing. Results indicate that only 18% of Greek candidates had a Web presence in 2007, and on average these online campaigns were quite limited in their implementations of practices such as volunteer recruitment, fundraising, and Web-exclusive activities. On average, these implementations led in certain areas, but more interestingly lagged the US in online political marketing activities such as the provision of electronic paraphernalia, a campaign calendar, a privacy policy, issues statements, and endorsements. Twenty-four Web site design features are recommended for candidates to remain at par within the online political marketing scene in Greece. Findings are complemented by two case studies of Web sites that demonstrate mature use of Web technologies in online political campaigning.

The Changing Party System: Stable Democracy, Contested ‘Modernisation’

Greek political parties have proved their ability to survive and to overcome political crises. The performance of the party system during the last 30 years confirms the argument that the third Greek Republic is a consolidated democratic regime and leads to a general consensus about the viability of democracy. However, there is no agreement about the quality of democracy, the nature of the party system, its specific characteristics and the political – ideological as well as the analytical – classification of the political parties. Moreover, the analytical tools and the theoretical schemes employed in the study of Greek politics vary, thus providing the basis for a discussion with both theoretical and practical implications. The following pages seek to pinpoint the major issues in the study of Greek party politics and to assess the usefulness of the concepts and the validity of the arguments developed during the last 30 years. The aim is twofold: first to reassess the concepts and ideas that have dominated the study of modern Greek politics and second to present the cultural and political context within which political parties operate and to discuss the possible future developments. Thus, we may be able to reach some tentative conclusions about the party system, which, as most party systems, undergoes significant change, yet retains remarkable continuity.