Greek Party Research Articles

The institutional logics of love: the order of passion in an intimate field

AbstractWe use Multiple Correspondence Analysis to capture the institutional logics of love and intimacy among a random sample of American university students. Comparing the theoretical assumptions of field theory and the institutional logics approach we explore whether institutional logics of intimacy exist, what kinds of practices are gathered in these logics, and whether these institutional logics are shaped by the actors’ field capitals, viz. gender and social class. Using survey data collected from a random sample of 1315 students from a large Pacific university (PU) we find that institutional logics of intimacy come in multiple forms: abstinence, loving sex and hookup sex, each characterized by its specific doings, feelings, and sayings. Our analyses further suggest that the logics of intimate practice have their own internal order, or grammar, which is only weakly conditioned by persons’ class or gender positions in the social structure. Although the perduring logics of intimacy are largely autonomous from persons’ positions in the field, the effects we do find largely echo Armstrong and Hamilton’s account of college life as a class project of young privileged women whose social networks formed through the Greek party scene (Armstrong and Hamilton in Paying for the Party. How College Maintains Inequality, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 2013). Constellations of meaningful practice, not distributions of capitals among persons, overwhelmingly organize the pathways of practice.

Navigating the Risks of Party Rape in Historically White Greek Life at an Elite College: Women’s Accounts

Landmark research from before the 2010s shows that college women rarely held institutions responsible for allowing rape-prone party contexts to persist and failing to support survivors. Yet the college landscape has changed profoundly since these studies were published, with prominent anti-rape campaigns and new guidelines to Title IX policy. To update a research stream that has provided the basis for theorizing about sexual violence in college peer cultures, we examine 121 intensive interviews with 68 women who are at heightened risk of party rape because of their involvement in historically White sororities. Several key findings emerged. First, women were highly invested in the Greek party circuit. Second, participants blamed institutions for failing to do more to keep them safe. Reflecting their focus on institutions, women also proposed that institutional authorities change their policies so sororities could move parties out of fraternity houses and into sorority houses. Third, women took on the labor of trying to protect themselves and other women at parties by designating monitors. However, they reported that with this system, other women could be deemed responsible, not for being assaulted but for failing to prevent rape. Finally, women found ways to identify and exclude men they deemed “rapey” from Greek gatherings. However, boycotting an entire fraternity was more controversial and harder to sustain. Overall, women’s preferred prevention strategies reflect a strong desire to avoid disturbing the Greek party scene. Implications for research and policy on gender and sexual violence prevention in higher education are discussed.

Anti-Establishment Parties in Government

Abstract Anti-establishment parties with either a left-wing or a right-wing ideological slant have been entering contemporary European Democracies with sizeable vote shares. During the Great Recession, the Greek party system could be perceived as a relevant case-study for the formation and breakthrough of anti-establishment parties. Given the fact that two deeply ideologically diverging anti-establishment parties, the Coalition of the Radical Left – Social Unionist Front (syriza) and the populist radical right-wing Independent Greeks (anel), came to power, forming a coalition government from early 2015 to January 2019, the primary goal of this article is to enquire into ‘supply-side’ parameters, exploring potential associations along a range of programmatic stances and policy dimensions that effectuated the syriza-anel alliance. Using the Comparative Manifesto Project and the Chapel Hill Expert Survey datasets from 2012 to 2017, our findings confirm beyond the expected programmatic differences the existence of a converging policymaking basis between syriza and anel which goes beyond the ‘pro-Memorandum vs. anti-Memorandum’ divide.

Крах и возрождение двухпартийной системы в Греции

The article examines the Greek party system under the Third Republic and identifies the key trends in its development during the years of the “great recession” (2008–2016) and the subsequent post-crisis recovery. Economic and social cataclysms led to the political fragmentation, the decline of the once largest party PASOK, the rise of radical parties, both left and right wing. However, the period of political chaos was short-lived. As a result, Greece has come to a quasi-two-party system, similar to the one that functioned in the pre-crisis decades. The return to normalcy was partly caused by the failure of the anti-European agenda, which brought SYRIZA and Independent Greeks to power in 2015 on the crest of a populist wave. But there were other reasons. First, the revitalization of the bipartisan system was facilitated by a reinforced proportional electoral system, which gave 50 bonus seats to the leading party. Second, political competition is constrained by the conservatism of Greek society, its weak susceptibility to new ideas (liberal, «green», regionalist, etc.). Third, bipartisanship is cemented by widespread clientelistic ties between the largest parties and voters who receive public sector jobs and other benefits in exchange for their loyalty. Fourth, the lion’s share of media resources is concentrated in the hands of a small number of media moguls associated with the leading parties, and citizens receive rather scant information about smaller political actors. These factors contribute to political stability, but at the same time they limit political competition, which poses serious risks for the country.

Predictors of breath alcohol concentrations in college parties

BackgroundAlcohol use and subsequent consequences are harmful for individual college students. Other students and the university can also be negatively impacted by the consequences of alcohol use.MethodA field-based study was used to assess the alcohol use environment at college parties. Researchers replicated a previous study by driving and walking a route to identify parties primarily on Thursday, Friday, and Saturday evenings between 9:00 PM and 1:00 AM across an academic year. Parties were randomly sampled. Hosts were asked for permission to enter the party at each sampled location. A census of partygoers was attempted at each party. Participants were asked to complete a brief survey and give a breath sample. All participants were recruited into a follow-up survey. Bivariate and multivariate analyses of individual-level and party-level factors associated with intoxication are presented.ResultsThe research team identified 29 parties: 16 were approached, and 12 were surveyed. Overall, 112 participants were surveyed for a response rate of approximately 28.7% of partygoers. Controlling for demographic characteristics, consumption of shots of liquor/spirits was significantly associated with a five times greater risk for intoxication. Notably, drinking games were protective of breath alcohol concentration (BrAC) risk in this model. Individuals who reported engaging in drinking games were 74% less likely to report a BrAC above the U.S. legal limit, while controlling for underage drinking in the model. Several party characteristics were identified that increased overall BrAC at the parties, including whether the party was themed, if it was a Greek life party, and whether there were illicit drugs present. Notably, when intoxication is examined by gender and party theme, women are significantly more likely to be intoxicated at themed parties: 75% were above 0.08 at themed parties compared to 35% above 0.08 at non-themed parties.ConclusionsField-based data collection methods can, and should, be modified to conduct needs assessment and evaluation of prevention programs on college campuses. The findings on this campus were different than the originally sampled campus. Prevention programs should target unique risks identified on each campus, and to respond to problematic party behaviors with comprehensive programming rather than policy-level bans.

Politics in the depressed republic: Transformation and continuity in Greece during the crisis

Abstract This article offers an examination of the transformations and continuities that marked political life in Greece after the onset of the economic crisis in 2009. By providing accounts of Greek politics before and after the start of the crisis, the article attempts to detect patterns of transition to a new political landscape. Different sections of the article focus on patterns of change and continuity in the Greek party system, as well as in the domains of electoral behaviour, political culture, political participation and mobilization. Finally, the article hazards a preliminary assessment of the long-term political consequences of the crisis on the Greek political system.

Expressions of Euroscepticism in Political Parties of Greece

Eimantas Kocanas ‘Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece’, Master’s Thesis. Paper supervisor Prof. Doc. Mindaugas Jurkynas, Kaunas Vytautas Magnus University, Department of Diplomacy and Political Sciences. Faculty of Political Sciences. Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it’s imperative to constantly analyze and research the Eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing Eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of Eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism; is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism. At the end of this paper, based on conducted analysis, it was concluded that: 1). European integration is viewed differently between Greek political parties. Soft Eurosceptic parties agree with the principal of European integration, but later differ on how they view current and future integration. Hard Eurosceptic parties tend to disapprove of European integration ideals or to view them through a prism of party ideology; 2) Based on how a party views European integration in past, present and future sense, it determines what level of Euroscepticism it expresses and what level of Eurosceptic attitude is present within a party when dealing with European issues; 3). Dependent from which source of Euroscepticism (strategic or ideological) party expresses anti-EU behavior, it affects party application of Euroscepticism towards EU; 4). Even parties that are considered to be pro-EU reside small levels of Eurosceptic behavior within themselves, which is caused by party ideology coming into conflict with elements of European integration such as power balance of member states or levels of democracy in the union; 5). Soft Euroscepticism dominates Greek political parties. Hard Euroscepticism is present only in strongly ideological (radical) political parties. Greek party polity combines within itself various types and variations of Euroscepticism, each different from each other and yet at the same time having similar roots. This shows that Euroscepticism is not a single entity, having only one form or expression, each unique in how it is applied and assimilated.

The Change of Greek Party Systems and the Rise, Characteristics and Prospect of SYRIZA, post-2012 General Election

The Change of Greek Party Systems and the Rise, Characteristics and Prospect of SYRIZA, post-2012 General Election

The January 2015 Parliamentary Election in Greece: Government Change, Partial Punishment and Hesitant Stabilisation

In January 2015 an early parliamentary election was held in Greece, amidst harsh economic conditions and the saliency of the issue of Greece’s relations with the European Union. The election, won by the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA), marked a popular will for a total change of the governing paradigm and economic policies and, at the same time, confirmed that in countries that face economic crisis and have signed bail-out agreements entailing harsh austerity measures, government parties are sooner or later punished by the electorate, albeit in different degrees. In terms of systemic trends, the January 2015 election confirmed for the Greek party system an unstable process of acquiring a new shape.

National Political Parties and EU Policy Developments: The Case of Greece Prior to the Crisis

Greece’s membership in the European Union (EU) and EU policies became key issues in the elections that took place during economic crisis, namely the May and June 2012 legislative and the May 2014 European elections. As the crisis was, and continues to be, an extraordinary period for both Greece and the EU as a whole, the key question concerns whether, due to their ongoing impact on national legislation, EU policy developments have affected national party positions during normal times of integration. However, we know little about Greek party preferences for EU involvement in policy-making and whether EU policy developments affected party competition before the crisis. The present article thus studies party positioning in the policy space during the decades prior to the crisis (1993–2006) using an original survey inquiring Greek party politicians about the crucial policy areas of agriculture and migration, as well as foreign and security affairs. The study reveals differences across Greek parties as well as within parties over time and discusses these findings in the context of the broader debate of party (organizational and policy) change in response to European integration. Besides contributing to this scholarly debate—a literature where, thus far, the Greek case is largely absent—this study enhances our understanding of Europeanization effects on Greek party politics.

Dealignment, De-legitimation and the Implosion of the Two-Party System in Greece: The Earthquake Election of 6 May 2012

This article examines the political effects of the global economic recession on Greece in the period from 2010 up to the last weeks of the campaign period for the national elections of 6 May 2012. Our objectives are threefold. First we seek to contextualize its impact and show how the Greek party system departed from the nearly three decades of stability after 2009 and entered a period electoral fluidity and dealignment. Second we identify the demographic and structural characteristics of that dealignment process. Finally we interpret and compare the effect of the economic crisis and other issues on vote choice in the 2012 general election.

The Collapse and Transformation of the Greek Party System

The Collapse and Transformation of the Greek Party System

The Greek Green voter: environmentalism or protest?

The results achieved by the Ecologists-Greens (EG) between 2007 and 2009 represented the strongest ever electoral performance of any Greek ecological party. Was the rapid electoral rise of the Greek Green party a product of growing public concern about the environment after the destructive 2007 forest fires, or the result of a partisan dealignment in the Greek political system? A quantitative analysis of the demographic, behavioural, and attitudinal dimensions of the Green vote demonstrates that while environmental concerns played a role in the EG's performance, so too did discontent with the programmes of the traditional forces of the three-pole political system. This left the EG vulnerable to the polarisation of political forces in the second election of 2012.

Sinistra e destra in Grecia dal XX al XXI secolo

Left and Right in Greece from the 20th into the 21st century The article explores the evolution of left/right division in Greece, drawing upon macro sociological theories regarding social and political cleavages. It analyses the major historical divisions that have given meaning to the left/right dichotomy and have structured Greek party system over a century. Among a series of wars, civil quarrels, economical and political crises, which have taken place throughout the Twentieth century, two civil conflicts have marked political rivalries and configured political identities: the National Schism (1915-1917) and the Civil War (1943-1949). They have established a three-camp party system, which had endured until the 1967-1974 military dictatorship. The democratization of the country and the liberalization of political institutions in the post-junta era gave birth to new coalitions and political formations, which established a two-party system on the basis of right/anti-right dichotomy. The outbreak of economic crisis in 2010 and the austerity measures that came as a consequence have divided society and politics in two camps: the advocates and opponents of the Memorandum. The political stances regarding the management of the crisis has magnified the significance of pro/anti-memorandum cleavage and, thus, weakened the importance of the left/right division.

Knowing Where They're Going: Destination‐Specific Pregaming Behaviors in a Multiethnic Sample of College Students

To examine how legal age status, gender, and self-reported reasons for pregaming are linked to pregaming for two common drinking contexts: a bar and a Greek party. Participants who reported pregaming at least once a month (n = 2888 students aged 18-25 years) were recruited from 30 colleges/universities across the United States. Many students pregame for social reasons regardless of pregaming destination. Multivariate analyses indicated that legal age students were more likely than underage students to pregame before going to a bar, whereas the opposite was true with respect to pregaming for a Greek party. Women were more likely than men to pregame before going to a bar or a Greek party, whereas men reported higher levels of consumption while pregaming for these destinations compared with women. The present findings suggest areas for targeted intervention efforts and promising avenues for research on context-specific pregaming behaviors among college students.

Winning by Default: The Greek Election of 2009

Despite its landslide in the 2009 national election, the victory of the Panhellenic Socialist Movemen (PASOK) was not so much the outcome of its own electoral ascendancy as a result of the precipitous fall of New Democracy (ND). That election, moreover, signified the stagnation of the Greek party system, which has become manifest particularly in three areas: the lack of enthusiasm for PASOK's new government; the great difficulty of ND in modernising its party structure and ideology; and the persistence of two-partyism.

A unified framework for political parties to support e-democracy practices: the case of a Greek party

E-government and e-democracy constitute a central theme in information society policy at all levels: local, regional, national, European and even globally. To this direction, a variety of efforts have been made, and many systems have been developed. This paper proposes a methodology for designing and implementing web-based services that can support e-democracy practices. Furthermore, the paper presents and describes the effort made by a Greek political party to this direction, for the design and development of a unified framework for providing, supporting and managing e-democracy services. The paper describes the actions taken and the work done according to the proposed methodology.

Trading On Heterosexuality

In this study, the author uses ethnographic and interview data from a women's floor in a university residence hall to examine how some heterosexual women's gender strategies contribute to their homophobia. The author describes a prevailing heterosexual erotic market on campus—the Greek party scene—and the status hierarchy linked to it. Within this hierarchy, heterosexual women assign lesbians low rank because of their assumed disinterest in the erotic market and perceived inability to acquire men's erotic attention. Active partiers invest more in this social world and prefer higher levels of social distance from lesbians than do others. These women also engage in same-sex eroticism primarily designated for a male audience. They define their behaviors as heterosexual, reducing the spaces in which lesbians can be comfortable. Finally, the author concludes by discussing the unique nature of women's homophobia and the links between sexism and heterosexism.

Party Change in Greece and the Vanguard Role of PASOK

The article focuses on the role played by the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) in modernizing the Greek party system. After a short reference to the party's history and development, the focus turns to the 1995–2005 period, when the party governed for three consecutive terms. It is argued that PASOK underwent some key changes in its values and programme as it abandoned its pro-state values, its reservations towards the market and its visionary political rhetoric. At the same time, drastic transformations occurred in party organization, whose mass structure was undermined, and the party's style of political communication, which became increasingly based on television and media experts. The analysis concludes that these developments are at the heart of the party's serious challenges following its defeat in the 2004 election.

The Changing Party System: Stable Democracy, Contested ‘Modernisation’

Greek political parties have proved their ability to survive and to overcome political crises. The performance of the party system during the last 30 years confirms the argument that the third Greek Republic is a consolidated democratic regime and leads to a general consensus about the viability of democracy. However, there is no agreement about the quality of democracy, the nature of the party system, its specific characteristics and the political – ideological as well as the analytical – classification of the political parties. Moreover, the analytical tools and the theoretical schemes employed in the study of Greek politics vary, thus providing the basis for a discussion with both theoretical and practical implications. The following pages seek to pinpoint the major issues in the study of Greek party politics and to assess the usefulness of the concepts and the validity of the arguments developed during the last 30 years. The aim is twofold: first to reassess the concepts and ideas that have dominated the study of modern Greek politics and second to present the cultural and political context within which political parties operate and to discuss the possible future developments. Thus, we may be able to reach some tentative conclusions about the party system, which, as most party systems, undergoes significant change, yet retains remarkable continuity.