Grassroots History Research Articles

한국 독립 다큐멘터리 영화의 역사의식 제4단계에 대한 고찰 －사회갈등과 통합의 역학관계를 중심으로

This paper aims to redefine Korean independent documentary films as historical documentaries and explore their historical consciousness. To achieve this, Agnes Heller’s theory of historical consciousness stages was applied, and various independent documentary works were analyzed, classified by era, theme, and style, to meticulously delineate the historical consciousness of Korean independent documentary films into four stages. In the first stage, ‘General History’was transformed into ‘People’s History’, while the second stage reexamined ‘Grassroots History.’The significance of ‘Reflective Self and Historical Interpretation’was sought in the third stage, and the meaning of ‘Historical Participation and Action from Below’was found in the fourth stage. Through this process, the identity of Korean independent documentary films was further expanded into historical documentaries, laying the groundwork for diverse historical discussions. Consequently, Korean independent documentary films now offer opportunities for deeper understanding and exploration of historical aspects.

KHOYA: Jewish Morocco Sound Archive: Sounds, Voices, Memories, and Cognitive Rupture

ABSTRACT KHOYA: Jewish Morocco Sound Archive is a pioneering project to repatriate, digitize, record, and classify the remaining sonic memory of Morocco's dwindling Jewish community. This article probes into the necessary sociological cognitive rupture that either allows or disallows the formation of archival repositories of minority memory. Stemming from interventions since the eighteenth century, Morocco's Jewish archives have mainly been kept in the diaspora by Jewish communities and higher education institutions. Contextualizing them within the long durée of Jewish presence in Morocco, this article develops the challenges posed by efforts toward establishing centralized digital archival repositories of the Jewish minority within Morocco itself. This case study proposes a shift into crowdsourced archiving, thus allowing for the alternate grassroots history of Morocco to be maintained and told by intersectional minority actors themselves, while simultaneously engaging with the sonic role, gender, and memory of nonhegemonic and grassroots members of this minority community until today with the formation of an other-archives.

The Public Defender Movement in the Age of Mass Incarceration: Georgia’s Experience

Focusing on the efforts of the Southern Center for Human Rights, this article offers a grassroots history of the creation of the first statewide public defender in the State of Georgia in 2003. Whereas federal court litigation to improve indigent defense failed to achieve lasting reform, a shift in tactics toward “rebellious localism,” characterized by state court lawsuits against county and city officials, succeeded in prodding lawmakers to create a new framework for delivering legal services to indigent defendants. This model of legal change was effective in documenting structural flaws and creating momentum for reform. Yet other conditions—such as front-end criminal law policies and funding decisions—continued to shape the actual quality of representation received by poor people.

Precarious Writings

Scholarly debates over precarity are gaining unprecedented visibility across fields. From labor insecurity forming a growing dangerous class to the existential condition of vulnerability induced by millennial capitalism, precarity has become an object of both empirical study and theoretical reflection. While European social movements have been organizing and writing about precarity from the late 1970s to today, still, from the US perspective, the term precarity might be mistakenly taken as strictly a scholarly invention. “Precarious Writings” offers an important corrective to the ways that precarity has been taken up in anthropology and cognate disciplines, addressing the specific epistemological and political limitations of existing usages and returning the concept to its overlooked grassroots history in social movement struggles in southern Europe. By returning precarity to these activist roots, this paper makes the case for the recognition of social movements as knowledge producers as well as sources of theoretical insight and innovation in their own right. By failing to recognize precarity’s development within contentious struggles, scholarly uses miss how the activist notion enables identity reformulations toward a kind of “precarity pride.” That is, the politicization of insecurity has become a source for nurturing a fluid space of political creation.

Motown: The Sound of Young America by Adam White and Barney Ales

Reviewed by: Motown: The Sound of Young America by Adam White and Barney Ales Suzanne E. Smith Adam White with Barney Ales. Motown: The Sound of Young America. London: Thames and Hudson Ltd., 2019. Pp. 400. Illustrations. Softcover: $39.95. When I published Dancing in the Street: Motown and the Cultural Politics of Detroit a little over twenty years ago, I was motivated to challenge the dominant narrative about why the record company and its music were historic. Both popular music scholars and journalists regularly argued that the "Motown Sound" was historic because of its crossover appeal to White audiences. Most importantly, arguments emphasizing Motown's [End Page 162] success across the color line contended that the company's music was an important agent of cultural integration during the contentious, and often violent, civil rights era. The argument, in other words, worked to tie Motown's larger significance primarily to the reception of White audiences and then insert the record label into a triumphant story of the victorious civil rights movement. These assertions frustrated me on two levels. First, they largely, if not completely, ignored what the record label and its music meant to the Black community that produced it. Secondly, they perpetuated the illusion that when White audiences embrace "Black" music, they supposedly are more willing to support the civil rights and equality of African American people. My goal, put simply, was to tell the grassroots history of Detroit's Black community and its long-standing fight for equality and to understand that Motown—its executives, performers, and music—always navigated, but never transcended, these racial struggles no matter how successful the company became. Given this background, I bring a particular perspective, and perhaps bias, to any new books on Motown that seek to offer fresh insight on the company's history. In the case of Motown: The Sound of Young America, author Adam White presents an intriguing, but ultimately odd and largely unsatisfying, book that combines a coffee-table-style tome offering "over 1,000 illustrations" with a lengthy and often granularly detailed biography of Barney Ales, the record label's national sales and promotion director. Berry Gordy Jr. hired Ales, Motown's first White executive, in 1960 in a strategic move to facilitate crossover sales. Ales embraced the task, which involved shrewd negotiating with White-owned record distributors and radio station owners who were unwilling to do business directly with African Americans. As the legend goes, Ales's identity as a White executive was the linchpin in the story of Motown's phenomenal crossover success. To be clear, I respect Ales's pivotal role in bringing Motown's music to wider and whiter audiences. He is a worthy subject for a biography and much of White's efforts to explain Ales's contributions to the record label offer meaningful behind-the-scenes history not only of the man, but of the ins and outs of record promotion in the 1960s. In addition, White devotes considerable time depicting Ales's professional relationship and friendship with Berry Gordy Jr., which was the only interracial partnership in the music business in this era in which the African American involved was the boss. Ales's active participation in the writing of the book (he is given partial authorship credit) leaves questions, however, about how much of this story is skewed by his effort to gloss over more problematic aspects of his career, including his long-speculated connections to organized crime. [End Page 163] In the end, the juxtaposition of White's exhaustive account of Ales's career with the hefty coffee-table photo album of literally hundreds of images of Motown artists creates a reading experience that is both disorienting and troubling. Put simply, the volume constructs a history of the record label in which Ales's voice is valorized and African American bodies are fetishized. The resurgence of the Black Lives Matter movement in 2020 sparked a new reckoning in American society about race, popular culture, and consumption. One prominent example was the recent decision by Quaker Oats to—finally—retire the Aunt Jemima brand after over 130 years. In the case of Motown, I am wary of books like...

Lisa A. Kirschenbaum. International Communism and the Spanish Civil War: Solidarity and Suspicion.

With the opening of Soviet-era and Spanish Civil War archives, quite a few studies of Soviet-Spanish relations in the 1930s have recently appeared. Many focus on politically contentious issues, such as the extent and intention of Soviet influence. Lisa A. Kirschenbaum’s International Communism and the Spanish Civil War: Solidarity and Suspicion is a refreshing contribution to this growing body of scholarly literature. It focuses on the “everyday lives of international communists” (2) and promises to offer “a grassroots history of international communism” (2) as it played out in the Spanish Civil War. Throughout, she stresses that the civil war was a “personal and political point of reference” (9) for its communist veterans. The scale of Kirschenbaum’s research is impressive, indeed exemplary. The evidence comes from a wide array of archives and collections in Russia, Spain, and the U.S. The source base and focus make this an original contribution to the historiography.

The War on Poverty: A New Grassroots History, 1964–1980 ed. by Annelise Orleck and Lisa Gayle Hazirjian

The War on Poverty: A New Grassroots History, 1964-1980. Edited by Annelise Orleck and Lisa Gayle Hazirjian. (Athens, Ga., and London: University of Georgia Press, 2011. Pp. xii, 503. Paper, $32.95, ISBN 9780-8203-3949-8; cloth, $75.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-3101-0.) In the spring of 1964 President Lyndon Baines Johnson dramatized his intention to wage an unconditional war on poverty in America by visiting the ramshackle home of an unemployed coal miner in the hills of eastern Kentucky. Johnson hoped that this event would help demarcate the efforts of his administration, and by extension postwar liberalism, to mobilize government programs against a major barrier to his vision of the Great Society. Yet the antipoverty campaign, along with struggles for racial and gender justice, contributed to the tumult of the 1960s. This series of initiatives also sparked a running debate that has involved pundits, politicians, scholars, and large portions of the public. The War on Poverty was either a costly and subversive failure or a valiant effort politicizing millions of poor people and altering the nation's understanding of their plight. The War on Poverty: A New Grassroots History, 1964-1980 unabashedly champions the latter perspective. Drawing upon locally generated sources where possible, the contributors to this collection of essays trace the efforts of African Americans, Latinos, Chicanos, Native Americans, Asian Americans, and Appalachian whites to design and carry out education, employment, food assistance, health, housing, economic development, and social service programs themselves. Interracial coalitions sometimes formed. The venues varied: large cities such as Baltimore, Houston, Los Angeles, Memphis, Milwaukee, and New York; smaller urban centers like Durham, North Carolina, and Selma, Alabama; and rural areas in places like Oklahoma, Texas, and the Mississippi Delta. Several authors call attention to the rise of motherist politics, as poor women of different racial and ethnic backgrounds became community activists in unprecedented numbers, believing that they could manage food, education, and health-care services for their children better than male organizers or government officials (p. 18). A critical policy measure established during the War on Poverty assessed the extent to which the maximum feasible participation of the poor, as envisioned by the campaign's enabling legislation, was actually achieved (p. 10). Essays in this collection apply that same standard to yield an almost familiar pattern. After some initial wariness, poor people became swept up in the promise of community action. Along with veteran activists, some local officials, and social welfare professionals, they negotiated their way through the process of obtaining federal antipoverty grants for relatively traditional betterment projects that rapidly became part of an agenda for empowerment. Demonstrations, marches, newsletters, petitions, packed meetings, lobbying, voter registration drives, the creation of childhood education centers, public health clinics, and affordable housing projects all reflected a determination to create a real path out of poverty. Resistance to these challenges to the status quo appeared quickly. In recorded telephone conversations President Johnson, never a fan of community action and worried about public support for the War on Poverty and his chances for reelection, reassured disgruntled congressmen and mayors that he merely sought to replicate the New Deal's job training and service delivery programs through existing federal agencies. …

Gilded Age Redux

Gilded Age Redux Jamie L. Pietruska (bio) Daniel Czitrom. New York Exposed: The Gilded Age Police Scandal that Launched the Progressive Era. New York: Oxford University Press, 2016. xv + 398 pp. Figures, maps, notes, and index. $27.95. Leon Fink. The Long Gilded Age: American Capitalism and the Lessons of a New World Order. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015. 206 pp. Table, notes, and index. $45.00. In the wake of the 2008 recession and Occupy Wall Street's indictment of wealth inequality and "the 1 percent," many journalists and economists announced the arrival of a second Gilded Age. In The Age of Acquiescence: The Life and Death of American Resistance to Organized Wealth and Power (2015), labor historian Steve Fraser has identified a second Gilded Age, one in which Americans have failed to resist the inequalities of twenty-first-century capitalism. Yet the term "Gilded Age" has largely fallen out of favor among historians who have challenged the moralizing periodization in which an unprecedented era of wealth-making by late nineteenth-century "robber barons" was ameliorated by the Progressive Era that lasted from the turn of the century through World War I. Political and social historians have emphasized continuities in reform movements from the late nineteenth to the early twentieth century. Elizabeth Sanders' Roots of Reform: Farmers, Workers, and the American State, 1877–1917 (1999) and Charles Postel's The Populist Vision (2007) revealed that Populism did not die out in 1896 but lived on in progressive agrarian legislative agendas and a forward-looking business politics. A single long Progressive Era emerged in, for example, Michael McGerr's A Fierce Discontent: The Rise and Fall of the Progressive Movement in America, 1870–1920 (2003) and Nell Irvin Painter's classic synthesis Standing at Armageddon: A Grassroots History of the Progressive Era (1989; 2008). Rebecca Edwards' influential New Spirits: Americans in the "Gilded Age" (2006; 2010; 2015) dates a long Progressive Era from 1865 to 1905, and Richard R. John has questioned the historical accuracy of the term "Gilded Age" itself, given that late nineteenth-century Americans, despite their appreciation of Mark Twain and Charles Dudley Warner's 1873 satire The Gilded Age: A Tale of Today, did not actually describe their era as such.1 [End Page 457] Two noteworthy books, differing in scale and scope, have announced the return of the "Gilded Age." Leon Fink's The Long Gilded Age adopts the wide lens of a transnational and comparative analysis of labor politics and reform from 1880 to 1920, while Daniel Czitrom's New York Exposed illuminates a scandalous local landscape of New York City police corruption in the 1890s and moral reformers' crusade for a nonpartisan, anti-Tammany mode of municipal politics. Together they demonstrate the significance of the Gilded Age as a distinct historical era but also signal its relevance to our twenty-first-century sociopolitical order, particularly in terms of global capitalism, political corruption, and state-sanctioned violence. ________ Fink's book consists of five essays thematically focused on contests over the political ideologies that shaped late nineteenth-century economic life, ongoing struggles over workers' power, and transnational contexts for labor radicalism and reform. It internationalizes U.S. labor history and suggests "that the legacy of this earlier era of globalization offers possibilities yet to be fully tested in our own era, one famously baptized by President George H. W. Bush in 1990 as a new world order" (p. 1). Fink offers fresh and compelling interpretations of some of the most well-known actors and episodes of the Gilded Age, emphasizing throughout that the twentieth-century dominance of consolidated corporate capitalism and the weakening of labor unionism was not a foregone conclusion. Deftly argued and elegantly written, The Long Gilded Age revitalizes familiar topics and is essential reading for anyone researching or teaching in this period. Fink begins by exploring the disjunctures between the free-labor ideal, which he calls the "American Ideology," and the realities of Gilded Age capitalism—in particular, industrial "wage slavery," contract labor, and convict labor. Fink also examines how labor unions successfully experimented with adapting principles of contractualism in the bituminous coal fields in 1897, the "Uprising of the...

Solidarity, Song, and the Sound Document

This essay offers a media archeology of the cacophonous sounds and songs of the occupational strikes at the Lenin Shipyards in Gdańsk, Poland. Political action over the course of August 1980 led to the formation and legalization of Solidarity, the first independent trade union behind the Iron Curtain. The Polish case study provides a model for the study of music and political activism that brings together history, sound, and music studies, and prompts a broader examination of listening, singing, and collective action. In their immediate wake, the successful protests stimulated celebration, critical analysis, and documentary effort. Across the initial written, recorded, and filmed accounts of the strikes, I observe a pervasive effort to invest sound with the power to authenticate these records as grass-roots history. Such chronicles, which I theorize as “sound documents,” draw attention to the important yet multivalent presence of sound and music in the project of collective opposition to state socialism in Poland through the 1980s. Two ambitious sound documents—an eclectic almanac and a radio montage—form the basis of a variegated account of the highly mediatized soundscape of the Polish strikes. They reveal the significance of anthems and simultaneously underscore the lack of sonic coherence in Gdańsk. Through the sound document, music emerges as a crucial tool through which to rethink and reconfigure the cultural history of collective action.

Introduction: Grassroots History: Global Environmental Histories from Below

Introduction: Grassroots History: Global Environmental Histories from Below

The War on Poverty: A New Grassroots History, 1964-1980 ed. by Annalise Orleck and Lisa Gayle Hazirjian (review)

Reviewed by: The War on Poverty: A New Grassroots History, 1964-1980 ed. by Annalise Orleck and Lisa Gayle Hazirjian Jonathan Free (bio) The War on Poverty: A New Grassroots History, 1964-1980. By Annalise Orleck and Lisa Gayle Hazirjian, eds. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2011. $69.95 cloth; $26.95 paper; $26.95 ebook) Since the moment Lyndon Johnson declared unconditional war on poverty in January 1964, the antipoverty efforts organized under his martial metaphor have been a topic of hot debate. Surprisingly, though, the least contentious aspect of the War on Poverty has often been the conclusions of its critics. For years, both political commentators and historians from either end of the political spectrum have denounced the War on Poverty as either the misguided effort of an overzealous federal state or a coy liberal diversion aimed at quelling radical dissent. Indeed, one of the few conclusions that critics from the left and right can generally agree upon, it seems, is that in the U.S. government’s war on poverty, poverty won. [End Page 322] Recently, however, historians examining the War on Poverty from the perspective of low-income people have begun to amend this conclusion. The consensus emerging from this new scholarship has not been that poverty was defeated in the mid-to-late 1960s, but rather that the countless numbers of low-income people who participated in the federal government’s attempt to battle poverty were often politicized—and in many cases empowered—by the experience. This compilation provides an excellent and timely showcase of this new interpretation, presenting many of the case studies for the first time. Orleck and Hazirjian organize the essays into four thematic sections, emphasizing the authors’ emphasis on conflicts over community action, women’s activism, the civil rights movement, and evolving ideologies of community development. The result is an edited volume that, like the best of the genre, synthesizes and disaggregates to similarly successful degrees. Some issues, like conflict emerging from disconnects in the priorities and politics of government officials and low-income people, resonate across the essays. For example, this theme is not only evident in Baltimore, where Rhonda Williams highlights the friction between government-run social services programs and the desire of low-income people for self-determination, but also in Houston, where Wesley Phillips outlines a political agenda that, at the grassroots, expanded far beyond the moderate liberalism of the Great Society. But because this book is an anthology and not a monograph, the importance of local context in these issues remains in the foreground. In particular, essays like Marc Rodriguez’s chapter on Tejanos in Milwaukee point to this significance by highlighting how community action not only prompted, but also often required, a reconfiguration of the community itself. Although the collection is generally devoted to the efforts by low-income people to take advantage of the War on Poverty, some essays do offer interpretative diversity. Readers of the Register will no doubt be especially interested in Thomas Kiffmeyer’s contribution, “Looking Back to the City in the Hills: The Council of the Southern Mountains and a Longer View of the War on Poverty in the American [End Page 323] South, 1913-1970.” Whereas most authors in the collection initiate their investigations by posing the question of how studying grassroots participation in antipoverty efforts might reshape the conclusion that the War on Poverty was a failure, Kiffmeyer asks why, in Appalachia, it failed. In part, he argues, low-income Appalachians rejected the War on Poverty because, unlike New Deal reforms, Great Society programs tended to privilege cultural and quality-of-life issues over increased employment and infrastructure improvements. Just as importantly, Kiffmeyer points to the long history of paternalistic reformers who contributed to a pernicious “othering” of the region that local people recognized and resented. Appalachian people rejected War on Poverty programs, Kiffmeyer concludes, because they viewed them as merely the newest examples of outsiders attempting to reshape the region. There is little to criticize about this collection as a whole. The most we can suggest is that other historians read this work, take its questions and methods to heart, and get to work producing the next...

The War on Poverty: A New Grassroots History, 1964–1980 (review)

Reviewed by: The War on Poverty: A New Grassroots History, 1964–1980 Sean P. Cunningham The War on Poverty: A New Grassroots History, 1964–1980. Edited by Annelise Orleck and Lisa Gayle Hazirjian. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2011. Pp. 516. Illustrations, map, notes, index. ISBN 9780820339498, $26.95 paper.) Although essential to the political, social, and economic narrative of United States history since at least 1964, the War on Poverty, according to Annelise Orleck, has been at least partially misunderstood by scholars, most of whom have accepted (or contributed to) the conventional wisdom that the most ambitious program from Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society was an abject failure. But, according to Orleck, such studies largely ignore the politicization and empowerment of the grassroots that manifested through local community action agencies all across the country. While federal administrators may fairly be faulted for failing to live up to their own call for maximum feasible participation among the poor, scholarship [End Page 221] that centralizes policy debates in Washington miss the various ways in which the War on Poverty shaped and fostered a generation of activists at the local level. In seeking to redress that historiographical shortcoming, Orleck and co-editor Lisa Gayle Hazirjian have organized a valuable collection of essays highlighting the “fierce, proud energy” that captures the spirit of the War on Poverty, “from the bottom up” (2). In their words, this book “is a story of how the poorest of the poor, despite daunting obstacles, transformed themselves into effective political actors who insisted on being heard” (2). In addition to a passionate introduction and conclusion (both by Orleck), the book features sixteen essays divided into four parts. Two of the essays (by Wesley G. Phelps and William Clayson) focus on aspects of the War on Poverty in Texas, while a third (by Marc S. Rodriguez) argues for Tejano influence in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, as part of a broader, national migration of Tejano influence through local community action agencies. A familiar theme runs through most of the book’s essays: bureaucrats, policymakers, and state and local politicians often fought against the inclusion of poor people in the planning and administration of local War on Poverty initiatives. Yet, despite those efforts, poor people of different racial and ethnic backgrounds from across the country refused to be ignored. By working through (and sometimes against) various community action agencies, the same disaffected and marginalized citizens for whom the War on Poverty was ostensibly designed, shaped their own destinies and achieved progress in their own communities, often despite Washington’s worst efforts. Such stories often came, predictably, from urban communities in the North, but also, as these essays show, from communities of all types from all parts of the nation. At the local level, the War on Poverty inspired grassroots action on health care, education, civil rights, and political inclusion. In identifying the War on Poverty as part of a larger spirit of civil rights agitation pervasive through the 1960s and 1970s, Orleck and Hazirjian have widened the scope through which future War on Poverty studies can be examined. As a collection of essays, the book is generally successful, though it routinely blurs whatever boundaries are supposed to exist between objective scholarship and activist passions. Scholars may certainly be forgiven (or heralded) for caring about the plight of poor people, but a few of these essays are somewhat hagiographic in their adulation for community action organizers. Predictably, most conservatives are simultaneously demonized as agents of oppression. Ultimately, however, as these essays collectively argue that the War on Poverty was more successful than historians—and certainly most Americans—have commonly recognized, it makes a valuable and insightful contribution. Sean P. Cunningham Texas Tech University Copyright © 2012 The Texas State Historical Association

Grassroots history of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in North America

Grassroots history of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in North America

The Medium and the Message: Oral History, New Media, and a Grassroots History of Working Women

In the Spring of 2000, Ruth Meyerowitz and Christine Zinni began collaborative efforts—inside and outside of academia—to enhance a course on The History of Working Women at SUNY Buffalo. Videotaping the oral histories of women labor leaders, they later teamed up with Michael Frisch and Randforce Associates—a research group at SUNY at Buffalo's technology incubator—staff at the Educational Technology Center, and The Uncrowned Queens Institute for Research and Education, Inc. to input and present diverse voices of working women into a new media program called Interclipper. To the group's knowledge, this was the first attempt to apply this new software technology in a university classroom setting for a course on labor history. Rendering oral histories as primary sources of service in the classroom, the new media format provided students with an alternative lens on working women's experiences—perspectives not normally gained in traditional text-based history courses. In the following narrative dialogue, Meyerowitz and Zinni trace the process and progress of their experiences with these technological applications for oral history use over 7 years time. Strengthening collaborative and decentralized aspects of classroom activities by allowing for more personal choices, involvement with the material(s) and active learning, the authors submit a multi-media, multi-perspectival approach to oral history intensified emergent and dialogical qualities of classroom interactions for students, instructors, and interviewees alike.

MiCASSA — My Home

This article will introduce people with disabilities as change agents who affect policy enactments and implementation in this country. It will begin with a brief description of a bill (H.R. 2032/S.971), the Medicaid Community Attendant Services and Supports Act (MiCASSA). That will be followed by the grassroots history of the disability-rights movement since the 1960s and the independent living philosophy that was born in the movement and underlies the development of MiCASSA. The contributions to the MiCASSA bill by Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act, the Americans With Disabilities Act, and the Supreme Court's Olmstead Decision will be presented. Finally, MiCASSA's implications to both social work education and practice will be discussed.

Railroads, Regionalism, and Postwar Economic Decline in the West: The Case of Montana's Upper Musselshell Valley

AbstractThis article examines the effects of railroading within Wheatland County, Montana. Wheatland County grew, evolved, and became dependent upon the Chicago, Milwaukee, St. Paul and Pacific (i.e. the Milwaukee Road) economically, socially, and culturally compared to two neighboring counties. When the Milwaukee terminated its western operations in 1980 it devastated Wheatland County while the adjacent regions, which the Milwaukee also passed through, remained unaffected by the company's bankruptcy. Additionally, this article compares the use of broad based traditional historical interpretations of Montana, which do not explain the locale, and the grassroots history of the region as relayed by its own residents. The grassroots interpretation is more worldly, involved, and explanatory of the region than conventional grand narrative writings about the state of Montana. Taking the grassroots approach exposes regional anomalies pertinent to explaining regional identity and culture.

Consumers and Alliances United for Supported Education (CAUSE): Building and Maintaining Successful Collaborative Relationships

Consumers and Alliances United for Supported Education (CAUSE) has assisted people with psychiatric disabilities to attend the postsecondary educational institution of their choice in the greater Boston metropolitan area since 1991. This article provides the unique grassroots history of CAUSE and describes the components of this supported education program. In keeping with the consumer involvement fundamental to its development, CAUSE has a significant number of staff members who are consumer-providers. Staff and participants attribute the program's empirically supported success to the quality of relationships between staff and clients, to strong advocacy, and to mutually beneficial collaborations among multiple stakeholders including consumers, psychosocial clubhouses, mental health agencies, supported employment programs, higher education settings, mental health advocacy groups, and vocational rehabilitation agencies.

More than curiosities: a grassroots history of the Indian Arts and Crafts Board and its precursors, 1920-1942

Chapter 1 Beginnings of a Revival, 1920-1924 Chapter 2 Government Lip Service, 1925-1929 Chapter 3 Toward the Desired End, 1930-1934 Chapter 4 Implementing a Conviction, 1935-1940 Chapter 5 Oklahoma: A Grassroots Example Chapter 6 The Grand Endeavor Chapter 7 Marketing Indian Arts and Crafts Chapter 8 Shortcomings of the Indian Arts and Crafts Board

The Grave of John Wesley Hardin: Three Essays on Grassroots History by C. L. Sonnichsen (review)

The Grave of John Wesley Hardin: Three Essays on Grassroots History by C. L. Sonnichsen (review)

Reitman v. Mulkey: A Telophase of Substantive Equal Protection

Previous articleNext article No AccessReitman v. Mulkey: A Telophase of Substantive Equal ProtectionKenneth L. Karst and Harold W. HorowitzKenneth L. Karst Search for more articles by this author and Harold W. Horowitz Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Supreme Court Review Volume 19671967 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/scr.1967.3108749 Views: 2Total views on this site Citations: 6Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1967 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Ariela Gross A Grassroots History of Colorblind Conservative Constitutionalism, Law & Social Inquiry 44, no.11 (Jan 2019): 58–77.https://doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12349Deanna Malatesta, Julia L. Carboni The Public-Private Distinction: Insights for Public Administration from the State Action Doctrine, Public Administration Review 75, no.11 (Sep 2014): 63–74.https://doi.org/10.1111/puar.12272 Bibliography, (Dec 2011): 521–581.https://doi.org/10.1002/9781444347494.biblioRobert David Johnson LBJ and the Constitution, (Dec 2011): 228–244.https://doi.org/10.1002/9781444347494.ch13Terri Peretti Constructing the State Action Doctrine, 1940-1990, Law & Social Inquiry 35, no.22 (Mar 2010): 273–310.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2010.01186.x Stanley C. Brubaker Reconsidering Dworkin's Case for Judicial Activism, The Journal of Politics 46, no.22 (Oct 2015): 503–519.https://doi.org/10.2307/2130972