Gradable Property Research Articles

SEMANTIC INVARIANT OF THE VERBAL SUFFIX -Š IN BALKAR

The paper addresses semantics of the reciprocal marker -š in KarachayBalkar. The goal of the study is to find the semantic invariant for all interpretations available for the affix. In most Turkic languages this suffix displays several meanings, reciprocal-sociative polysemy being most typical. The data for the study were collected in a fieldwork expedition to the village Verkhnyaya Balkariya in KabardinoBalkar Republic. The data suggest that the suffix -š encodes four basic meanings: reciprocal, sociative, distributive and competititve. Reciprocal clauses describe mutual interactions, “sociative” stands for actions performed together and collectively, the distributive describes eventualities occurring at different times or locations, and the competitive denotes collective actions performed within a competition. All of the above normally require a plural participant. Some of the meanings also involve other types of plurality. Distributive actions imply plurality of locations, directions or temporal intervals. I argue that the competitive involves a plurality of degrees: each participant of an eventuality is associated with an interval on a scale representing a contextually relevant gradable property of that eventuality. Therefore, the meaning component underlying all of the interpretations of the affix is plurality, while the variation comes from the fact that the plurality requirement can cut across different semantic domains.

ɬwa:n⁵ as a Marker of the Degree of Expressiveness in the Kam Language

This paper presents an analysis of syntactic collocations that include the constraints on an adjective phrase (AP) and adverbs or final particles (X) in the ɬwa:n⁵ + AP + X construction, as well as its pragmatic features and grammatical functions in the Kam language. ɬwa:n⁵ functions as an exclamative marker (EM) that conveys the expressive meaning of the speaker’s attitude. The primary lexical meaning of ɬwa:n⁵ is ‘to calculate’ or ‘to regard as’, and the word is borrowed from Chinese (算 suàn, ‘to count’, ‘to calculate’, ‘to regard as’). The role of ɬwa:n⁵ in the construction ɬwa:n⁵ + AP + X will mainly be discussed in this paper. In addition, the adjectives that can collocate with ɬwa:n⁵ are subject to a gradeability restriction, that is, only gradable adjectives can collocate with ɬwa:n⁵. In general, the ɬwa:n⁵ construction is used to express that the speaker expected an existing situation with a gradable property; in reality, the degree follows a particular scalar and surpasses the expectation.

A novel argument for an even-like semantics of Mandarin dou

There have been ongoing debates about the semantics of Mandarin particle dou, which, among its various readings, has a distributive reading and a scalar reading. In the paper, we make a novel observation that dou, on both readings, is sensitive to a standard on a scale associated with a contextually supplied gradable property, and take this to be new evidence in favor of a unified, scalar analysis of dou. To uniformly capture its two readings and its standard-sensitivity, we propose to integrate insights from two proposals, Liu 2017 and Greenberg 2018a. Specifically, on the one hand, we follow Liu 2017 in arguing that (a) dou is uniformly a scalar particle, (b) it operates on distinct types of alternatives on distinct readings and (c) a trivialization operation occurs on the distributive reading; on the other hand, we, deviating from Liu, adopt two components adapted from the gradability-based semantics originally suggested for Englishevenin Greenberg 2018a, i.e. (a) anevaluative presupposition and (b) a contextually determined scale, instead of one based on unlikelihood. Our revised proposal can successfully account for the two readings in a unified manner but circumvents the issue regarding the dimension of the scale faced by Liu 2017 in the meanwhile.

Reductive Views of Knowledge and the Small Difference Principle

AbstractI develop a challenge to reductive views of knowing that $ \phi $ that appeal to what I call a gradable property. Such appeal allows for properties that are intrinsically very similar to the property of knowing that $ \phi $, but differ significantly in their normative significance. This violates the independently plausible claim Pautz (2017) labels the ‘small difference principle.’

ELLIPSIS IN COMPARATIVES IN ENGLISH

This paper presents an analysis of certain properties of ellipsis within comparative clauses in English. The analysis has shown that the comparative clauses contain gradable expressions and establish a connection between two-stage concepts related to gradable properties. In other words, what is claimed in the matrix clause is compared to claims from subordinated clauses, so that the corresponding linguistic structures are usually omitted in a comparative clause. An elliptical comparative clause usually consists only of an expanded complement introduced with than, like, as ... as. The omitted parts, most often phrases, parts of predicates (or the whole predication) and clauses, are present in the text as antecedents. We have not limited our research only to the syntactic and / or semantic level in the reconstruction of ellipted content, but to all contexts and situations from which recoverability is possible, regardless of the type of ellipsis. We have examined the conditions and constraints of ellipsis within comparative clauses in the theoretical part, and the properties of the comparative ellipsis in the analysis on the corpus of contemporary English.

Hypothetical Comparison in Turkish

In this paper, we present a preliminary investigation of the complex formative -mışcasına in Turkish, used for hypothetical comparison. We observe that -mışcasına differs from its counterparts in previously studied hypothetical comparison constructions in one key aspect: It can naturally target non-eventive nominal predicates. Furthermore, we find that -mışcasına is primarily licensed in linguistic contexts that make a gradable property available. Building on these initial empirical observations, we flesh out a novel account of hypothetical comparison that makes use of a well-established formalism of degree semantics and semantics of equatives, eschewing the intricate notion of event similarity which is central to previous accounts. In particular, we argue that -mışcasına compares an actual degree against hypothetical degrees, asserting that the actual degree is greater than or equal to any of the hypothetical degrees.

Two categorial issues of degree constructions in Mandarin

This squib argues against Yiwen Zhang’s (J East Asian Linguist 29:393–434, 2020) adjective analysis of the Mandarin word you ‘have’ to the left of a gradable noun, as in you yongqi ‘have courage’, showing that it is a verbal element. It also shows that for a gradable predicate of any category, if the question under discussion is about a comparison of individuals with respect to a gradable property, the degree word hen ‘very’ is banned; if the question under discussion is about the content of a gradable property of an individual, hen must occur; and finally, if the question under discussion is not about either of the two above, hen is optional.

A morpheme introducing degrees and its impact on argument structure: The Taiwanese Southern Min <i>u-</i>

In the Taiwanese Southern Min u-V construction, the u-V sequence is an intransitive compound verb denoting a stative scalar property, and the V of the sequence can be a non-gradable lexical verb or an aspectual verb. The morpheme u ‘uVD’ (A) morphosyntactically induces a change in the valency of the lexical V, (B) compositionally changes the denotation of V into a set of events (or time containment relations), and (C) semantically introduces degrees by contributing a structure-preserving map from events, states or time containment relations to their measures along various dimensions (Wellwood 2015). This study has two implications. First, contra Wellwood (2015), the TSM u-V construction provides empirical evidence in support of the degree-theoretic approach for degree structures. Second, Taiwanese Southern Min also adopts the possessive morphosyntactic strategy for predicating gradable properties, but the nominal involved is not necessary to be an abstract property concept nominal (Francez & Koontz-Garboden 2017).

Scalar representations in the semantics of Japanese. From measurements to pragmatics –The case of dokoroka–

This study looks into the scalar properties exhibited by some grammaticalized (and subsequently pragmaticalized) expressions of Japanese that are lexically based on the noun tokoro ‘place’. In particular, the argument will be focused on a conjunctive particle p dokoroka q ‘q, let alone p’. In most cases, both p and q can be ascribed some pragmatically inferred scalar values reflecting gradable properties, but the assessment of such a common scale is difficult in some cases. We argue that such “non-scalar” instances of dokoro-ka, occurring in enumerations, can be represented as cardinalities in the semantic model.

Expressing equality, similarity, and pretense in Even (Northern Tungusic, Siberia)

In recent decades, considerable work has been done on the cross-linguistic comparison of comparatives, superlatives, and to a lesser extent, equatives, while similatives remain largely understudied. As pointed out by Haspelmath (2017), this is largely due to the lack of descriptions of similative constructions in reference grammars. Providing first-hand data on similatives and related constructions in non-European languages can therefore still fill important gaps in our knowledge of this linguistic domain. In Even, a North Tungusic language spoken in northeastern Siberia, a large domain of equality of gradable properties, similarity of manner, and similarity of actions and states are expressed by a Similative suffix and/or relational noun. In addition, there is a dedicated marker that expresses equality of measurable properties.

A Cross-Linguistic Study of Super and Intensifiers in the Real World

This study examined super in German (super) and in Mandarin Chinese (chao-ji 超級 ‘super’ and chao 超 ‘super’), with data taken from corpora. We aim to test whether intensifiers function as semantically vacuous fillers, as Huddleston and Pullum (2002) proposed, and show the sociolinguistic features of intensifiers while moving toward grammaticalization. The results indicate that German super is flexible morphologically and syntactically, while super in Mandarin Chinese has several constraints. Semantically, Mandarin Chinese chao enhances the gradable property of states and chao-ji often emphasizes modern technology and events. In comparison, German super has advanced itself in terms of linguistic performance and gradually lost its role as an intensifier. The study of super and the use of intensifiers display interesting linguistic diversity and also reveal how men and women, teenagers and children play different participant roles in the process of moving intensifiers toward grammaticalization.

Evaluativity across adjective and construction types: An experimental study

An adjectival construction is evaluative if and only if it conveys that the property associated with the adjective exceeds a relevant threshold. The questions of which adjectival constructions are evaluative and why have formed the foundation for semantic theories of these constructions and of adjectives themselves (Klein 1980, von Stechow 1984), although it has been alleged that these theories are based on an incomplete picture of the phenomenon of evaluativity (Bierwisch 1989, Rett 2008a). We present the first experimental tests of the scope and nature of evaluativity across adjectival constructions and adjective types. These studies confirm that evaluativity is conditioned by adjective type (relative or absolute, Kennedy & McNally 2005) and is not restricted to the positive construction. However, they also show several new and surprising aspects of evaluativity: that it is perhaps better characterized as a gradable property than a binary one; that the ways in which relative and absolute adjectives differ in their evaluativity vary across construction; and that, contrary to standard intuitions, subjects are willing to attribute evaluativity to the subject position of comparative constructions likeSue is taller than Bill. We show that this last particularly surprising result reveals a lot about how subjects interpret contextually sensitive constructions, and we discuss its consequences for experimental studies and semantic theories of adjectival evaluativity as well as context-sensitive phenomena more generally.

Methods for Identifying Comparative Sentences

Comparative sentences are used to express the explicit classifications between two entities with respect to the degree or quantity to which they possess some gradable property. Identifying the comparative sentences is a challenging task. This gives a new research direction for the researches. In this paper various approaches which were used for the identification of the comparative sentences in the text documents are studied.

Change of state verbs and result state adjectives in Mandarin Chinese

This paper investigates the derivational relationship between adjectives and verbs in Mandarin Chinese describing related state, change of state (COS) and caused COS meanings. Such paradigms have been observed in various languages to fall into two categories: One in which a word naming a property concept state constitutes the derivational base for the related COS verbs, and another in which a COS verb forms the basis from which the stative word – a ‘result state’ predicate – is derived. I show that in Mandarin, the distinction between morphological paradigms based on property-concept words versus eventive verbs is also found, but the actual derivational relations between verbs and adjectives are influenced by language-particular morphological properties of Mandarin. Specifically, I argue that a gradable property concept adjective systematically alternates to a related COS verb. This alternation, which can be tapped by degree modification and negation contexts, distinguishes adjectives from stative verbs, which do not have consistent COS counterparts, and from underived intransitive COS verbs, which do not have systematic stative counterparts. That is, I show that COS verbs do not lend themselves to the systematic derivation of result state adjectives. Rather, I argue that result state adjectives in Mandarin arise from conceptual-pragmatic factors: The nominal modified by such a result state adjective should be understood as describing a culturally or contextually salient class of entities.

Cooccurrence Patterns between Nouns Denoting Gradable Properties and Scalar Adjectivals: A Diachronic Study

Cooccurrence Patterns between Nouns Denoting Gradable Properties and Scalar Adjectivals: A Diachronic Study

The Rejection of Scalar Consequentialism

In ‘The Scalar Approach to Utilitarianism’ Alastair Norcross argues that scalar consequentialism is the most plausible form of consequentialism, but his arguments are flawed: he is simply mistaken when he suggests that there is a problem with deriving absolutes like right and wrong from gradable properties such as goodness; he cannot justify his claim that the choice of a threshold will always be arbitrary; and his ‘no significant difference’ argument only shows that the consequentialist doesn'tcareabout permissibility. Furthermore, I argue that, although Norcross was right to claim that a scalar theory can be action-guiding (to an extent), he was mistaken to think that ‘Abolishing the notion of “ought” will not seriously undermine the action-guiding nature of morality.’ If anything can be said in favour of scalar consequentialism, it is only that it is the mosthonestform of consequentialism, because it doesn't pretend to care about permissibility.

Plesionymy: A case of synonymy or contrast?

This paper shows that the phenomenon of plesionymy deserves greater attention and needs to be approached outside its traditional framework, which considered it to be a subtype of synonymy ( Cruse, 1986, 2002; Croft and Cruse, 2004). This view suggested that pairs of terms such as foggy–misty, fearless–brave exhibit significant shared semantic traits that are more salient than their differences. Differing properties were considered to be subordinate. These are sometimes contextually foregrounded resulting in occasional oppositeness. Corpus studies show that this view is a broad generalization. This study sheds new light on German plesionyms by employing a corpus-linguistic approach. In particular, terms designating gradable properties (e.g. kritisch–ernst ‘critical–serious’, sauber–rein ‘clean–unsoiled/immaculate’) at neighboring positions of gradable scales show variable behavior and do not show a stronger affinity for synonymy. The position taken is that a relation of synonymy and contrast are equally a matter of construal. Both types of semantic relations are part of the conceptual and lexical knowledge and subject to a cognitive principle. This work also examines how plesionym relations are realized in discourse. This article demonstrates that plesionyms are co-occurrences within typical lexico-syntactic sequences. Following Jones’ (2002) and Murphy's (2006) observations, these patterns (e.g. nicht X, eher Y; mehr X als Y; etc.) have specific discourse functions and are evidence to account for a construction-based view.

Comparative constructions

A typology of comparative constructions is presented, with major attention to the prototypical scheme in which two participants are compared in terms of the degree of some gradable property associated with them (as in John is more handsome than Felix). In a mono-clausal comparative construction, the Parameter (which is modified by the Index of comparison) may be copula complement, head of an intransitive predicate, or a verb within a serial verb construction. There are also bi-clausal comparative constructions, and — for languages with no comparative construction per se — comparative strategies. A non-prototypical scheme involves the comparison of two properties in relation to one participant (as in John is more loyal than intelligent). There is also brief discussion of directions of origin, diffusion and spread, and non-linguistic correlations.

A universal scale of comparison

Comparative constructions form two classes, those that permit direct comparisons (comparisons of measurements as in Seymour is taller than he is wide) and those that only allow indirect comparisons (comparisons of relative positions on separate scales as in Esme is more beautiful than Einstein is intelligent). In contrast with other semantic theories, this paper proposes that the interpretation of the comparative morpheme remains the same whether it appears in sentences that compare individuals directly or indirectly. To develop a unified account, I suggest that all comparisons (whether in terms of height, intelligence or beauty) involve a scale of universal degrees that are isomorphic to the rational (fractional) numbers between 0 and 1. Crucial to a unified treatment, the connection between the individuals being compared and universal degrees involves two steps. First individuals are mapped to a value on a primary scale that ranks individuals with respect to the gradable property (whether it be height, beauty or intelligence). Second, the value on the primary scale is mapped to a universal degree that encodes the value’s relative position on the primary scale. Direct comparison results if measurements such as seven feet participate in the primary scale (as in Seven feet is tall). Otherwise the result is an indirect comparison.

Scale structure: Processing minimum standard and maximum standard scalar adjectives

Gradable adjectives denote a function that takes an object and returns a measure of the degree to which the object possesses some gradable property [Kennedy, C. (1999). Projecting the adjective: The syntax and semantics of gradability and comparison. New York: Garland]. Scales, ordered sets of degrees, have begun to be studied systematically in semantics [Kennedy, C. (to appear). Vagueness and grammar: the semantics of relative and absolute gradable predicates. Linguistics and Philosophy; Kennedy, C. & McNally, L. (2005). Scale structure, degree modification, and the semantics of gradable predicates. Language, 81, 345–381; Rotstein, C., & Winter, Y. (2004). Total adjectives vs. partial adjectives: scale structure and higher order modifiers. Natural Language Semantics, 12, 259–288.]. We report four experiments designed to investigate the processing of absolute adjectives with a maximum standard (e.g., clean) and their minimum standard antonyms ( dirty). The central hypothesis is that the denotation of an absolute adjective introduces a ‘standard value’ on a scale as part of the normal comprehension of a sentence containing the adjective (the “Obligatory Scale” hypothesis). In line with the predictions of Kennedy and McNally (2005) and Rotstein and Winter (2004), maximum standard adjectives and minimum standard adjectives systematically differ from each other when they are combined with minimizing modifiers like slightly, as indicated by speeded acceptability judgments. An eye movement recording study shows that, as predicted by the Obligatory Scale hypothesis, the penalty due to combining slightly with a maximum standard adjective can be observed during the processing of the sentence; the penalty is not the result of some after-the-fact inferencing mechanism. Further, a type of ‘quantificational variability effect’ may be observed when a quantificational adverb ( mostly) is combined with a minimum standard adjective in sentences like “ The dishes are mostly dirty”, which may receive either a degree interpretation (e.g., 80% dirty) or a quantity interpretation (e.g., 80% of the dishes are dirty). The quantificational variability results provide suggestive support for the Obligatory Scale hypothesis by showing that the standard of a scalar adjective influences the preferred interpretation of other constituents in the sentence.