Does institutional design matter? Constitutional regime types and party system closure in Asia

ABSTRACT This article provides a political-economic historical analysis of Cambodian labor migration to Thailand, challenging the explanatory sufficiency of the neoclassical push-pull paradigm that dominates existing scholarship. While acknowledging the descriptive utility of push-pull models in mapping proximate migration determinants, the study argues that the structural vulnerability of the Cambodian labor force – conventionally treated as exogenous ‘push’ factors – is itself the path-dependent product of three interconnected, state-driven transformations spanning 1975 to 2019. The first stage examines the comprehensive institutional disruption during the Democratic Kampuchea period (1975–1979), which severely depleted human capital and dismantled all formal labor governance structures. The second stage analyzes the internationally influenced post-conflict reconstruction of the 1990s, which produced a structurally bifurcated ‘dual-labor regime’ concentrating effective labor protections within a narrow export-oriented garment enclave while leaving the vast rural workforce institutionally unprotected. The third stage investigates the post-2000 formalization of labor export through a privatized regulatory architecture characterized by significant governance gaps. Drawing on primary legal texts, demographic data, and empirical human rights documentation, the article demonstrates that the systemic exploitation of Cambodian migrant workers abroad is closely connected to this domestic political-economic trajectory, thereby historicizing the foundational categories that equilibrium-based migration frameworks take as given.

Up to 25% of patients with colorectal cancer present with liver metastases (CRLM), and 50% develop metastases over time. Surgical and ablative management of CRLM can be curative, but certain demographic and socioeconomic factors disproportionately hinder vulnerable patient populations from receiving advanced local therapies. We queried the 2011-2021 National Cancer Database for cases of CRLM. We explored patient and facility characteristics associated with receipt of local intervention versus no intervention for metastatic liver lesions. Of 72,273 cases, 18.0% underwent hepatectomy or ablation. Controlling for patient- and center-level factors, non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic/Latino patients were less likely to undergo liver intervention than were non-Hispanic white patients (odds ratio [OR] 0.83 [95% confidence interval (CI) 0.78-0.88] vs. OR 0.92 [95% CI 0.85-0.99]). Patients treated at academic programs had significantly higher odds of liver intervention than did those in community cancer programs (OR 2.24 [95% CI 2.06-2.43]). Patients with private, Medicaid, Medicare, or other government insurance had higher odds of liver intervention than did uninsured patients (OR 2.07 [95% CI 1.86-2.30], OR 1.40 [95% CI 1.24-1.58], OR 1.81 [95% CI 1.61-2.03], OR 2.20 [95% CI 1.81-2.66], respectively). Patients in the highest income quartile were more likely to have liver intervention than those in the lowest quartile (OR 1.18 [95% CI 1.10-1.27]). Patients receiving liver intervention traveled farther than those receiving non-surgical care (p<0.001). Surgical or local ablative management of CRLM is necessary to achieve cure for appropriately selected patients. However, this advanced liver interventional care is not equally distributed among patient populations. Significant socioeconomic and demographic disparities exist in the receipt of local liver interventional management among patients with CRLM and require further exploration to improve resource allocation.

ABSTRACT Central Asia’s fragmented regional landscape has long challenged traditional models of regionalism, constrained by Soviet legacies, sovereignty sensitivities and external rivalries. This article argues that inter-regionalism offers a more suitable framework for understanding cooperation in the region. Rather than seeking deep integration, inter-regionalism enables pragmatic, project-based collaboration across multiple organizations, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO). By leveraging overlapping memberships and flexible alignments, Central Asian states reduce duplication, mitigate geopolitical tensions and pursue diversified partnerships without compromising autonomy. Drawing on policy documents, institutional agreements and expert insights, the study demonstrates how inter-regional mechanisms – such as SCO–EAEU coordination or EU–Central Asia dialogues – foster connectivity and resilience and harmonize trade. Recent shifts, including Uzbekistan’s regional re-engagement and Russia’s reduced influence following the Ukraine war, have further accelerated this trend. The analysis situates inter-regionalism within broader international relations debates on regional cooperation, showing how Central Asia exemplifies adaptive and layered forms of governance beyond conventional integration models. The article concludes that inter-regionalism not only underpins the region’s economic and security strategies but also positions Central Asia as a pivotal bridge in an increasingly multipolar order.

ABSTRACT The occupational and ethical implications of South Korea’s expansive pronatalist interventions to halt persistent fertility decline have been insufficiently examined. This article presents a conceptual and critical analysis to interrogate how pronatalist strategies reshape the occupational landscape of family-making. Drawing on occupational science concepts—occupational justice, deprivation, imbalance, and agency—alongside care ethics and feminist moral theory, the analysis demonstrates that pronatalist policies operate as forms of sociopolitical governance that structure and constrain everyday occupations related to reproduction and caregiving. Three interrelated problems are identified: pronatalist logics obscure the structural inequities that restrict occupational rights and choices; reinforce gendered and normative expectations of care that distort its ethical meaning; and instrumentalize citizens as demographic resources, thereby narrowing the legitimacy of diverse life trajectories. Rather than addressing the structural determinants of fertility decline, these strategies produce new forms of occupational injustice and erode conditions for self-determined living. By situating South Korea’s case within broader global debates on demographic governance, the article advances occupational science’s capacity to examine how population-level policies shape possibilities for meaningful, pluralistic occupational lives.

Achieving universal social protection (SP) coverage for people affected by tuberculosis (TB) is increasingly recognised as an essential component of its response, as well as other diseases of poverty. Realising this goal requires to clearly understand the SP needs of people affected by TB and to identify means to maximise their access to existing or new SP benefits in an efficient, effective, and sustainable manner. To address these questions, between 2022 and 2023, the WHO Western Pacific Regional office conducted the first SP baseline assessment for people affected by TB in Mongolia, Lao People's Democratic Republic, the Philippines, Cambodia, and Viet Nam. This exercise encompassed a desk review of SP programmes operating in these countries, followed by an expert consultation to discuss barriers and entry points to expand SP coverage among people affected by TB. Overall evidence gathered from publicly available reports and publications suggests that existing SP programmes in these countries are insufficiently accessible and inadequate to meet the needs of people affected by TB. Most countries provide TB-specific benefits only to people with multidrug-resistant TB, leaving most people with TB unserved. The most reported barriers to access to SP included lack of awareness, stigma, poverty, as well as programmes' fragmentation, and administrative and financial constraints. Identified solutions included raising awareness about SP, extending TB-specific SP benefits to all people with TB in need, advocating for a better inclusion of people with TB into existing governmental programmes, and strengthening the referral system across the health and SP sectors. By identifying concrete policy entry points and actionable solutions, this SP baseline assessment provided a foundation for these five countries to embed social protection more systematically into their national TB responses. Ideally, this effort should now be replicated in all high TB-burden countries willing to achieve universal SP coverage among people affected by TB. The lessons that emerged from this baseline assessment are consistent with the recommended actions and principles underlying the Western Pacific Regional Framework for Reaching the Unreached and are thus transferrable to other diseases of poverty.

The purpose of the article is a comprehensive analysis of those forms of solving the housing issue (the provision of free social housing by the czechoslovak leadership, its permission to rent and purchase housing), which were inherent in the Czechoslovak Republic and which were offered to Ukrainian political refugees who found shelter in this country in the 1920s after the defeat of the national liberation struggle of 1917–1921. Research methodology. It is based on a combination of general historical methods and interdisciplinary approaches to the study of sociocultural adaptation. Among the main research methods are problem-historical, comparative, specific-historical, and source analysis. Scientific novelty is the consideration of the Ukrainian emigration housing issue in the context of the temporary nature of the 'Russian relief action'. Conclusions. Unfortunately, the Ukrainian political emigration failed to resolve the housing issue. Firstly, this was explained by the 'Russian relief action' itself. The leadership of the CzSR did not hide its hopes for a quick change in the political regime in Ukraine; it was convinced that the political Ukrainian opposition, which had found refuge in Czechoslovakia, 'if not today, then tomorrow' would return, come to power and play a major role in the revival of the new Ukraine, reconstructing and europeanizing it. Secondly, Ukrainian political refugees had to reckon with the lack of finances as such, and, therefore, rely exclusively on temporary social free housing. Thirdly, it was not necessary to discount the numerous attempts by the USSR to morally decompose Ukrainian political emigration in the interwar Czechoslovakia by exploiting the non-monolithic nature of its political platform (the povorotnytstvo of 1925-1926). And fourthly, the closure of the Czechoslovak labor market for 'non-Czechs' and the gradual normalization of Czechoslovak-Soviet relations in the late 1920s contributed to the failure to resolve the Ukrainian emigration housing issue. Ukrainian political exiles quickly left temporary social free housing, looked for work (worked and studied with scholarships) to rent a room or apartment. Only a small proportion of Ukrainian emigrants managed to purchase their own housing.

This study examines the effectiveness of zakat distribution during the leadership of Umar bin Abdul Aziz and its relevance to poverty alleviation models in Indonesia. Structural poverty remains a persistent challenge in Indonesia’s economic development, requiring systematic and sustainable solutions. Within Islamic economic thought, zakat functions not only as a religious obligation but also as a fiscal instrument capable of promoting social welfare and economic independence. This research employs a qualitative approach through historical and literature study methods, analyzing classical Islamic governance practices alongside contemporary zakat management in Indonesia. The findings reveal that the success of zakat distribution under Umar bin Abdul Aziz was supported by centralized governance, strong institutional reform of Baitul Mal, strict supervision, and integrity-based leadership, resulting in effective wealth redistribution and significant poverty reduction. The study further finds that productive zakat distribution, institutional integration, regulatory reinforcement, and digital transparency are crucial elements for enhancing the performance of zakat institutions in Indonesia. The implications suggest that strengthening governance, accountability, and productive empowerment programs can transform zakat into a strategic socio-economic policy instrument capable of addressing structural poverty in a sustainable manner.

The paper assesses the effectiveness of Constituency Development Fund (CDF) implementation strategies on community development outcomes in Chawama constituency, in Lusaka district, Zambia. In this study, purposive sampling (typical and homogeneous) was implemented to select the study participants. The study included 50 participants who were interviewed. The findings demonstrate that the Constituency Development Fund in Chawama Constituency has contributed to development by financing infrastructure and empowerment programs. However, several challenges persist, including shallow public understanding, weak participation, moderate empowerment, and limited transparency. Despite progress, the effectiveness of CDF remains constrained by irregular communication, political interference, and inadequate capacity among community structures. This paper recommends that government set clear policies and programs of CDF implementation ranging from awareness, participation, accountability, transparency and monitoring and evaluation of projects so as to have an effective CDF program.

Purpose The research analyses the role of coworking spaces in urban and social regeneration. The purpose of this study is to investigate how coworking can integrate environmental sustainability, social cohesion and economic innovation, positioning itself as a driver of circular economy practices and sustainable local development. Design/methodology/approach This study adopts a qualitative and exploratory approach, based on three focus groups conducted at Coworking Gottifredo in Alatri (Italy). The investigation explored coworkers’ perceptions of the space as a catalyst for social innovation, collaboration and community participation. The qualitative approach allowed for a deeper understanding of users’ experiences and of the relational and cultural dynamics that characterise coworking as a social ecosystem. Findings The results show that Coworking Gottifredo operates as a community-based ecosystem integrating entrepreneurial, cultural and social dimensions. It fosters the creation of social capital, learning within communities of practice and the shared creation of value. In the case analysed, coworking emerges as a potential catalyst for the regeneration of peripheral urban areas, when supported by local networks and participatory forms of governance. Originality/value This study contributes to the literature by examining a coworking case in a small urban context, interpreted within a regenerative and sustainability-oriented framework. Coworking spaces are presented as laboratories of social innovation and territorial resilience, capable of supporting the twin ecological and digital transition through participatory practices and community-based governance models.

Autonomous AI assistants are evolving from reactive, single-session language models into persistent, toolintegrated systems that can execute long-horizon tasks. However, most existing assistant architectures rely on either monolithic control loops or loosely structured agent delegation patterns that lack formal coordination protocols, governance safeguards, and dependency-aware orchestration. This study presents a modular multi-agent coordination framework built on an extended OpenClaw autonomous agent substrate designed to support persistent tool-augmented AI assistants operating across heterogeneous workflows. The proposed framework introduces (1) a shared task-ledger coordination protocol, (2) a dependency-aware task graph model, (3) role-isolated specialist agents with synthesis control, and (4) governance layers that incorporate approval gating, prompt-injection defense, and security monitoring. To evaluate the framework, we designed a synthetic benchmark environment to model event-driven automation, parallel advisory councils, knowledge retrieval pipelines, and long-horizon scheduled workflows. Across controlled simulation trials, we analyzed the coordination overhead, task completion rates, conflict resolution latency, token consumption growth, and dependency-coupling sensitivity. The results indicate that structured multiagent coordination improves task throughput under medium coupling regimes while introducing measurable synchronization costs under high interdependency conditions. The findings contribute empirical clarity to the design of persistent AI assistant systems and establish a reproducible evaluation methodology for tool-augmented multiagent orchestration frameworks.

The National School Nutrition Programme (NSNP) is one of the food security programmes of the South African government that strives to provide proper nutrition meals to all public primary and secondary school learners nationwide. To implement the programme, NSNP hires food handlers to prepare and deliver meals to students on a daily basis. However, in terms of public sector human resource management, it is unclear how these food handlers are recruited and hired into the programme. This paper aimed at assessing the recruitment practices of food handlers into the NSNP. The paper employed qualitative research methodology using semi-structured interviews and documentary review as two data collection methods. Moreover, the Gauteng Department of Education (GDE) Johannesburg North District was chosen as a case study for the research strategy. The study reviewed pertinent literature, conducted semi-structured interviews to collect data. The data was analysed using thematic content analysis in order to qualitatively examine the data gathered. The paper's findings demonstrated that the GDE has a plan in place to oversee the NSNP's food handler recruitment practices, and that plan is spelt out in detail in their advising memorandum on the subject. Nevertheless, the study found that the approach does not align with the principles and practices of Public Human Resource Management (PHRM). According to the findings, the NSNP lacks a defined recruitment policy that would govern its hiring practices. It was found that there are challenges in the recruitment process. Finally, this paper offered recommendations for improved recruitment practices for food handlers.

Qualitative insights into government financial assistance use after spinal cord injury.

This article examines, through a systematic literature review, the application of corporate governance practices in small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). The investigation focuses on scientific production from the last five years, seeking to understand the inherent limitations of traditional governance models — originally designed to meet the demands of large publicly traded corporations — and to map the adaptation alternatives being developed by the academic community. The research was conducted through a structured search in Scopus, Web of Science, SciELO, and Google Scholar databases, employing qualitative analysis of the selected works. The findings reveal that, although the adoption of formal governance mechanisms in SMEs is still in an embryonic stage, the implementation of adapted practices — notably the promotion of transparency, the establishment of accountability mechanisms, and the constitution of advisory boards — produces significant positive effects. Such practices not only expand the possibilities for raising financial resources but also enhance innovative capacity, strengthen organizational resilience, and increase the competitiveness of these companies. The conclusion points to the absence of a universal governance model applicable to SMEs, making it essential to adopt flexible and gradual approaches that consider the specificities of this business segment: ownership concentration, the lack of distinction between management and ownership, family ties, and resource constraints. Future investigations should prioritize longitudinal studies and behavioral analyses of the actors involved in governance processes.

ABSTRACT How propagandistic is the reporting by international news channels (INCs) such as RT, CGTN, Al Jazeera English, CNN International or BBC World News? And how can we explain differences between the INCs in their reporting? We define propaganda as persuasive communication that is ideologically oriented, i.e. conveys a worldview with an absolute truth claim. Overall, we extracted nine propaganda features from the literature and operationalized these features for a content analysis in which we examined a sample of YouTube uploads from nine main INCs in 2019 (N = 1,608). The data allowed us to (a) outline a profile of each INC from a propaganda perspective, (b) compare the INCs differentiated by each propaganda feature and aggregated using a propaganda index, and (c) examine whether the form of government and development status of each country of origin inhibit or promote propaganda. The results demonstrate that INCs from autocratic states report more propaganda than INCs from democratic states, but the former report less propaganda than expected and the latter also contain elements of propaganda. The form of government has a stronger influence on the INC’s propaganda content than the development status.

Abstract Informal intergovernmental organisations (IIGOs) like the G20 and the BRICS are omnipresent in current international affairs and frequently portrayed as global crisis managers or steering committees. While such metaphors help in understanding their role in global governance, they tend to overlook their varying institutional features and potential for informal governance. Not every IIGO acts globally, addresses multiple issues or steers through orchestration. Hence, this paper asks how variations in IIGOs’ institutional design shape their capacity for informal governance. Building on a discussion of their agency and institutional variety, it develops a typology that distinguishes and illustrates key IIGO types according to their issue scope and members’ collective capabilities. It argues that both features shape IIGO’s capacity for informal governance and holds that especially general-purpose IIGOs with comprehensive collective capabilities are likely to draw on the full spectrum of informal governance mechanisms—including self-binding commitments, outreach, and orchestration. Other IIGO types are either restricted in the scope of issues they address or in their collective capabilities, and thus in their overall governance capacity. With that, it raises questions about existing debates on the creation of IIGOs and their contribution to global governance, and indicates directions for future research on their effectiveness, legitimacy, and change.

ABSTRACT This paper analyses the negotiations leading up to the third Greek bailout package in 2015. Those negotiations were subject to both intergovernmental and postfunctional dynamics as they largely took place between member state governments that were subject to strong pressures from domestic public opinion. Based on documents and a set of 17 interviews with actors involved in the negotiations, the paper traces how an agreement was reached within these broader dynamics. It argues that, in the end, political leaders were able to overcome domestic pressures by resorting to forms of informal governance at the EU-level that shielded them from domestic scrutiny. By highlighting and unravelling the role of informal governance, the paper adds to existing studies that seek to identify under what conditions postfunctionalist pressures affect intergovernmental negotiations in the EU.

ABSTRACT Welfare programs aim to support disadvantaged groups but can also produce unintended negative consequences like welfare stigma. This study investigates the relationships between two important welfare programs – governmental assistance and charitable assistance – and welfare stigma. Using survey data from China, we employ propensity score matching and a series of regression models to test the relationships. Results indicate that governmental assistance is associated with psychological stigma, including feelings of discrimination, inferiority, hopelessness, and depression, but does significantly affect recipients’ social participation. In contrast, charitable assistance is not significantly related to psychological stigma and is positively associated with social participation, indicating minimal stigmatising effects. This study extends welfare stigma research by incorporating charitable assistance and comparing it with governmental programs. Findings suggest promoting charitable assistance and refining governmental policies to reduce stigma while enhancing recipients’ engagement and well-being.

ABSTRACT This article investigates the relationship between the Italian President of the Republic (PoR) and technocratic governments, focusing on the Monti and Draghi cabinets. We develop the concept of ‘presidentialising technocracy’ to capture how external shocks and declining partisan capacity transform technocratic cabinets into instruments of presidential authority, and on this basis propose a typology of technocratic governments according to the degree of presidential influence in government formation and policy-making. Empirically, the study combines process tracing of political and institutional crises with Quantitative Narrative Analysis (QNA) and Social Network Analysis (SNA) of nearly 6000 semantic events (Subject – Verb – Object triplets) extracted from the official diaries of Presidents Napolitano and Mattarella. The findings classify both cabinets as presidential technocratic governments, showing that crises can expand presidential discretion in the cases examined and tend to enable the Head of State to shape formation of the executive and its agenda, as reflected in policy trajectories. In comparative perspective, the Italian case raises the question of whether presidentialised technocracy under crisis conditions should be regarded as an anomaly, an outlier, or an early sign of broader transformations in parliamentary regimes.

This research explores the development of culture-based tourism villages among the Tengger Tribe that implement Community-Based Tourism (CBT) through the Pentahelix approach, grounded in Indigenous social structures. Unlike the formal-bureaucratic model, collaboration among stakeholders, government, academia, business, society, and the media is constrained by moral-spiritual legitimacy, which is guarded by traditional leaders (Dukun Pandita) who serve as gatekeepers of communication. With communication ethnography, this study explores how the values of harmony, ritual, and local wisdom mediate tourism governance. The findings show a hybrid communication strategy that blends tradition and digital technology, while maintaining cultural sacredness. This model also addresses the paradox of cultural commodification by maintaining authentic rituals such as Yadnya Kasada, Karo, and Unan-unan, and by presenting the concept of “spiritual homestay” and contemplative paths as cross-cultural educational spaces. This study enriches the Southeast Asian tourism literature by offering a model of a meaningful, transformative, and spiritually rooted relationship between tourists and the Tengger Indigenous community.