Serbian Government Research Articles

Fostering Social Cohesion in Post‐Conflict Societies: The Power of Normative Apologies in Reducing Competitive Victimhood and Enhancing Reconciliation and Intergroup Negotiation

ABSTRACTThe present research investigated whether a normative outgroup apology enhances conciliatory attitudes (i.e., willingness for intergroup contact and feelings of peace) and intergroup negotiations while reducing competitive victimhood. In three experiments (N = 855) conducted in the post‐conflict context of Kosovo, we manipulated the normative apology by informing participants that the majority of outgroup members (i.e., Serbs) apologized for the Kosovo war. We compared this normative apology condition with an institutional apology, in which a Serbian representative apologized for the Kosovo war on behalf of the Serbian government (in all experiments), and a control (i.e., baseline) condition in which no apology‐related information was presented (Experiments 1 and 2). Overall, the results showed that participants in the normative apology condition reported greater willingness for contact with outgroup members, increased feelings of peace, greater support for intergroup negotiations, and reduced competitive victimhood compared to participants in other conditions. In addition, Experiment 3 revealed that outgroup humanization mediated the effect of normative apology on conciliatory attitudes, intergroup negotiations and competitive victimhood. In sum, these findings showed that normative apologies play a critical role in improving intergroup relations and reducing conflict‐related tensions.

Land Tenure Reforms in the Area of Leskovac after the Treaty of Berlin (1878–1882)

After the Treaty of Berlin (1878), the area of Leskovac became a part of Serbia. With the fall of the Ottoman empire, the Muslim population also departed leaving their properties. Abandoned lands were taken by the local Christians, who had been in feudal relationships with previous owners. The article follows the politics of the Serbian government regarding the issues of ownership and compensation to Muslim landowners. Furthermore, concrete cases of land possession legal disputes between local Serbs and the former proprietors will be presented. The research compares different political and social structures before and after the Treaty of Berlin. Also, it points out the peasants' new economic situation after the liberation from the feudal system. Analysing the unpublished and published documents, with the help of periodicals and literature, the article provides the new insights and views into the studies of the rural history of Serbia and Southeastern Europe in the 19th century

Exploring the Interrelationship between Scientific Knowledge and Economic Growth in Serbia: Empirical Insights

The primary objective of this study is to examine the nature of the relationship between the production of scientific knowledge and economic growth in Serbia during the period 1996-2022. For this purpose, the Vector Autoregression approach, along with the impulse response function and forecast error variance decomposition, was employed. Results suggest an impact of economic growth on the production of scientific knowledge, while no impact in the opposite direction is detected. The Serbian government should persist in investing in science and work closely with the scientific community to overcome barriers to scientific knowledge's full contribution to economic prosperity.

Period neizvjesnosti i nesigurnosti: Pravni i politički status Kosova u periodu od 1989. do 1991. godine

This research holds great significance not only for the Albanians of Kosovo in the former Yugoslavia but also for the entire Balkan region during a highly important historical period between 1989 and 1991. It gives a succinct history of Kosovo, detailing Serbia's legal persecution and the nonviolent protests of the Albanians. This research combines a variety of official documents, local and worldwide literature, as well as international actions and judgments, using an analytical approach to the sources to create a thorough comprehension of the events and their causes. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, the Serbian state undertook a series of constitutional and legal changes that resulted in the limitation of Kosovo's autonomy. These restrictive changes caused a series of peaceful civil and political reactions from the Albanian population in Kosovo. Conscious of their position, the Albanians of Kosovo strive to assert their rights and preserve their cultural identity. This research aims to describe the constitutional and legal acts of the Serbian state as well as the political and civic responses of the Albanians in Kosovo. The study examines the cause-and-effect link between the oppressive acts of the Serbian government (cause) and the responses of the Albanian community (effect), illuminating the intricate dynamics that molded the course of the area. The research attempts to provide a nuanced and comprehensive view of the period of political and legal uncertainty by evaluating these changes within the specified timeframe. The methodology used in this research is based on material analysis, employing descriptive, historical, and analytical methods. The expected results of this research emphasize the challenges that Kosovo faces in the context of political and legal insecurity. The research highlights human rights violations, socio-political struggles, and efforts to preserve the identity of the Albanian community. The study also shows the reactions of the international community to these events and the impact of external actors on the situation in Kosovo. In conclusion, this research presents the answers to the research questions or hypotheses. It also explains why the years between 1989-1991 were a period that led to the beginning of an end for the system of the former Yugoslavia. It is evident that these years marked a critical and significant turning point in the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. The legal repressions and political turmoil experienced by Kosovo during this period were decisive in the dissolution of the so-called Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). Understanding the events between the years 1989 and 1991 is crucial from a future analytical standpoint to comprehend the larger historical framework of Kosovo and the Balkans since these events had an impact on the neighboring nations as well. By concentrating on this significant time period, which had a significant influence on Kosovo's history and its road to liberation and independence, this research seeks to add to scholarly discourse. Recognizing the struggles and resiliency of the Albanian community over these years might provide important lessons for tackling problems and boosting stability in the area as Kosovo develops and moves forward.

Crowding-out effect of tobacco consumption in Serbia

BackgroundAlthough smoking prevalence and intensity in Serbia have decreased in recent years, expenditures on tobacco products still represent a significant portion of household budgets. As households have limited resources at...

Against Dictatorship, against Backsliding? Examining the Effect of Serbian Anti-Government Protests on the 2020 Electoral Boycott

The power of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) has been steadily growing ever since 2012. The party has successfully taken control of all levels of government in Serbia, and the country has suffered from gradual democratic backsliding as a result. In this article, we focus on two protest waves in Serbia between 2017 and 2019. Crucially, a number of opposition parties involved in the more recent protest wave boycotted the 2020 parliamentary election. This article analyzes the characteristics of the citizen-led response in local communities across Serbia and estimates its electoral impact using a difference-in-differences approach. The case of Serbia not only elucidates modes of citizen response and their impact in post-Communist Europe but also provides comparative insights for the potential for citizen-led resistance to mobilize against backsliding in other countries. The objectives of the article are twofold. First, the article uses an original data set of Serbian protest events between 2017 and 2019 to ascertain how the two protest waves were conducted, and how citizens respond to democratic backsliding. Second, using data on municipal-level turnout and SNS vote share in the 2020 parliamentary election, we examine the average electoral impact of protest and, related to that, we evaluate the success of opposition parties in mobilizing voters for the electoral boycott. The article investigates whether SNS-led democratic backsliding is resilient to sustained citizen-led mobilization or whether this bottom-up resistance challenges the notion that “stabilitocracies” such as Serbia are immune to fundamental political change.

Transnational companies in environmental conflicts: Rio Tinto, anti-mining resistance in Serbia, and the contradictions of Europeanization

AbstractAfter decades of outsourcing mining activities, Global North governments have begun to domesticate production sites. This strategy aligns with decarbonization goals but also contributes to the emergence of new environmental conflicts and protest movements. The analysis of these movements provides an important insight into the changing shape of transnational rule in the context of resource extraction for the European Green Deal. Building on the approach to reconstruct rule from resistance, we reconstruct the anti-mining resistance movement against a lithium mine in Serbia. Tracing their tactics and addressees, we identify three main conflict actors that the movement is opposed to (the transnational mining company Rio Tinto, the Serbian government, and the European Union (EU)). By addressing these institutions, the protesters do not only constitute a multifaceted conflict constellation around the Jadar project, but they also submit an argument about who can and who is allowed to dictate to others how they ought to behave. While all involved parties play their part, the EU appears more as a structural force during the conflict, preconfiguring the possible conduct of others. Particularly, the accession process places contradictory expectations on Serbia, both enabling and restricting the agency of the government and domestic protest movements. Yet, transnational companies are likely profiting from this constellation in the long run, because the inbuilt contradiction between a commitment to green policies and a pressure to open markets to foreign investments in the context of the accession process is conducive to that end.

Glas za parlamentarnu republiku

The author puts forward the idea to replace the existing, ill-functioning semi-presidential form of government in Serbia with parliamentary government. The latter would put an end to the shortcomings of the current form of government, predominantly consisting in hypertrophy of the presidential powers. The author discusses two topics concerning the parliamentary form of government: election of the head of state and the relations between parliament and the cabinet. The author’s suggestions regarding the future shape of these institutions in a future parliamentary republic are aimed solely at instigating debate, which he considers indispensable.

‘To knock the cudgel out of the enforcer’s hand’: the Serbian Parliament on the abolishment of corporal punishment

ABSTRACT In 1873, the Serbian government proposed to abolish corporal punishment from the Criminal Code. (Since 1860, it existed in the form of beating of up to 50 strikes.) While the parliamentary committee supported this amendment, listing five arguments in favour of the abolishment, the opinions in the plenum were divided. Some MPs supported it, seeing corporal punishment as anachronistic, or underlining inequalities and abuse involved in its application. However, some thought that prison could not serve as a sufficient deterrent to potential offenders, and they feared that abolishing beating would lead to an increase in crime rates. The discussion was concluded by a long speech of Đorđe Cenić, Minister of Justice (and author of the amendment), after which the proposal was accepted with a prevailing majority. This article will analyse the MPs’ attitudes towards this form of punishment, Cenić’s influence both as a political figure and as an expert on criminal law, and the arguments given by both sides, while attempting to place the analysed case into a broader legal-political framework.

KAJICA MILANOV, BRANISLAV STRANjAKOVIĆ I MEHANIZMI USPOSTAVLjANjA TOTALITARIZMA U JUGOSLAVIJI

Eight decades after 1944 as the key year for regime change in Serbia, the thesis that Serbia was liberated then is still dominant. The author examines the definition of the process of change of power that took place at that time. Using the works of Kajica Milanov and Branislav Stranjaković, originally published in emigration as evidence of the methods of establishing totalitarian government in Serbia and Yugoslavia, he presents the hypothesis that one occupation was then replaced by another. The Nazi occupation was replaced by a communist totalitarian system based on the “liberation” of people from private property, human rights and freedoms, the rule of law and elementary security, from family values, religion and tradition, etc. In addition, there are numerous testimonies that the “liberators” perceived Serbia as an occupation zone and its inhabitants as enemies. Based on all that and the results of the rule of the Titoist system, we claim that 1944 cannot be spoken of as a year of liberation.

The Jadar lithium mining project in Serbia: imperatives mean complex decision-making

This article examines the decision by the Serbian government to approve the highly controversial Jadar project to mine lithium at a site in the western part of Serbia. Lithium is a critical raw material with a variety of applications including, most strategically, in terms of its role in the batteries that power electric mobility. While it is not particularly rare, known global reserves of this critical raw material are heavily concentrated in a small number of places very few of which are in Europe. Consequently, there is sizable political pressure to develop an industry, where reserves can be found, within Europe. The authors – editors of the SEER Journal – consider why Europe needs to develop a lithium industry as well as some of the environmental considerations surrounding lithium mining, these being sizable enough for protesters to have played a significant role in halting the Jadar project in 2022. They conclude by locating the decision to reopen the project in the context of Serbia’s European integration and point to some of the implications for Serbia’s relations both with the EU and with its neighbours.

Serbian Energy Sector in a Gap Between East and West

Serbia's energy sector is heavily reliant on Russian influence. On the other hand, Serbia's status as a candidate country for joining the European Union (EU) membership requires active working toward diversifying energy sources of supply. In the past decade, Serbia has secured a reduced price for natural gas through a bilateral agreement with Russia, addressing the shortfall in its domestic production. The former agreement priced Russian gas at US$270 per thousand cubic meters and expired in 2021. The new deal links gas prices to crude oil and ranges between US$310 and US$408, maintaining its competitive position as one of Europe's lowest import prices. Furthermore, alongside the new gas pipeline for Russian gas exports, the EU is funding the construction of a new interconnector, both with entry points from Bulgaria. Serbia also faces significant dependence on crude oil, and this reliance is compounded by the inability to import it from Russia any longer. Opposite, Serbia is usually self-sufficient in electricity production which still remains under state ownership. The domestic exploration and processing of oil and gas, as well as the sole underground gas storage facility in Serbia, have partial ownership by Russian Gazprom while the transportation of gas is under the full control of the Serbian government. This Communication about the energy situation in the Republic of Serbia put particular emphasis on the evolving political dynamics in the global energy market with a specific focus on the Russia–Ukraine war. The topic is also linked to the contentious status of the southern Serbian autonomous province, recognized as an independent state by the majority of Western nations but not by Serbia. It is feared that Serbia's energy dependence on Russia could have significant ramifications for its EU candidacy.

Cultural landscape management in context: Local communities' perceptions under Jadar mineral extraction project in Serbia

In 2004, a new lithium-rich mineral, 'jadarite', was discovered in Serbia. In 2020, the government of Serbia and mining giant Rio Tinto announced a plan to extract lithium, which sparked massive environmental protests across the country. In this paper, we study perceptions of local communities towards Jadar mineral extraction project, which is planned in the zone of the cultural landscape ‘Tršić Tronoša’.We employed a household-level face-to-face survey, conceptually following the sustainable livelihood approach. Results shows that local communities anticipate negative changes in environmental quality, lifestyle, and activities such as agriculture and tourism, which are seen as vital for future development compatible with the cultural landscape conservation goals. Local communities perceive a bias towards private companies by the government authorities, driven by economic interests that, as seen by locals, may also be influenced by international political pressures. Other factors, such as lack of participatory approaches and non-transparent communication were also negatively perceived. We argue that mineral extraction planning in high biodiversity and cultural heritage areas is sensitive because local communities are strongly tied through historical activities and traditions to the landscape and are not willing to trade off their environment for the economic benefits that the mineral industry could bring.

Serbian Programs for the Expulsion of Albanian Kosovars from Kosovo Between Two World Wars

The purpose of the research paper is treat of the forced displacement of Albanians from Kosovo to Albania in the years 1918-1941 by the Serbian government through various programs. Serbian programs for the expulsion of Albanians, initiated since the ‘Načertanije’ (‘Draft Plan’) of 1844, did not cease throughout the entire 20th century. Between the two World Wars, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes – Yugoslavia drew up a large number of programs against the Albanians, where the key point was the displacement of Albanians from their lands and the reversal of the demographic structure to the detriment of the Albanians people, applying various methods and measures of violence.
 The scientific novelty. Until the 1930s, Serbian circles assessed that these measures had not yielded the desired effects, thus it was necessary to continue with several programs and strategies that would lead to a large-scale ethnic cleansing of Albanians by expelling them from their lands or assimilating them. This paper deals with all the Serbian programs and plans which were applied by means of three main actions such as forced displacement, colonization and agrarian reform.
 Conclusions. Based on what we have discussed, there is no doubt that the policy of Serbian government’s violence against Albanians materialized through these infamous programs. The Serbian authorities had primary intentions of ethnic cleansing and changing the ethnic structure in the regions where Albanians predominated. The expulsion of Albanians occurred according to these programs, as the Serbian government had institutionalized and utilized these various programs to achieve its goals. During this period, Albanians faced all the measures of violence from the state apparatus in Belgrade, their lives deteriorated day by day in all spheres of life, and as a result, an extremely large number of them were forced to be displaced and leave their homelands. The policy of Greater Serbia ideology did not cease, not only in this period but throughout the entire 20th century.

NATIONAL CONFERENCE – STRENGTHENING CORPORATE GOVERNANCE IN SERBIA: SUSTAINABILITY REPORTING AND THE INCREASING ROLE OF AUDIT COMMITTEES, BELGRADE, SERBIA

A National Conference “Strengthening Corporate Governance in Serbia: Sustainability Reporting and the Increasing Role of Audit Committees” was held in Belgrade, Serbia on May 11, 2023. The important role of the audit committee as a link in the chain of parties ensuring proper reporting and the related assurance provided by auditors was highlighted during the Conference.

MILAN KALABIĆ: OD RATNIKA ZA STARU SRBIJU DO RAVNOGORCA

The article provides the biographical overview to the one of the prominent figures of the 1941 Serbian Uprising. Mainly known by his role in the uprising as the commander of the units belonging to the General Nedic’s Serbian Government forces in autumn 1941, and his later devotion to the General Mihailovic resistance movement. Since his illegal activities and wireless connections with Mihailovic, as the major of the Pozarevac district, Kalabic was arrested and killed by the German security authorities in Belgrade, in late 1942. This article extends his biography into First World War, when he served as the officer in Serbian Army, and later became an officer of the Yugoslav Gendarmerie. Serving in Montenegro, he committed a serious atrocity against notable Montenegro personalities, causing the transfer from Montenegro, dismissing from the service and trial. Kalabic even manage to evade the assassination from the relative of the killed Montenegrins. The article was written upon the authors research in several of Belgrade archives and consulting newspapers from contemporary period and literature.

Using the Pandemic for Their Own Gain: The Experiences of COVID in Serbia

The paper analyzes the experiences of older adults (65 years of age and older) with the COVID-19 pandemic in Serbia. At the beginning of the pandemic, the Serbian government declared a national state of emergency, which included a strict curfew in which older adults were forbidden to leave their homes under any circumstances. After 52 days, the state of emergency was lifted, which was soon followed by a rapid loosening of coronavirus measures. During this time, Serbia held parliamentary elections that were rife with irregularities. The government was accused of using the pandemic for political gains, including fabricating the numbers of COVID-19 deaths. The interlocutors in the study mapped their experiences with these measures and recounted how their lives had changed since the early days of the pandemic and into 2022. All interlocutors chose to frame their experiences through their criticism of the government and how it mishandled the pandemic. Rather than making excuses for a weaker government, the criticism is based on interlocutors’ expectations of a capable statecraft that can take care of its people, and the inability of the existing government to fulfill these expectations. Through the experiences of the pandemic, the study examines the tensions between the government and people in Serbia’s post-socialist context, and how these tensions are heightened during the time of crisis.

“Symphonia”? A New Patriarch Attempts to Redefine Church–State Relations in Serbia

Abstract The authors examine the relationship between Church and state in Serbia since the election of the new patriarch in February 2021. They demonstrate the ways in which Church and state have begun to take divergent paths. This is not to suggest that political and ecclesiastical power are not deeply entwined in contemporary Serbia—they are. However, the authors show how—contrary to accounts which present Church and state as practically homologous—clerical and political leaders are increasingly pulling in different directions. They evaluate the key features of what has so far been a brief, but momentous tenure of the Serbian Patriarch Porfirije. A particular emphasis is placed on the new patriarch’s ecclesiastical diplomacy, the ever-increasing role of the Church as a mnemonic agent, the Church’s reaction to Belgrade hosting an LGBT pride parade and, finally, its rapport with the Serbian government.

Content-based comparison of communities in social networks: Ex-Yugoslavian reactions to the Russian invasion of Ukraine

We discuss the added value of various approaches for identifying similarities in social network communities based on the content they produce. We show the limitations of observing communities using topology-only and illustrate the benefits and complementarity of including supplementary data when analyzing social networks. As a case study, we analyze the reactions of the Ex-Yugoslavian retweet communities to the Russian invasion of Ukraine, comparing topological inter-community interaction with their content-based similarity (hashtags, news sources, topics and sentiment). The findings indicate that despite the Ex-Yugoslavian countries having a common macro-language, their retweet communities exhibit diverse responses to the invasion. Certain communities exhibit a notable level of content-based similarity, although their topological similarity remains relatively low. On the other hand, there are communities that display high similarity in specific types of content, but demonstrate less similarity when considering other aspects. For example, we identify a strong echo-chamber community linked to the Serbian government that deliberately avoids the invasion topic, despite showing news source similarities with other communities highly active on the subject. In summary, our study highlights the importance of employing multifaceted approaches to analyzing community similarities, as they enable a more comprehensive understanding of social media discourse. This approach extends beyond the confines of our specific case study, presenting opportunities to gain valuable insights into complex social events across various contexts.

CORPORATE ENVIRONMENTAL AWARENESS AND PRO-ENVIRONMENTAL BEHAVIOUR AS COMPETITIVENESS FACTORS IN SERBIA: CURRENT STATE OF DEVELOPMENT AND KEY DRIVERS

Environmental awareness was proven to be a significant competitiveness factor among consumers with high environmental awareness levels. Since the latest scientific research has revealed an enviably high environmental awareness level among consumers on the Serbian market, the purpose of this empirical research paper is to provide insight into the current environmental awareness level and pro-environmental behaviour in business organisations in Serbia. Environmental awareness and pro-environmental behaviour are explored both generally and from the standpoint of the impact of specific managerial and organisational attributes. The sample includes 107 managers interviewed using the Computer Assisted Web Interview technique. Results show a slightly above average corporate environmental awareness level and pro-environmental behaviour in the Serbian business world, with lower rankings received in comparison with Serbian consumers. Additionally, a corporate environmental awareness-behaviour gap was detected, demonstrating that barriers are more dominant than motivators for pro-environmental behaviour in the Serbian business world. The business organisation size appears as the only differing factor influencing environmental awareness and pro-environmental behaviour in Serbia, showing that larger organisations face larger environmental violations and problems, and consequently develop a higher level of environmental awareness and pro-environmental behaviour. The results indicate that the Serbian government, as one of the key promoters of corporate environmental responsibility, shares the same environmental awareness level and pro-environmental behaviour as Serbian business organisations, leaving consumers with the task of attempting to influence the Serbian government and Serbian corporations in order to motivate them to start behaving in a more environmentally responsible manner. This research implies that environmental awareness is not sufficiently present in managers’ minds and Serbian businesses, and, consequently, corporate pro-environmental behaviour itself, together with the present corporate environmental awareness-behaviour gap, cannot reach higher levels. This means that the opportunities to gain a significant competitive advantage on the Serbian market based on environmentally conscious business activities are being missed.