Afghan Government Research Articles

An Analysis of the Crucial Role of Religious Extremism Contributes to Afghanistan’s Political Instability

Purpose: Political stability in Afghanistan has been hindered by religious extremism. However, several parties have grown up within the country to oppose the government. These extremist groups employ suffering as a means of gaining political power rather than simply using religion Because Sunni, Shia, Hanafi, Wahhabi, and other religious individuals live and work to promote their religions, religious extremism has a significant effect on Afghanistan's political stability. This has led to numerous problems between the citizens and the government. Several explosions have happened in mosques targeting Shia. It is believed that non-Muslims are using this tactic to extend the ongoing conflict in Afghanistan distinctively. This paper aims to analyze the impact of religious extremism on political instability in Afghanistan. In this paper, the analysis is based on the fact that religious extremists have a great impact on the political stability of Afghanistan. Materials and Methods: The study emphasizes analytical and descriptive approaches to gathering and analyzing data, which is more consistent with qualitative studies. The primary approaches used to gather data for qualitative research encompass focus groups, observation, and interviews. Findings: The results of this study are as follows: (1) The analysis of religion is considered one of the important elements in Afghanistan, five categories of participants have different opinions about this response, 51% of respondents agree that religious extremes have an impact on Afghanistan political stability, 38% of participants strongly agree that religion has on impact on political stability in Afghanistan; (2) the supporting of militant groups has an impact on Afghan political instability, 5% of participants are neutral about this response, and 3% of the participants are strongly disagree about the above response. Implications to Theory, Practice and Policy: We recommend that the Afghan government strictly obey the rule of Islam and international partners should cooperate with Afghanistan in this field.

China's Response to the Expansion of U.S. Influence in Asia: The Intersection of Religion and Governance in Afghanistan (2011-2019)

Research Problem: The article addresses China’s concerns regarding the expansion of U.S. influence in Asia, particularly focusing on Afghanistan's strategic importance in the geopolitical competition between the two powers. The U.S. military presence and Afghanistan’s religiously influenced governance pose a significant challenge for China, which must navigate both political and religious dynamics to secure its interests in the region. This research investigates how these factors shape China’s foreign policy and its interactions with Afghanistan. Research purposes: The study aims to explore how China’s foreign policy towards Afghanistan has evolved in response to the geopolitical and religious landscape influenced by U.S. actions. Specifically, it examines China’s strategic calculations regarding Afghanistan’s religious governance and how this affects its efforts to engage with Afghan political actors, such as the Taliban, while maintaining its broader geopolitical and economic goals, including the Belt and Road Initiative. Research methods: The research employs a historical and analytical approach, drawing on data from 2011 to 2019 to examine China's foreign policy shifts in response to U.S. actions in Afghanistan. The study relies on secondary sources, including policy papers, academic works, and governmental reports, to assess China’s evolving role and strategies concerning the religiously influenced political structures in Afghanistan. Results and Discussion: The findings show that China’s foreign policy towards Afghanistan is significantly influenced by its concerns over U.S. military presence and alliances in the region. China’s engagement with Afghanistan has been shaped by the need to navigate the religious-political dynamics, particularly with the rise of religiously motivated actors such as the Taliban. China’s strategic responses include strengthening diplomatic ties, economic investments, and engaging with both Afghan religious and political leaders to secure its geopolitical interests. The article discusses how China's secular approach to governance contrasts with Afghanistan’s religious influences, affecting its foreign policy strategies. Research Implications and Contributions: This study contributes to the broader understanding of how religion, politics, and governance intersect in Afghanistan’s international relations, particularly with China. It provides insights into how China adapts its foreign policy to account for religiously motivated governance, while also pursuing its geopolitical goals in the region. The research offers valuable perspectives for policymakers and scholars on the interplay between religion, governance, and foreign policy in a strategically significant context like Afghanistan.

Examining the Rights of Foreign Tourists in the Law of Afghanistan

Today, travel and tourism are urgent needs of the world's modern culture that all people try to have fun and travel domestically or internationally, which is very important for countries in terms of business and economy. They always try to develop the tourist industry. To attract many tourists to the country, to improve the level of the country's economy, in addition to the development of economic infrastructure, and political and security stability, it is necessary to recognize the rights of tourists in domestic laws. Therefore, in this article, the right to tourism and the general rights of tourists in the legal system of Afghanistan are examined. So, the Afghan legislator recognized the right to tourism, freedom, and general human rights for individuals in the constitution, and according to Article 7 of this law, all the freedoms and general rights that are included in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights or the treaties that the Afghan government It is a member of foreign citizens, which includes the right to security (life and financial), the right to human dignity, the right to travel and choose residence, the right to privacy, the right to access the consulate, the right to go to court, and the right to access information. It recognizes the necessity and is obliged to observe it in the sovereignty of the government territory, and on the other hand, foreign tourists who come to Afghanistan must observe the norms, culture, and internal laws so as not to be against public opinion and conscience.

International aid management in Afghanistan’s health sector from the perspective of national and international managers

PurposeThe primary purpose of international aid is to promote economic and social development around the world. International aid plays an important role in Afghanistan’s healthcare system. The purpose of this study is to investigate international aid management in Afghanistan’s health sector from the perspectives of national and international managers in 2022 and to provide recommendations for the improvement.Design/methodology/approachThe study has a cross-sectional design. The study participants were chosen by random sampling. The sample size was determined based on Yaman’s formula at 110. The data collection tool was the questionnaire provided by International Health Partnership and Related Initiatives. The data were analyzed in two descriptive (mean and percentage) and analytical formats. Independent t-test, Mann-Whitney, Kolmogorov-Smirnov tests and Variance analysis were used to examine the relationships between demographic variables and the scores of each dimension.FindingsThe average scores given to different dimensions of aid management were as following: 1) the donners’ support of the national health strategy: 48/68 ± 16.14 (49%), 2) the predictable financing: 50/23 ± 16.02 (50%), 3) foreign aid on budget: 55/39 ± 20.15 (55%), 4) strengthening public financial management system: 38/35 ± 19.06 (38%), 5) strengthening the supply and procurement system: 40.97 ± 19.55 (41%), 6) mutual accountability: 46.50 ± 19.26 (46%), 7) technical support and training: 50.24 ± 17.33 (50%), 8) civil society involvement: 35.24 ± 18.61(35%), 9) private sector participation: 36 ± 17.55 (36%), and in total the average score was 44.52 ± 13.27 (44%). The difference between the scores given by two groups of managers was not significant. No meaningful relationship was observed between the total score and any of the demographic variables, but there was a weak relationship between work and management experience and total score. The correlation coefficient showed a statistically significant relationship between the different dimensions of the questionnaire. To sum up, the performance in all dimensions of aid management hardly reached 50%. Donors’ support for the national health strategy was not adequate. There were challenges in evidence-based decision-making, developing national health strategies, control and evaluation, the allocation of resources and use of procurement system. The priorities of donors and government were not always similar and mutual responsibility was lacking. Technical assistance and supporting multilateral cooperation are necessary.Originality/valueMost studies on foreign aid focused on its effects on economic growth, poverty and investment and not aid management processes. Without proper aid management, parts of resources are wasted and aims of aid programs cannot be achieved. This study investigates aid management in a developing country from the perspectives of two main stakeholders, international and national managers.Research limitations and implicationsData collection coincided with the change of government in Afghanistan. The situation might be different now. Still, this study provides areas for the improvement of aid management in the studied country. Future studies can build upon the findings of this research and conduct in-depth exploration of areas of aid effectiveness and designing detailed programs of improvement.Practical implicationsInstructions of the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness need to be followed. Particularly, civil society involvement and private sector participation should receive attention. A joint plan for improvement and collaboration of different stakeholders is needed.

Addressing the Causes and Effects of Climate Change in Afghanistan: Mitigation Strategies and Solutions for a Sustainable Future

The goal of this research is to address the causes and effects of climate change in Afghanistan and to develop strategies and solutions for a sustainable future. A qualitative approach was utilized, employing semi-structured interviews with climate change experts selected via snowball sampling. These interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed, coded, and analyzed through thematic analysis. The study identified various causes of climate change in Afghanistan, such as deforestation, fossil fuel combustion, urbanization, ongoing conflicts, industrial activities, inefficient waste management, and poor water management practices. These factors have culminated in escalating droughts, melting glaciers and snow, floods and storms, as well as adverse effects on agriculture and livestock, and an increase in diseases among humans, animals, and plants. The research underscores the urgent need for mitigation strategies and sustainable solutions for Afghanistan’s future. Proposed strategies and solutions include seeking foreign aid, collaborating with national and international organizations, raising public awareness, preventing deforestation and smuggling, implementing water storage measures, learning from other countries’ experiences, conducting further assessments and research, expanding greenery, and formulating comprehensive policies and strategic plans for water management. The findings are significant for the Afghan government, national and international organizations engaged in climate change efforts, and policymakers. Given Afghanistan's heightened vulnerability to climate change, it is essential to take proactive measures and prioritize mitigation and adaptation efforts to ensure a sustainable future for the country. Addressing these critical issues will require coordinated action and sustained commitment from all stakeholders involved.

The Dilemma of Justice: The International Criminal Court’s Political Maneuver

ABSTRACT∞ This article explores the perspectives of Afghan human rights advocates and academics on transitional justice, focused on the conundrum of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to investigate war crimes and crimes against humanity in Afghanistan. As a judicial entity, the ICC operates in a political environment. The tug of war of the ICC concerning what party to investigate is a testiment to this claim. In a recent twist, the new prosecutor, Karim Khan, issued a statement that his office would focus on crimes perpetrated by the Taliban and the Islamic State Khorasan Province, thus deprioritizing other parties, including the Afghan national security forces and the US military, that were determined by his predecessor. The Afghan human rights advocates and academics, while supporting accountability, criticize selective justice. The nature of war, the US–Taliban peace deal in 2020 and the collapse of the Afghan government in 2021 have furthered the dilemma of justice.

Analysis of Women's Participation in the Political and Social Processes of Afghanistan

Purpose: This study examines the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace, and security in Afghanistan, focusing on the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan's action plan.Methodology:The research employs a mixed-methods approach, combining quantitative and qualitative analysis, and is a field study. The sample consisted of 100 well-known activists in women's participation studies and advocacy, chosen based on their professional experience and interactions over the past fifteen years. Data collection involved distributing 110 questionnaires with 35 closed-ended and three open-ended questions, resulting in 101 valid responses. The study utilized books, reports, surveys, and existing scientific studies to categorize and present the findings.Findings: The study revealed that since adopting the National Action Plan for Women, Peace, and Security to implement Resolution 1325, the Afghan government and national and international partners have undertaken various initiatives to enhance women's social and political participation.Implication:Numerous challenges and obstacles remain, necessitating severe attention from the government, legislative bodies, and their.

The Fall of Afghanistan: Can the Refugee Protection Regime Handle the New Refugee Wave?

The Taliban takeover of Afghanistan on August 15, 2021, triggered a significant refugee crisis. By mid-2022, 2.8 million Afghan refugees were registered internationally, primarily in Pakistan and Iran, and by 2023, 4.3 million Afghans were internally displaced. Many at-risk Afghans were left behind as US-led forces withdrew. Despite resettlement efforts, many threatened by the Taliban remain excluded, as the Taliban targets former military, NGO workers, and Afghan government officials. Daily migration to Iran and Pakistan surged, with many seeking refuge through Iran to Turkey and Europe. This paper examines whether the current refugee protection mechanism can manage this influx. Using a normative legal research method, it analyzes secondary data from books, journals, reports, and documents, providing historical context on Afghan politics and displacement. It critically evaluates the international refugee protection regime, identifying gaps and shortcomings, particularly the lack of a binding responsibility-sharing mechanism. This has resulted in poorer nations hosting a disproportionate number of refugees, necessitating a commitment from the international community to address this inequity. The paper concludes with policy recommendations to improve the global response to the Afghan refugee crisis, emphasizing the need for equitable responsibility-sharing to enhance protection for Afghan refugees.

AFG‘ONISTON DAVLATCHILIGI HOKIMYAT TUZILMASIDA AFG‘ON O‘ZBEKLARINING ROLI: TARIXIY TAHLIL (XIX ASR OXIRI – XX ASR BIRINCHI YARMI)

This article provides information about the role of representatives of the Uzbek nationality living in the country in the administrative structure of the Afghan government from the end of the 19th century to the middle of the 20th century. During this period, the life and activities of many ministers, soldiers, ambassadors, representatives of the government system, who grew up among the local and immigrant Afghan Uzbeks, were analyzed in detail.

Women, extremism and repression under Taliban 2.0 in Afghanistan: beyond the good

ABSTRACT This article examines the position of women in Afghanistan after the Taliban return to power in August 2021. Importantly, the anti-modern and anti-western political ideology of the Taliban played a substantial role in how they came to power again through unorthodox and unconstitutional means, exercising extensive total control and power in an unconstitutional and arbitrary manner. The article argues that the current situation in Afghanistan is bleak, especially for women. It thus therefore proposes that the Taliban must embrace a pluralistic balancing of space for all religious perspectives within Islam and local cultures of Afghanistan to be recognised as a political entity responsible for legitimate governance in Afghanistan. Simply trying to repress women, whether rhetorically or actually, is indeed beyond minimum expectations of good governance.

Deficit of Trust in Pakistan-Afghanistan Bilateral Relations: An Evaluation from a Security and Economic Perspective from 2001 to 2021

At the crossroads of Central and Southern Asia lie two Muslim neighbors i.e., Pakistan and Afghanistan. Similarities in religion, culture, ethnicity, race, and history were predicted to cement the harmonious bilateral connection between the two countries. There have been a lot of obstacles to the development of positive relations between the two republics ever since they were established. Afghanistan's alone neighbor and a key commercial partner, Pakistan and the two countries have a difficult history despite Afghanistan's reliance on Pakistan's seaports and international trade. Tense relations began with the conflicts over the Durand line and Pakhtunistan stunt supported by Afghan government and were exacerbated by subsequent events like the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and the American involvement in the country after September 11, 2001. A large number of refugees fled to Pakistan as a result of these invasions, shaking up the country's politics and economy. India's involvement in Afghan politics has had a major effect on Pakistan's interests in the country and the surrounding region, especially after September 11th, when the United States attempted to offset Chinese influence in the area. India's engagement in Afghanistan and Pakistan's support in the US invasion of Afghanistan are at the root of the current state of bilateral ties. Normalizing bilateral relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan may require the involvement of a third party or agreement on confidence-building measures to enhance the welfare of persons living on the other side of the Durand line and encourage amicable interactions between the two countries. Using a qualitative approach, this article investigates the causes and consequences of the current mistrust in bilateral ties, with a particular emphasis on economic and security problems in the wake of 9/11.

INSTITUTIONAL RACISM IN SULTANZADAH'S NOVEL 'SHAM-E AKHIR-E AFGHANI' (2021)

This research addresses institutional racism in Afghanistan, focusing on Mohammad Asif Sultanzadah's novel entitled Sham-e Akhir-e Afghani (2021). Utilizing the theoretical framework of institutional racism from Carmichael and Hamilton (1967), this study employs a qualitative approach with textual analysis as the primary tool. In the novel, Sultanzadah’s narrative highlights institutional racism perpetrated by extremist Pashtuns (Taliban) and Afghan government against Hazaras. Findings indicate that racism persists in Afghan society, with Hazaras that differ in ethnicity, religion, and culture, experiencing significant discrimination, particularly in various social settings. While Pashtuns are seen as a superior democratic power condemning individual racism, Hazaras face systemic racial discrimination in education, relationships, housing, and the economic system. This study underscores the urgent need to address institutional racism in Afghanistan.

Strategic Interests and Geopolitical Considerations: Assessing the Importance of Afghanistan for the US Post-Withdrawal

This research aimed to understand the US’s strategic interests, political goals, and geopolitical considerations in Afghanistan post-US military occupation, highlighting its strategic value for the US, given its connection to Central Asia, South Asia, China, and Russia, and its importance to US. This study used qualitative research to conduct a content analysis of the US’s strategic interests and geopolitical considerations in Afghanistan post-withdrawal, using the theories of realism offensive and defensive to determine the value of Afghanistan for the US in the region, thereby revealing US’s clear strategic interests. Afghanistan helped as a US strategic base, reducing China, India and Russia’s influence in the region, promoting its weapons industry, energy resource, indirect engagement and diplomatic initiatives, counter-terrorism, and non-proliferation and regional stability. The US also established a military presence and stable government in Afghanistan, focusing on US interests. Afghanistan has become a battleground for great powers like US, India, China, and Russia, who has used its strategic location for their own interests. The US has worked for its interests in Afghanistan for 20 years, and its policy changes and goals remain safe after withdrawal. However, their interests remain constant. The Afghan government and future generations must recognize Afghanistan’s significance for US strategic interests and geopolitical considerations. US’s priorities and policies change in the region, and when regional and great powers pose challenges, US’s presence in Afghanistan becomes possible.

Harmonizing Legal Frameworks: Bridging the Gap between CEDAW and the Afghan Civil Code in Pursuit of Gender Equality

Afghanistan ratified the CEDAW accord without any conditions in 2003 after the deal was formally recognized by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1980. According to the Vienna Agreement; countries can impose restrictions on United Nations resolutions that contradict domestic laws. The Afghan government has decided not to step in, despite the fact that there is a clash between the CEDAW Convention and the Afghan legal system, particularly the Civil Code. The parties to the CEDAW Convention remove from their legal systems any clauses that restrict gender equality as specified by the convention. This article compares and contrasts the rights and obligations regarding marriage, divorce, inheritance, guardianship, custody, and proclamation found in the Afghan Civil Code with Article 16 of the CEDAW Convention.

Taliban insurgency in Afghanistan: Characteristics, actions and battlefield operationalization

The longest war in the history of America resulted in an Afghan Taliban victory. Despite astronomical material and capacity superiority of the American-led NATO forces vis-à-vis Afghan Taliban, the latter overcame the greater forces and captured Kabul in a lightning-fast sweep across the country. Failure of the US to realize a superior military force in achieving a political victory on the field lies in the characteristics, actions, and effective operationalization of Afghan Taliban’s warfare tactics on the battleground. Tribalism, networked structures, and innovative recruiting principles, coupled with the Afghan government(s) own inefficiencies and rampant corruption led to the demise of American power in Afghanistan.

Assessing Power Dynamics: Afghanistan's Constitutional Framework of 2004

This study provides a detailed analysis of the Afghanistan Constitution of 2004, focusing on the principles of separation and balance of powers as outlined in the renowned theory originating from influential political thinkers such as Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Rousseau, and Montesquieu. The theory of separation of powers has gained widespread acceptance globally, serving as a fundamental tenet of political thought and constitutional law. Through a meticulous examination, this research investigates the incorporation of the theory within the 2004 Afghan constitution, scrutinizing its manifestation across various constitutional provisions. The constitution explicitly delineates executive authority to the government, legislative power to the National Assembly, and judicial power to the judiciary. However, the concentration of extensive powers in the presidency raises valid concerns regarding the preservation of the principle of balance of powers within the constitutional framework. This study aims to elucidate these concerns and provide insights into the potential ramifications for the effective separation and balance of powers within Afghanistan's governance structure. The analysis delves into the mechanisms established by the constitution to ensure the independence and accountability of each branch of government. It examines the interplay between the executive, legislative, and judicial branches, evaluating their respective roles and responsibilities in maintaining the integrity of the constitutional order. Furthermore, the study explores avenues for enhancing the balance of powers and strengthening democratic governance in Afghanistan, considering the evolving political landscape and future prospects for constitutional reform.

Convergence and Divergence of the United States and the European Union on the Process of State-Building in Afghanistan over the Years (2001 – 2022)

The history of Afghanistan can be characterized by the absence of fundamental and structural governments, although rulers under the name of government governed the country in the past century. However, the lack of responsive governments led the country to remain in a constant state of conflict and chronic violence. After 2001, when a new chapter opened in the political history of Afghanistan, the United States and the European Union directly and indirectly had a hand in all Afghan matters. The incorrect understanding of Afghanistan's structure, cultural and historical fabric, and lack of development can be recognized as the necessity and importance in state-building. The main question is how the convergence and divergence of the United States and the European Union have affected the process of state-building in Afghanistan over the past two decades. Apparently, the European Union and the United States did not have fundamental differences in the issues and aspects of state-building, but they differed in their perspectives on how to achieve goals and the methods to reach them. These differences had a negative impact on the process of state-building in Afghanistan. This research utilizes an analytical-descriptive method and collects information from library resources, articles, and journals. The findings indicate that over the past two decades, the European Union and the United States did not have any differences in creating and supporting a strong government in Afghanistan. However, they had differences in the methods and approaches to achieving their goals, which led to the failure of state-building.

‘Afghanistan’—the transnational connection between Haqqani Network and the Arab World

ABSTRACT This article explores the dynamics in the Haqqani Network’s (HN) connection with the Arab world which influenced the latter’s relationship with Afghanistan. The financial as well as ideological network that was established between the HN and the Arab countries has seen a trajectory from financing the Afghan War during the 1970s to clandestinely supporting the revival of the Taliban insurgency after 2001 and finally, participating in the Afghan peace negotiation process from 2010 onward – partly due to changes in the geopolitical priorities. After the Taliban takeover of Kabul in August 2021, the existing clandestine network is likely to change because many leaders from the Haqqani Network have occupied key positions in the Taliban’s interim government. Moreover, some of the countries from the Arab world are redefining their national interests by bringing significant changes to their foreign policies – which is impacting their interaction with the Taliban-led government in Afghanistan. Despite all this change, the relationship between the Arab world, Haqqani Network, and Afghanistan (including the present Taliban 2) is likely to continue as financial confederates (with the help of both overt and hidden networks) in the present and the future as well.

The future of Afghanistan under Taliban-led regime: challenges and likely scenarios

Since the takeover of the Afghan Taliban, there has been a lack of cohesion on the internal and external front and critical issues, including international recognition, the question of ethnicity, inclusive government, human rights, internal and external security, economy, and regional implication of the security and insecurity. Therefore, this paper aims to explore the likely challenges for the Taliban government in Afghanistan. Being the centre stage of the regional security complex and the diverse ethnic composition, Afghanistan remains an active ground for various fundamental ideologies. The Tehreek Taliban Pakistan (TTP) elements are freely roaming in Afghanistan, along with the news that the Islamic State of Khorasan (ISK) has regrouped itself in various parts of Afghanistan. The questions of terrorist groups are a major concern for the world and the neighbouring states of Afghanistan. Political legitimacy and international recognition are significant challenges for the Taliban regime. Similarly, economic problems and human rights violations are also critical challenges for the Taliban regime. Maintaining good relations with neighbouring states is crucial in ending the diplomatic isolation of the Taliban regime. All these are essential questions for the Taliban regime and the world, and this study has attempted to investigate and analyse possible solutions.

Transformation of the media system of Afghanistan in the context of the formation of statehood

The object of the study is the media of Afghanistan. The subject of the study is the genesis of methods for regulating the media system in Afghanistan. The article pays special attention to the formation of the media system of the modern period, which the authors have been defining since the end of 2021. Since the beginning of the 20th century, the media system of Afghanistan has been formed under the influence of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF, acted in accordance with resolution No. 1386[39] The UN Security Council of December 20, 2001) and the desire to create a liberal democratic state in the understanding of the ISAF leadership. Freedom of speech, expression and the media, which were achieved during this period, has been under the control of the Interim Government of Afghanistan since August 2021. This article defines the methods used by the current government of Afghanistan to regulate the media system. The main method of research is the content analysis of documents and information on the practice of law enforcement, compliance with current legislation. Naturally, he could not be divorced from the method of systematization of information - the study of information objects. For the first time in the scientific literature, an empirical study is presented, which represents important material on the history of the media system of Afghanistan, its current state, and the analysis of legislative changes. The study seems to be significant and expands knowledge about the media in this region. For 20 years, the media system of Afghanistan has been formed under the influence of an international coalition led by the United States, which tried to create a liberal democratic state. It was based on a compromise of Western "democratic" and Islamic values, more pluralistic and free than before and after this period. In August 2021, another political force came to power, forming a state based on other principles, which began to exercise control over all spheres, including the media, taking Sharia norms as a basis. One of the conclusions of the study was the strengthening of the traditional identity of the state by the new political power, which was "shaken" by Western reforms. After coming to power, the interim Government of Afghanistan repealed the 2004 Constitution and the 2009 Media Law. The Law on Access to Information in 2019 has not been officially repealed, but it is not respected in the country. Thus, the transformation of the state's media system has begun in the country.