German MPs Research Articles

The Impact of German MPs’ Outside Activities on Their Parliamentary Careers

Moonlighting by members of parliament is a controversial issue with consequences that are still not particularly well-researched. Drawing on theories of legislative organisation, we aim to shed light on this topic by scrutinising how MPs’ outside activities are associated with their political careers. For this purpose, we differentiate outside activities into work-related side jobs and lobbying-oriented interest affiliations. Furthermore, we assess parliamentary careers in terms of obtaining leading positions in committees and in working groups or sections in parliamentary parties. Our analysis of the members of the 19th German Bundestag (2017–2021) that were re-elected and subsequently appointed to offices in the 20th legislative period shows that some interest affiliations have a positive impact on the likelihood of being appointed to an office while side jobs and outside earnings do not appear to have an effect. In sum, our findings show that parliamentary party groups value MPs’ ties to interest organisations, but also question the collective benefits of MPs’ side jobs to legislation.

Myths About Women in the Political Executive—How Gender Stereotypes Shape the Way MPs Assess the Competences of Ministers

This article sheds light on the obstacles that women face as members of the government by answering the questions: How does the sex of ministers shape the way MPs’ assess the quality of their work? And, how does this relationship differ depending on the political ideology of MPs? We argue that legislators assess the competencies of women ministers differently after the activation of gender stereotypes, but that the way they react depends on the ideological orientation of their party. We investigate this topic in a real-word context using a unique survey experiment with German and Austrian MPs. The evidence reveals that, while MPs belonging to right-wing parties perceive women in the executive as less competent than men ministers, their colleagues from left-wing parties actually assess them more favorably. These findings highlight the persistence of old myths about women’s lacking political skills and the emergence of new ones about women’s superior ability to govern.

“The High Mass of Democracy” —Why Germany Remains Aloof to the Idea of Electronic Voting

Despite the increase in citizens' use of absentee voting and examples from other countries, so far Germany remains aloof to the idea of introducing electronic voting as another form of convenience voting to its political elections. Apart from intra-party elections, no changes in the direction of electronic voting are considered in the current debate about an electoral reform. What are the reasons for the German aloofness toward electronic voting? In this article, we focus on party positions and institutional, as well as legal considerations, to provide a comprehensive answer to this question. From a normative point of view, the question of electronic voting is inextricably linked to the concept of electoral integrity, as the latter is pivotal to determine a democratic mode to select trusted representatives. Therefore, this paper first discusses the opportunities and risks for electoral integrity associated with electronic voting. Based on these considerations, we then explore reasons for the hesitancy of German legislators. To this end, we conducted expert interviews with German MPs and considered open-source documents related to the German debate about electronic voting. Our paper contributes to research on party positions on electronic voting, by relating the topic to questions about electoral integrity and considering political parties' reasoning, as well as legal and institutional constraints in the German context. We find that the main reasons provided by party representatives circle around concerns about transparency, security, accuracy, and the value of the voting act itself.

Die Berufsstruktur des Deutschen Bundestages in der 20 . Wahlperiode

After the 2021 Bundestag election, the composition of parliament changed considerably . With 736 mandate holders, the Bundestag has more members than ever before, and more than 38 percent of them are newcomers . The article uses Adalbert Hess’ categorization scheme to examine how the personnel changes affect German MPs’ occupational structure . Compared to the previous electoral term, it is noticeable that, significantly more MPs are from occupational areas close to politics, especially staff members of parliamentary groups and parties . MPs who previously worked in those jobs are often younger and their share is higher among East German MPs . Although convergence tendencies between East and West German MPs are still rare, they do exist: While East German MPs are still less likely to be freelancers and more likely to be self-employed than their West German colleagues, the dif- ferences between the groups have narrowed noticeably compared to the previous electoral term .

Die Gründergeneration des ostdeutschen Parlamentarismus . Teil 1: Persönlicher Hintergrund und Amtsverständnis

What were the central characteristics of those members of parliament who rebuilt parliamentarism in Eastern Germany after reunification? A detailed picture emerges from surveys conducted in 1991/92 and in 1994 . All East German MPs were included in a paper-and-pencil interview, and in-depth-interviews were conducted with a random sample of MPs from Eastern Germany, West Berlin and West Germany . The results not only revealed similarities and dissimilarities between East and West German MPs but also changes in the role patterns of East German MPs during their first legislative term . In the first part of the analysis, published here, the focus lies on the political and vocational background of the first generation of East German MPs, their parliamentary learning processes, and their role orientations as well as their loyalty ties to their most important political “role partners” .

Defeating TTIP: the French and German parliaments compared

After a start marked by great optimism on both sides of the Atlantic, negotiations for a Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership ended in 2016 after the German government decided to withdraw. Soon after, France followed suit. This was unexpected. The EU favoured the Partnership, and so did the German and French governments. Most expected French opposition to free trade to cause problems and Germany to welcome TTIP. As shown here, the opposite happened. The explanation is partly how the governments framed the Partnership: in France as an instrument ensuring influence over international trade, in Germany as a purely commercial arrangement. Parliaments in the two countries approached TTIP differently: the Assemblee nationale made its own analyses and arranged hearings often attended by the government; the Bundestag remained passive and contacts with the government on TTIP were limited. Despite the fact that the German assembly is vested with far stronger formal powers than the French, they were not used. Attempts are made to explain the passivity displayed by German MPs.

Messages and Familiar Faces: Crowdfunding in the 2017 U.K. Electoral Campaign

Political crowdfunding is a relatively new process. Research has sought to unveil its functioning in particular case studies. However, crowdfunding in electoral campaigns remains largely unexplored and little is known about why some candidates are more likely to attain targeted donation levels than others. This article addresses this gap in the literature and analyzes the use of crowdfunding in the 2017 U.K. General Election campaign. It aims to explain the variation in candidates’ ability to reach the proposed targets. The analysis uses original data collected from 100 crowdfunding projects, campaign websites, and the social media pages of the candidates during the campaign. The findings indicate that candidates with an aggressive message, who are realistic about their proposed target and who are already in office, are more likely to gather donations closer to their targets.Related ArticlesBrogan, Michael J., and Jonathan Mendilow. 2012. “The Telescoping Effects of Public Campaign Funding: Evaluating the Impact of Clean Elections in Arizona, Maine, and New Jersey.” Politics & Policy 40 (3): 492‐518. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00353.xJäckle, Sebastian, and Thomas Metz. 2017. “Beauty Contest Revisited: The Effects of Perceived Attractiveness, Competence, and Likability on the Electoral Success of German MPs.” Politics & Policy 45 (4): 495‐534. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12209Lavery, Lesley. 2013. “Gender Bias in the Media? An Examination of Local Television News Coverage of Male and Female House Candidates.” Politics & Policy 41 (6): 877‐910. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12051

Growth charts for patients with Sanfilippo syndrome (Mucopolysaccharidosis type III)

BackgroundMucopolysaccharidosis (MPS) type III (Sanfilippo syndrome) comprises a group of rare, lysosomal storage diseases caused by the deficiency of one of four enzymes involved in the degradation of heparan sulfate. The clinical hallmark of the disease is severe neurological deterioration leading to dementia and death in the second decade of life. Adult MPS patients are generally of short stature. To date there is no clear description of the physical development of MPS III patients. The aim of this study was to document growth reference data for MPS III patients. We collected growth data of 182 German MPS III patients and were able to develop growth charts for this cohort. Growth curves for height, weight, head circumference, and body mass index were calculated and compared to German reference charts.ResultsBirth height, weight and head circumference were within the physiological ranges. Both genders were significantly taller than healthy children at 2 years of age, while only male patients were taller at the age of four. Growth velocity decelerated after the ages of 4.5 and 5 years for female and male patients, respectively. Both genders were significantly shorter than the reference group at the age of 17.5 years. Head circumference was larger compared to healthy matched controls within the first 2 years of life and remained enlarged until physical maturity.ConclusionMPS III is a not yet treatable severe neuro-degenerative disease, developing new therapeutic strategies might change the course of the disease significantly. The present charts contribute to the understanding of the natural history of MPS III. Specific growth charts represent an important tool for families and physicians as the expected height at physical maturity can be estimated and therapeutic effects can be monitored.

Cultural context in parliamentary discourse with examples of parallel speeches in the polish Sejm and the German Bundestag – reflections from a translator’s perspective

Abstract The article presents examples of cultural references made by Polish MPs speaking in the Polish Sejm and German MPs speaking in the German Bundestag. The term “cultural context” will be used as defined by Boniecka (1994). There will be presented two examples of parliamentary speeches given in the Polish Sejm and the German Bundestag from a larger corpus of collected data for the purpose of the research on the appellative function of the word “wish”. The starting point for compiling texts was the minutes of the parliamentary debates of the Polish Sejm which contained the word “życzyć” (“wish” in Polish) and the minutes of parliamentary debates in the Bundestag which contained the word “wünschen” (‘wish” in German) in the first person singular and plural. The topic of the speeches had a secondary meaning. On the basis of the examples it discussed will be shown that parallel texts of MP’s speeches are a valuable teaching material in specialised language lessons.

Politics & Policy: Note from the Editor

<i>Politics &amp; Policy</i>: Note from the Editor

German MPs and interest groups in EU multilevel policy-making: the politics of information exchange

Policy-makers regularly interact with interest groups to exchange information. This provides, it is often argued, the former with input needed to formulate effective policies and the latter with political influence. This article shares this broad perspective. In contrast to large parts of the literature, however, the paper argues for a political perspective on information exchanges between parliamentarians and interest groups. This perspective builds on party politicians’ ideological positions to explain the scope of parliamentarians’ information exchanges with different types of interest groups. In order to move away from the idea that information is a scarce resource for parliamentarians their interactions with interest groups are put in the context of their intra-party information exchanges. The empirical analysis of original survey data of members of the German Bundestag broadly confirms the article’s main arguments.

Cues for Integration: Foreign Policy Beliefs and German Parliamentarians’ Support for European Integration

How do foreign policy beliefs affect German parliamentarians’ (MPs) support for European integration? Despite important advances, the literature has overlooked the effect of foreign policy beliefs on national representatives’ attitudes toward integration. This study provides a systematic investigation of the role foreign policy beliefs play in shaping German MPs’ support for European integration. I argue that given the complex and contentious character of European integration politics MPs derive heuristic cues from their foreign policy beliefs to form opinions on the desirability of integration. Using data from an original survey conducted with members of the seventeenth German Bundestag, I show that a belief in multilateralism increases support for European integration while isolationist and hawkish foreign policy orientations decrease support. These results indicate that support for European integration is not merely determined by party ideology, electoral pressure or economic considerations, but also has a psychological foundation shaped by politicians’ core beliefs about how the world of international politics operates.

Intervention Theatre: performance, authenticity and expert knowledge in politicians’ travel to post-/conflict spaces

ABSTRACTThis article explores the role of official travel activities by politicians to post-/conflict spaces in German foreign policymaking. Starting from the observation that official travel justifications stress the value of authentic insights and unfiltered information, while journeys in practice are meticulously planned and staged, it asks what kind of knowing is possible, how actors make sense of the staged nature of field trips, and how multiple performances create and/or undermine notions of authenticity and first-hand expertise. The article shows that official on-site visits are composed of multiple conscious performances by all actors involved, but that these performances do not undermine the notions of authenticity and expertise. On the contrary, knowledge authenticity—or truth claims on the basis of authentic insights—and related expert authority are produced through travel-as-performance. The emphasis policymakers put on on-site presence and (the performance of) localized knowledge contradicts intervention literature’s generalized finding of a prioritization of technocratic over localized knowledge. The article draws on politics and performance scholarship and authenticity theories in tourism studies to make sense of a wealth of empirical material on the claims, practice and functions of German MPs’ journeys to post-/conflict spaces as part of broader political struggles over policy knowledge.

At the grassroots of representation: District work of MPs in Germany

German MPs spend a substantial amount of time in their home districts. Based on observation and interview data, this article aims to understand both the motivation and the effects of district work in Germany. The institutional setting of the German political system provides various incentives for MPs to conduct district work. What results from them is investigated by analyzing the activities in the district, MPs different communication styles, their casework, their party events and the influence of mandate types on MP behavior. Discussing how the activities in the district and those in parliament are related shows how crucial this link is for understanding modern representative democracies. Thus, in studying parliaments, a broad focus is in order.

Political Advertising on the Wikipedia Market Place of Information

We point to a popular yet under-researched platform of political information, the online encyclopedia Wikipedia. Considering the supply side of the marketplace, we argue that personal biographies on the platform are an attractive medium for politicians to enhance their appearance. We trace changes to biographies coming from the parliament by using data that cover the entire edit histories for biographies on all German MPs for the three last legislative periods. Our findings show editing of personal biographies to be a persistent phenomenon. Moreover, type, timing, and driving factors of editing behavior highlight the importance politicians’ attribute to Wikipedia for pursuing reelection. Our results speak to the domains of political professionalization, voting behavior and the general measurement of communicative patterns.

Social Media Use of German Politicians: Towards Dialogic Voter Relations?

Social media like Facebook, YouTube and Twitter are the latest innovation in modern e-campaigning. They allow candidates to address voters in a personalised, responsive and dialogue-oriented manner that is hoped to improve the strained connection between citizens and political elite. Whether and in what ways German MPs on different political levels make use of this facility is unclear since studies in this area are still missing. The paper fills this void by providing the first comprehensive assessment of German politicians’ social media use. The study is based on a large-scale content analysis that compares the use of all major platforms (Facebook, VZ, Twitter, YouTube and Twitter) by German MPs in the Bundestag, the European Parliament and five federal state parliaments in 2012. The results show that on all levels MPs began to employ social media and that first steps towards interactive voter relations were made, especially on Facebook.

Looks Good, You’re Hired? Evidence from Extra-Parliamentary Activities of German Parliamentarians

AbstractPoliticians have been shown to benefit electorally from an attractive physical appearance. Employing data on 614 German MPs, this note explores whether it also affects their success/failure in the market for extra-parliamentary activities. An attractive physical appearance is found to mainly benefit female MPs, especially for private-sector jobs. This is particularly driven by MPs’ perceived likability. While MP’s perceived beauty is shown to have no direct effects for extra-parliamentary activities, our findings suggest important indirect effects.

Many New Faces, but Nothing New? The Sociodemographic and Career Profiles of German Bundestag Members in the Eighteenth Legislative Period

The 2013 Bundestag election saw a very high turnover in MPs. The FDP, which previously held ninety-three seats in the Bundestag did not get re-elected, and about 100 members had announced their retirement prior to the election. This article looks at whether the 217 new members have a significantly different sociodemographic and career profile to the re-elected members. While providing an insight into the sociodemographic profiles and career tracks of German MPs, the article finds that not much has changed in sociodemographic profiles and career tracks to the Bundestag. Changes in the occupational structure, however, signal that for more and more MPs politics is becoming a long-term career.

Politicians' Ideas of Ideal Politicians: Findings from German and Austrian State Parliaments

In recent years, both the individualisation and the mediatisation of politics have accelerated a process of political personalisation, a process which has attracted considerable attention from empirical analysts. But in comparison with media-related and citizen/voter-related studies, studies focusing on political actors are rare. As a consequence, little is known about the perceptions of politicians or their attitudes towards personalisation. These perceptions are presumed to be vital for the relationships between citizens and MPs, specifically with regard to leadership, representativeness, and responsiveness. Against this backdrop, an empirical analysis was conducted of the perceptions of German and Austrian MPs regarding the politics- and public performance-related attributes of ‘ideal’ politicians. Differences were found related to age, sex, and country and, foremost, an amalgamation of attributes which are labelled ‘role-near’, political attributes, and ‘role-distant’, that is media and communication skills.

The Ties that Bind? Intra-party Information Exchanges of German MPs in EU Multi-level Politics

As political authority is successively transferred from the national to the EU level, national parliaments are often considered to lose control over the domestic political agenda. Yet recent studies suggest that national parliaments cannot simply be labelled ‘losers’ of European integration. National parliaments have institutionally adapted to the EU in order to better scrutinise and control their governments in EU affairs. While existing research shows how parliaments employ their institutional opportunities to exercise scrutiny in the national arena, this paper suggests that MPs also employ informal strategies to obtain information on EU affairs to control and influence their governments. It argues that MPs primarily act through political parties, which are viewed here as multi-level organisations, and make use of their partisan ties to regional, transnational and supranational party actors to obtain information on EU issues. The article probes this argument by drawing on original data obtained through a survey of German MPs in 2009.