German Colonial Administration Research Articles

»Die Polygamie bedeutet einen Krebsschaden für die deutschen Kolonien.«

Abstract In its African colonies, the German colonial authorities of ten encountered marriages among the colonized population that did not correspond to the European bourgeois ideal of monogamous marriage. Colonial government and Christian missions saw polygamy as an obstacle to their colonial or missionary project. Using files from the German colonial administration in Cameroon, documents from the archive of the Basel Mission, and texts from missionary and colonial magazines, the article examines what precisely the colonial government and missions saw as the dangers of polygamy and what challenges arose in dealing with it. Overall, it is shown how essential monogamy was for the self-definition of the German colonial power. Criticism of polygamy served to distinguish Germany from the colonial other and to devalue its culture. Polygamy was considered non-Christian, non-European, non-civilized. In practice, however, this clarity blurred in the face of diverse challenges, so that missions and the colonial government tended to seek pragmatic and temporary solutions.

Des maquisards aux ambaboys: Dette impayée des francophones envers les anglophones

The establishment of the German colonial administration in Cameroon from 1884 to 1914 has multiple socio-political, cultural and economic consequences. The conquest, division and administration of this territory by the French and the British after the First World War intensified the injustices created by the German administration. A nationalist party, Union des populations du Cameroun [UPC], was created in 1948. It promised to improve the status of life and called for unification and independence. The French colonial administration muzzled its militants or supporters and banned it in 1955. Forced underground, its leaders retreated to British Cameroons where they coordinated an armed uprising until 1971. This region also gave asylum to many people from the region under the French administration. Undaunted by injustices similar to those experienced by East Cameroon under French administration since 1972 and frustrated by the refusal of the dialogue on the structure of the state and the lack of social justice, part of the population of the English-speaking regions have rebelled and are fighting for independence using methods similar to those of the UPC. In response, the Cameroonian state has deployed methods of repression similar to those used by the French forces against the 1950–1971 UPC’s guerilla. People in these areas are also looking for shelter and assistance. These needs remind us of the duty and debt of Francophones towards Anglophone populations. While I contend that after 3 years of intensive fighting, I do not see an engaged response from the francophone side, I intend to clearly identify some similarities between the two conflicts as well as point out deep-seated facts for the continuation of the UPC dream.

Trial and Error: The Introduction of Plants and Animals to German Micronesia 1885–1914

ABSTRACTIn the absence of real strategic interest in her Micronesian possessions, Imperial Germany set out to administer the Islands Territory of Micronesia with as little financial effort as possible. To maximize returns from the colonies, the German administrators assessed the agricultural potential of the islands and set about introducing plant varieties for trial and future commercial planting. This paper traces the history of the animal and plant introductions to Micronesia and compiles the available evidence. The administrators were caught in an economic mindset circumscribed by copra production as well as by the need to grow crops of strategic potential, such as rubber-producing plants. While initially reliant on the interest and initiative of the local administrators, agricultural experimentation became increasingly centralized. The absence of fully trained agricultural advisors, especially in the later years of the German colonial administration, meant that plants of great commercial potential, such as sugarcane in the Marianas, were never trialled.

Introduction of coccinellid beetles to control the coconut scale insect Aspidiotus destructor Signoret in Micronesia 1901–1914

ABSTRACTThe present-day composition and distribution of diaspidid scale and coccinellid beetle species in the Pacific is an amalgam of endemic distribution, and naturalisations or extirpations following unintentional accidental dispersal as well as intentional dispersal as part of biological plant pest control measures. Using primary sources, historic biogeography not only allows us to untangle the nature and sequence of introductions but also to assess which species have endured. This paper is a case study of early twentieth century coccinellid beetles introductions to Micronesia. When faced with the spectre of a collapse of the local copra industry on Yap, the German colonial administration in Micronesia embarked on an ambitious program to eradicate, or at least contain the coconut scale insect. To this end numerous species of coccinellid beetles were introduced from within the Western Pacific (Saipan, New Britain) as well as from the outside (Australia, China, Philippines).

The Entanglement of Sovereignty and Property in International Law: From German Southwest Africa to the Great Land Grab?

Although sovereignty and property had emerged as clearly separated legal concepts at the time of German colonial expansion, with the acquisition of sovereignty requiring either the conclusion of treaties with other sovereigns, or the effective occupation of territorium nullium, their relationship was a lot closer in actual colonial practice. For the German colonial administration, ownership and control of private property in land was fundamental not only for the economic exploitation of the colony, but for acquiring territorial sovereignty in the first place. To a considerable extent, the effectiveness of Germany’s occupation derived from its control over property through the acquisition of property and the establishment of a property regime. The incremental land grab achieved a level of control, which Germany’s insufficient military deployment would not have achieved alone. Recognizing this role of property in the acquisition of sovereignty, one might feel inclined to support neo-marxist theories about property rights as a vehicle ensuring the original acquisition of the means of production (as well as the surplus value created by them). Hence, German colonialism in Southwest Africa looks like a thoroughly capitalist project. Intriguingly, the property regime faithfully reflected the specifically German variety of 19th century capitalism, which assigned a strong role to government intervention and control. Nevertheless, at closer inspection, the property regime established in Southwest Africa reveals an irritating fuzziness, which belies such simple explanations. This fuzziness consists in a series of loopholes, contradictions, and fundamental ambiguities pervading property law up until the confiscations following the Herero and Nama uprising. This observation is highly puzzling given that the Germans spared few efforts to establish a highly legalistic colonial regime. The paper argues that the fuzziness ultimately results from, and boils down to, the impossibility of establishing law in the context of a violent colonial conquest. Resorting to psychoanalytical theories of law pioneered by Jacques Lacan, one might understand the colonial property regime as a symbolic order that hides the brutality emanating from our imaginaries. Its fuzziness is the “damn’d spot” that does not wash off, a reminder of the contradiction inherent in the attempt to justify the unjustifiable, legalizing the illegal, in short, of the systemic violence pervading colonialism. Along this line, the article argues that the 1904-1907 genocide constitutes the culmination of insoluble tensions reflected in the property regime. Colonial law thus reveals itself as a field of intense struggles. While one should not overlook the character of property law as an instrument of colonization, it also reflects many of the contradictions of colonialism, of the attempts to justify the unjust. Tragically, these tensions still pervade the land question in today’s Namibia, only to be exacerbated by contemporary land grabs.

The Concept of Climate Improvement: Colonialism and Environment in German South West Africa

Abstract The desiccation theories formulated in the eighteenth century pointed out the connection between deforestation, rainfall reduction and climate change. After the 'Scramble for Africa' the conservation philosophy of the European colonial powers was based on anti-desiccation forest policy. This article seeks to consider how the concepts of 'desiccationism' were taken into account by the German colonists in forest and land management of their new colony: South West Africa. The conservation policy carried out by the German colonial administration was very controversial because they were interested only in areas suitable for European settlement. The early twentieth century idea of improving the climate of South West Africa by greening the Central Highland and the Namib Desert was an excellent indication of a firm belief in science. The other side of the coin was that no environmental responsibility was taken for the African reserves.

Le kiswahili : une politique linguistique d’exception au Tanganyika

This article presents the language policy in Tanganyika under German and British colonizations through textbooks. In this territory, the language of instruction was Swahili, an African language used and propagated by Muslim traders, and then European missionaries. Why was English not used as language of instruction in Tanganyika like in any other British colonies? What are the reasons and issues in this area which make it so special? The role of the German colonial administration and missionaries was very important in developing the use of Swahili as vernacular language, and consequently as common language during the British colonial period. The specificity of multi-ethnic society is also fundamental to understand the need of efficient and complete communication with and between populations. This paper explores how Swahili became a lingua franca in Tanganyika under British administration.

Transnational movements between colonial empires: migrant workers from the British Cape Colony in the German diamond town of Lüderitzbucht

Before the First World War, there were significant transnational movements and interactions between colonies of different European powers in imperial Africa, a fact that is often neglected in research on imperial and colonial history. The paper addresses such movements, taking the town of Lüderitzbucht in the German colony of South West Africa as an example. Here, from 1908 onwards, a diamond boom attracted migrant workers from other colonies on a great scale, especially from the neighbouring British Cape. Lüderitzbucht is thus identified as a ‘transnational space’, where interactions between colonial states, conflicting interests of the German colonial administration and German business as well as the life and environment of African migrant workers can be investigated. The developments in Lüderitzbucht point to a growing interconnectedness during a period of worldwide globalisation that also reached the African colonies. German companies in particular were keen to explore the opportunities of a new migrant workforce. Conversely, the paper also stresses that such closer interactions led to a desire to demarcate a national style of colonial rule, especially in the case of the German colonial administration. The growing mixed society developing in Lüderitzbucht was obviously highly disturbing for the South West African government. The move of African workers from a British colony to a German colony also entailed a clash of different colonial cultures. As a further point, the focus on transnational connections highlights the otherwise hidden agency of African workers. Individual fates become visible through the use of new sources that would not be of interest to a history solely concentrating on the German or the British colony.

Books and Libraries in German Micronesia 1885–1914

This paper will review what is known about public and private libraries in Micronesia during the period of the German colonial administration in the Marshall Islands (1886–1914) and the rest of Micronesia (1898–1914) with the exception of Guam. In the following we will briefly address the nature of public libraries in the German colonies in Africa and the Samoa:J before we concentrate on the situation in Micronesia.

Tradition orale, utilisation des généalogies et nouvelles entités politiques, Nanga Eboko, Cameroun

In order to lay fondations of viable political and administrative unities, german colonial administration contributed locally to promote an original « ethnic federation ». To thank Yekaba's chief for helping lieutenant Dominik to suppress castern groups of Maka insurgents, german administration gave him a broad territorial responsibility and because of releasing political pressure, cohesion of groups, federated by yekaba's, chief, was threatened. To prevent a possible break up of this federation, local authorities promoted a new ethnic genealogy. They justified this entity by a pseudo-historic existence of common ancestors, named badjia.

Namibia's orange river boundary ? origin and reemerged effects of an inattentive colonial boundary delimination

From the above and beside the securing of water rights for the national mining industry, the irrigation clusters scattered as if pearls along the Orange River's N bank are of an obviously unrenouncable significance for the Namibian agricultural production. In any case, it is clearly of utmost importance for Windhoek to secure the possession of the N flood plain by a boundary accord to be reached as soon as possible. This should determine as a minimal solution the border line finally along the low water mark, or, certainly more advantageous for the country, following the rivers median line. Even more so because, in spite of the high costs this would entail due to the lack of infrastructure in the inaccessible Orange gorge, the future extending potential of the irrigation schemes on the N bank are be estimated at least on 7800 ha (Otzen 1989) which is six times the developed irrigation area at the present stage and more than the actual overall Namibian irrigated cultivation area. In order to strengthen the claim to all areas presently disputed between the Republics of Namibia and South Africa and backed by several in international law not binding UN General Assembly resolutions, the Windhoek Constitutional Assembly resolved Article 1 (4) of the new Namibian constitution: “The national of Namibia shall consist of the whole of territory recognised by the international community through the organs of the United Nations as Namibia, including the enclave, harbour and port of Walvis Bay, as well as the off-shore islands of Namibia, and its southern boundaryshall extend to the middle of the Orange River.” Secret negotiations have been taking place since 21st March 1990 but as in the case of the much disputed possession of Walvis Bay, the Republic of South Africa cannot be forced to accept the low water line or the now constitutionally claimed median line as the revised Orange River boundary. South Africa remains internationally unsuable and the small Namibia is presently unable to put pressure on the leading regional power. On the contrary, such a substantial revision of the failures of the late German colonial administration seems only be attainable, if it all, after a phase of ‘positive development’ in Windhoek, so to be recognised by Pretoria, which then could be result in a voluntary surrender of the South African claim to the N bank to seal then hopefully reached good neighbourly relations between the Republic of South Africa and the recently emerged Republic of Namibia.

Tanganyika Forestry Under German Colonial Administration, 1891–1919

Previous articleNext article No AccessArticlesTanganyika Forestry Under German Colonial Administration, 1891–1919Hans G. SchabelHans G. Schabel Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Volume 34, Number 3July 1990A Special Issue on International Forest History Published for the American Society for Environmental History and the Forest History Society Views: 14Total views on this site Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/3983902 Views: 14Total views on this site Journal History This article was published in Forest & Conservation History (1990-1995), which is continued by Environmental History (1996-present). © 1990 Forest History Society, Inc. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

Obasinjom among the Ejagham

n part one of this paper (vol. 18, no. 1, 1984) I discussed four types of medicines (njom) among the Ejagham of the Cross River region of western Cameroon, specifically those found in the town of Kembong. These medicines-that is, the powers found in certain magical plants that have been given by God and the ancestors to fight witches and criminals-are localized in specific objects: carved figures, lumps of clay, horns, or raffia bags. In the case of the fifth medicine, Obasinjomn, whose origin and characteristics I will discuss here, the object is a mask. Following the rebellion of the Ejagham and neighboring peoples in 1904, the German colonial administration ordered the resettlement of the population into larger villages. This period was marked by an abundance of witches. So many people were killed by witches and their preferred animal form, leopards, that when word reached the people of Upper Kembong of Obasinjom's power, they resolved to acquire the medicine for themselves.'

Housing in Dar-es-Salaam

Dar-es-Salaam is a comparatively young city. A little over a hundred years ago, the Sultan Seyyid Majid of Zanzibar decided to extend his sphere of influence to mainland Africa by founding a new city around the sheltered mouth of the Mzinga Creek which was ideally suited as a harbour. This was in 1865-~66, when under his ‘grand design’ streets were planned, stonewalls sunk, a palace, mosques and several double-storey buildings were built. Dar-es-Salaam was to become the main caravan terminus for East Africa and adequate port and warehouse facilities were provided for this.’ The local African population, living in small villages in and around the site, were attracted by the new economic opportunities which the new city offered and became easily assimilated. The city’s ethnic mix was further enriched by the presence of some Arab and particularly Indian families. Arabs from Zanzibar were encouraged to settle here by the Sultan himself and Indian traders from Ragamoyo as well as Zanzibar were quick to set up their businesses. Unfortunately the Sultan died in 1870 and his half-brother and successor was not much in favour of Majid’s grand design. He maintained his court on Zanzibar and Dar-es-Salaam was forgotten until 1891, when the German colonial administration decided to move the seat of Government from Ragamoyo to Dar-esSalaam. At the same time it was to become the main port and the centre of commerce and communication for German East Africa. This development raised Dar-es-Salaam above other regional centres in the area and, like any other sea port and capital city, linked it to the international world. The city was growing very fast and at the turn of the century it accommodated some 20,000 inhabitants. At the end of First World War, Tanganyika became a British Protectorate and the new colonial power maintained the German administrative area as the hub of government. Even after independence in 1961, Dar-es-Salaam remained the political and commercial centre of Tanzania. By this time the population had grown ten-fold to over 200,000. The share of the African community was 73% of the population, as against 24% for Asians and 3% for Europeans.

Pastor, Politician, Entrepreneur, Chief: Power and Leadership on Epoon Atoll Today

In analysing the various types of political figures and status positions on Epoon, an outer atoll in the Marshall Islands, this article sheds light on contemporary constitutions of hierarchy, authority and leadership. This leads to an argument about the context-dependent nature of power. No leadership figure on Epoon today is all-powerful in the sense that his or her influence is relevant across all political and cultural spheres. When the historical depictions of Marshallese chiefs are traced in a critical light, it will become clear that earlier ideas of the chiefs as autocratic power figures may have appeared to benefit German colonial administration and Protestant missionaries. Shifting the focus to the dynamics of contemporary leadership practices, the case of an El Salvadorian castaway illuminates the power plays various actors engage in to gain access to his boat. What we will see is that power is highly dependent on context to have effect.