Geostrategic Interests Research Articles

Drivers and Impact of European Defence Market Integration: A Literature Meta-Synthesis with Economic Focus

ABSTRACT The Ukraine war, the aftermath of COVID-19, Brexit and shifting US geostrategic interests are putting pressure on the European defence situation, strategy and budgets. The current crises expose warfare capability gaps in the European armed forces and capacity constraints of the European defence industry after decades of the peace dividend. More nations are calling for stronger engagement of the EU in the defence sector to overcome these challenges and complete the European defence sector integration that started in the late 1990s. It is estimated that more cooperation in defence procurement and research could save up to 30% of the current €290 bn total EU27 defence budgets. Can this combination of recent factors provide new impulses towards a unified European defence market, more cooperation on defence procurement and industry consolidation? We conducted a literature review (‘meta-synthesis’) of 172 journal articles, studies and think-tank papers since 1995 to build a holistic picture. The analysis aims to describe the progress and challenges of European defence market integration from an economic viewpoint. It provides future researchers with a basic understanding of defence industrial challenges, motivations and economic drivers of European defence integration as well as of reasons for resistance and potential scenarios.

Navigating the labyrinth: how political traditions and geostrategic interests shape U.S. intervention in the civil-military relations of developing countries

ABSTRACT This research examines patterns and factors influencing U.S. civil-military relations interventions in developing countries. Drawing on theories of new clientelism and geopolitics, it proposes developing states’ political traditions and U.S. geostrategic interests jointly shape U.S. intervention policies through an interactive effect. Quantitative analysis of U.S. military assistance and engagement data across 97 developing countries (1990–2020) supports key hypotheses: U.S. civil-military intervention is higher in military-dominated polities and states of major geostrategic interest, with military political traditions amplifying geostrategic factors. Case studies of Egypt and India further reveal differentiated pathways of U.S. military influence across varying political systems. The findings provide new explanations of U.S. foreign military behavior, analytical perspectives on Third World military diplomacy, and insights for developing countries in responding to great power military pressures while preserving sovereignty and security.

The Antarctic Continent: a geostrategic interest of the Colombian State

The purpose of this research article is to determine the geostrategic relevance for the Colombian State, reflected in policies, research and institutional architecture that covers the Antarctic continent. The argumentation and analysis are supported by primary and secondary sources, which allow visualizing the characteristics, conditions, contributions and projection of Colombia in the Antarctic Treaty System. As a working hypothesis, Colombia has identified Antarctica as part of a geostrategic interest -from a humanistic and investigative perspective- and has deployed a series of institutional efforts in the last 30 years to approach the understanding of the region. As conclusions, there is a clear oceanic, aerial, cyberspace, space, climatic and biological connection between Colombia, represented in public institutions -such as the Foreign Ministry and the Military Forces- and educational institutions -such as universities and research centers- and the Antarctica, inserting it in this way as a geostrategic interest of the country

The Russia–Ukraine war, the evolving global order, the Global South and emergence of non‐alignment 2.0

AbstractThe conclusion to the special section argues that the Russia‐Ukraine war has led to the emergence of non‐alignment 2.0 in the Global South because the Cold War era non‐alignment is anachronistic in the current/emerging world order. Non‐alignment 2.0 is characterised by countries exercising strategic autonomy to maximise their geo‐economic, geopolitical and geostrategic interests. They are neither aligned with the West nor with non‐western powers forming a strategic alliance. Consequently, they have been unwilling to choose a side in the Russia‐Ukraine war. In non‐alignment 2.0, states in the Global South will be critical of both the West and non‐western powers including China and Russia if they are unable to provide effective solutions to their problems and will create/provide their own norms and establish their own institutions to solve the problems facing these countries. Non‐alignment 2.0 lacks coherence because it is unable to provide an effective political and economic path.

China's Geostrategic Interests in the Indian Ocean Region: Implications for Regional Security and Sino- Indian Relations

Over the last decade, China has increased its footprint and economic power in the Indian Ocean by expanding its influence there. Critical concerns in the Indian Ocean pose a danger to regional security, according to this research. Realist theoryassesses China's economic and military achievements. There is a real possibility that unchecked Chinese development into the Indian Ocean would turn the entire ocean into a "Chinese lake," opening up trade along the Maritime Silk Road. A coalition of impacted and compatible governments is necessary to safeguard maritime interests against China's aggressiveness. The mixed approach employed literature and survey data for qualitative and quantitative research. Basic random sampling was used to sample 150 Lahore residents. Those who are active in policymaking and marine governance are the target audience for these findings, which are meant to educate them on the geopolitical shifts and what they represent for the future of the sector.

Дагестан в составе России: основные этапы и опыт политической, экономической и куль-турной интеграции

The article highlights the economic and political consequences of Dagestan's entry into Russia, starting from the end of the Caucasian War in the North-Eastern Caucasus and up to our time. This event had great progressive significance for the destinies of the Dagestan peoples. The peoples of Dagestan, who were at the stage of feudalism, were drawn into the economic, legal and cultural field of capitalist Russia, which predetermined the rapid development of bourgeois relations in the region in industry and the agricultural sector. Being part of the Russian Empire, and subsequently the USSR, Dagestanis took an active part in all significant socio-political events in the country. A particularly great flourishing of the economy and culture of Dagestan was observed in the 1960–1980s. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and a paradigm shift in the state and social structure of Russia, the peoples of Dagestan expressed their desire to remain part of it. In the new geopoliti-cal situation, Dagestan turned out to be the southernmost outpost of Russia, through which the Russian Federation protects its geoeconomic and geostrategic interests in the region.

Africa’s Sovereignty in the Context of the Multipolarizing Global Order: А Pre-Exploratory Discourse on the Sahel

A new wave of geopolitical transformation is sweeping across the world, and Africa is not exempt from its dynamics. The evolving global geopolitical order is characterized by the realignments and counter-alignments of ties and interests at the multilateral and minilateral levels, with far-reaching consequences for nations. The study analyzes African sovereignty in the context of the geopolitical dynamics of the continent. Using the Sahel as a case study and secondary sources, the author identifies and substantiates the implications of the new geopolitical situation on the continent in terms of state sovereignty. Using a broad conceptual framework, the author views African sovereignty as the ability of the continent’s states to control their political, economic, military, and cultural destinies in the transition to multipolarity. Emphasizing the growing influence of China and Russia, as opposed to the countervailing influence of the United States, the author argues that the geopolitical struggle of the great powers in Africa is primarily driven by their geostrategic interests. Under the current balance of power and conditions, the countries of the continent can win or lose depending on how strategically active they are in terms of functional diplomatic relations with extra-regional geopolitical leaders. The article argues that such engagement should be pragmatic enough to advance the interests of Africa and all stakeholders on the basis of mutual respect and functional interdependence. Otherwise, Africa’s agency and self-determination are doomed to be objectified again, similar to the pre-colonial “scramble” for Africa.

China’s Efforts to Bring Political Stability and Economic Prosperity in the Middle East: The Case of Mending the Saudi-Iran Ties

The history of international relations reveals that the security of the geostrategic interests of major powers had been associated with the stability of the concerned region. Almost the whole current political scenario of the world reflects the same views. However, the case of the United States (US) is quite the opposite as it seems to secure its interests but not pay attention to the welfare of the concerned regions. This research presents an innovative model in this connection in which an attempt has been made to explore the strategies of one of the major powers i.e. China that has strived to restore political stability to gain economic prosperity in the Middle East. The research emphasizes China’s strategy for mending the Saudi-Iran ties that have widened its opportunities to build cordial relations with the regional states, especially concerning ensuring peace activities in the region. It has elaborated on China’s strategic partnership initiative through which it has minimized the non-productive US influence in the Middle East and has cashed countless opportunities to enhance its economic and political support. Specifically, after the recent Saudi-Iran rapprochement, China can now build diplomatic capitals on both sides of the Persian Gulf. Anyhow, after ensuring a peaceful environment in the Middle East, China has emerged as the most influential power that can guarantee regional security along with the security of its geostrategic interests as well. The research suggests that the deal will be helpful for the regional states to get themselves out of the longer period of instability and economic exploitation at the hands of the United States (US).

Глокальное пространство в Твиттер-коммуникации на испанглийском языке

The study of linguistic phenomena in media texts based on code-switching and code-mixing is a pressing issue, since their linguistic level reflects global processes of the multipolar world development. In particular, it results in post-standard modern languages and translingual idioms where language contact occurs. The article aims at determining the Spanglish language glocal space continuum at the lexical, semantic and grammatical levels. The material is based on tweets by the American satirist Rachel Figueroa, writing under the pseudonym Miguel Bloombito, for 2017–2022, selected using the continuous sampling method. A corpus of 1073 tweets was compiled and studied using morphological, syntactic, lexical and semantic analysis followed by statistical processing and mapping. The result is the identification of four modus categories that express meanings corresponding to glocal space. Methods for transmitting these meanings at the lexical, semantic and grammatical levels in Spanglish have been identified as well. Thus, it has been established that this translingual idiom boasts a full-fledged system of units and levels, which effectively conveys the meanings of all modus categories under consideration. In addition, data mapping allows us to conclude that Spanglish effectively performs communication tasks both within the same locale and between different locales. Finally, the study does not only empirically prove the validity of one of the hypotheses regarding the glocal space infinity, including its linguistic representation, but also demonstrates that modern language contact models correspond not to geography, but to the logistics of communication flows between various glocalized locales determined by geostrategic interests.

Evaluating the Effectiveness of the ECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance in Preventing the Resurgence of Military Coups in West Africa

Many African countries underwent a shift from military to civilian leadership in the 1990s in response to calls for democratic changes from both domestic and international arenas. Unfortunately, the military dictatorship has made a comeback in Africa with a stunning surge of new military coups that have succeeded, along with several failed or abandoned attempts. Six (6) successful coups in the West African sub-region between 2012 and 2023 have complicated attempts to shed the region’s image as a “coup belt.” This research is primarily qualitative. For this research, the researcher used the qualitative research method by reviewing books, articles, and online interviews. This study aims to examine and challenge the ideas, theories, and policies that the Economic Community of West Africa (ECOWAS) has implemented to thwart the rise in military takeovers in the region. The research also covers the military’s functions and how military action affects civil society. Considering the reasons, which include diminishing optimism, growing levels of insecurity, falling economies, and persistently low performance in human development, the research study concludes with these findings. The Economic Community of West African States and other relevant stakeholders that are interested in reducing military coups should invest more in finance. Rather than trying to employ coercive tactics to end the ongoing military coups in West Africa. In the same vein, they should also focus on resolving the root causes of conflicts and investing in local communities, rather than sacrificing them for hidden geo-strategic interests or agendas.

China’s Geostrategic Interest in the Indian Ocean Region

The goal of this research is to look at China's expanding geopolitical interests in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), as well as the strategic implications of its involvement. As it climbs to importance on the global scene, China has escalated its role in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) via economic investments, maritime infrastructure projects, and naval activities. The research explores China's interest in the IOR, diving into the country's economic imperatives, energy security concerns, and the geopolitical significance of securing maritime routes. The report also assesses the impact of China's actions on the dynamics of the surrounding region, focusing on China's relationships with neighboring states and key players in the IOR. By evaluating China's evolving tactics and the responses of regional parties, this research aims to provide insights into the wider geopolitical context and potential issues coming from China's increasing influence in the Indian Ocean. These insights will be gained by examining China's shifting tactics as well as the reactions of regional players.

HOW THE RUSSIA-UKRAINE WAR CHANGED THE MODERN WORLD

The author analyzes the geopolitical, economic, energy, military, historical, informational, and other important factors, which played a role in the Russian military aggression against Ukraine.
 Particularly, the author presents a comprehensive overview of the reasons behind the implementation of the intervention in Ukraine and the violation of the main principles of morality and international law by Russia. Furthermore, the author shows how Russia is losing geopolitical influence in the world and particularly in the post-soviet space, which the Kremlin considers as a zone of geopolitical and geostrategic interests of Russia after the disintegration of the Soviet Union.
 The author also examines the economic consequences of the war, including how the military operation has damaged the Russian economy, and how this has negatively affected the Russian government’s budget. One of the results of it is the decreasing volume of Russian oil and gas exports, especially in the European market. In this context, some aspects of how the war affects the global economy are also discussed and analyzed.
 Regarding military aspects, the statistical data related to Russian losses in the war, including military personnel and military techniques also are considered in the framework of the research.
 In the research, attention is paid to the importance of analyzing some historic factors, related to the imperialistic policy of the Russian empire, the Soviet Union, and the Russian Federation accordingly from the 19th century till now. Particularly, the focus is on kinds of violations that have been implemented by their rulers against different states and nations, including mass deportations and genocides of the civilian population.
 In conclusion, the author presents possible scenarios for developments related to the Russia-Ukraine war.

UKRAINE’S GEOSTRATEGY IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE

The article examines the essential features of Ukraine's regional geostrategy in Central and Eastern Europe, reveals the main problems, and defines the prospects of Ukrainian geostrategy. In the conditions of war, Ukraine’s geostrategy regarding the RF should be offensive in nature and envisage the return of the entire geopolitical space of the state through the use, first of all, of military force. Ukraine's geostrategy in Central and Eastern Europe should be developed on the basis of its national interests, first of all, ensuring its own national security and achieving a sufficiently high level of integral potential development. When developing and implementing its regional geostrategy, Ukraine must take into account the interests of the US, other leading Western countries, and neighboring EU and NATO member states, since it needs their help. Ukraine's geostrategy in Central and Eastern Europe should be largely aimed at the formation of the Baltic-Black Sea regional security system, which will consist of two subsystems: the Baltic (Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland) and the Black Sea (Romania, Moldova, Ukraine, in cooperation with Turkey). In the formation of the Baltic subsystem, Poland can play a particularly significant role, whose military potential is strengthened thanks to the help from the US and the UK. The development of militarypolitical cooperation between Ukraine and the Baltic states, as well as Finland, is of great importance for the realization of its geostrategic interests. Regarding Belarus, Ukraine's contemporary geostrategy should be “confrontational”, aimed at the maximum weakening of this state as a geopolitical satellite of Russia. The Black Sea subsystem can be formed as a result of joint active efforts of Ukraine and Turkey in the field of military security. The involvement of Romania and, to a lesser extent, Moldova in subregional militarypolitical cooperation should also be important. The potential reintegration of Transnistria by the Republic of Moldova corresponds to the geostrategic interests of Ukraine, as it will eliminate the Russian geopolitical bridgehead. As a result of the implementation of its regional geostrategy, Ukraine is potentially able to become a leading “player” in the new security system in Central and Eastern Europe.

Scenarios of Potential Unconventional Security Threats as Public Policy Concern for Nepal

This paper is about drawing different scenarios of potential unconventional security threats in Nepal as a major public policy concern. However, not much work has been done so far in this issue so far and therefore need greater attention. The aim of this paper is to draws different potential unconventional security threats in Nepal. While analyzing the unconventional security challenges, I have used the analytical formwork of four conceptual parameters like a) Understanding and commitment of domestic actors, b) domestic coping capacity, c) external geo-strategic interests and d) Sudden devastations and natural calamities. Based on these parameters I have drawn three different scenarios of unconventional security and consequent security risks. The methods used to collect primary and secondary data were observation, content analysis, in-depth interviews and literature review. This paper concludes that unconventional security situation depends on domestic coping capacity, commitment of policy decision makers, degree and intensity of external geo-strategic, political, economic, and other security interests and frequency and degree of natural calamities. The paper concludes that Nepal is in potentially high risks of unconventional security challenges and national unity is essential to handle with the future potential unconventional challenges.

Japan’s Security Policy Expansion in Southeast Asia During the Shinzo Abe Administration: Case of Japan–Indonesia Security Cooperation

This research explains how the changing geostrategic realm impacts the security policy of a state. From this context, this article aims to investigate Japan’s geostrategic interest in expanding its security and defence policy to Southeast Asia under the 2012–2020 Abe administration, with Indonesia as the case study. This research employed a disciplined configurative case study method with geostrategic theory as the analysis framework. This research found that Japan’s expanding security and defence cooperation with Indonesia is caused by the increasing geostrategic vulnerability in the Indo-Pacific area, mainly concerning China’s geostrategy under Xi Jinping called China Dream. Japan seeks to prevent China’s growing geostrategic influence in mainland Asia, which is on the northern side, from going southward to the Indo-Pacific area. To that end, expanded security and defence cooperation with Indonesia is important to maintain the stability of Southeast Asia as a connector of the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean.

Hybrid Democracies of the Western Balkans

The governance models of Western Balkan states are now based on a liberal democracy and the development of an open and free economy. In the early 2000s, the European Union was very active in the Western Balkans, strongly promoting democratic values for good governance and strengthening the implementation of the rule of law, democratizing state institutions, with the aim of creating a legal order to protect and respect human rights. Despite the engagement of European Union structures, it is now evident that in some countries of the Western Balkans, there are tendencies towards an authoritarian model of the state, away from a functional system for effective governance. The reasons are mainly due to internal factors and circumstances of the region. The international factor has consistently criticized these governance models being created in some Western Balkan countries, which take the form of hybrid democracies. This form of governance has already established its own status quo and is an approach that is resistant to change, both by international factors and by domestic governmental/political structures. The integration of Western Balkan states into Euro-Atlantic institutions, especially the European Union, remains the main topic of discussion for key leaders, not only within the region but also among the main leaders of the European Union member countries. Integration is a complex process that requires mutual cooperation. On the one hand, serious commitment is required from Western Balkan countries to meet the conditionality criteria, and on the other hand, the European Union must be willing to undertake concrete initiatives for their inclusion. These initiatives may also require reforms within the structures of the European Union. Diplomatically, initially, traditional bilateral relations were seen as the most reliable alternative to achieve Euro-Atlantic integration, which the Western Balkan countries aspire to so much. Despite numerous efforts, the Western Balkan countries now feel "fatigued" from the long wait, resulting from difficult conditions and technicalities. The governance of the region's countries is under constant pressure from bureaucracy and the weakness in decision-making of European Union institutions, as well as from the constraints and conditions applied over the years. This situation has led to an "internal upheaval" both within the political class and the civil society of Western Balkan countries. High-ranking political leaders of some Western Balkan countries have now taken joint political initiatives with regional significance. Based on the various developments in a complex region such as the Western Balkans, this paper aims to present the implications that may arise in the Euro-Atlantic integration process from the involvement of actors with different geo-strategic interests.
 
 
 Received: 05 May 2022 / Accepted: 16 May 2023 / Published: 20 May 2023

New Wild Fields: How the Russian War Leads to the Demodernization of Ukraine’s Occupied Territories

AbstractThis article explores Russian occupation policy in Ukraine as an adaptive tactic of Russia’s grand strategy and a manifestation of its military culture. Based on a comparative analysis of the Russian occupation policy during the hybrid and conventional stages of the Russian-Ukrainian war, including the employment of a de facto state playbook, we find both continuity and shifts in Russia’s approach. Although the main shift lies in the change of Russia’s conflict management in neighboring countries from reactive to proactive, the main continuities are the subordination of occupation policy to Russia’s geostrategic interests and path dependence in its military culture, which together lead to the employment of brutal violence against civilians and the demodernization of occupied territories.

Structural and industrial transformation of resort towns’ economies: The case of urban districts in the Republic of Crimea

The study of transformation processes in economies of various settlements, including those taking place in urban districts of a health resort type, still lacks a fullyformed methodology. There are no confirmed approaches and clear methods of cognition, which is a consequence of the uniqueness of such type of settlements. The difficulties of studying their structural and industrial transformation and specialisation, its stability / variability increase due to the need to build long time series of economic indicators, since only in such case the findings can be considered reliable. The paper aims to identify the processes of structural and industrial transformation in the economies of urban districts of a health resort type in the Republic of Crimea in different institutional contexts, as well as to justify the factors behind and conditions for occurring changes, and describe the ‘genetic code’ of the settlements of this type. Methodologically, the paper relies on the regional and municipal economics. The methods include various types of analysis, in particular, structural, time series, bibliometric and content analysis. The data comes from the Crimea’s socioeconomic statistics for 1935–2021. The ‘genetic code’ of the Crimea’s economy and resort towns located in its territory consists in the dominance of the health care sector due to the developed health resort activity, which is based on the use of unique natural treatment factors and resources. The findings indicate that this code remains stable despite changing institutional con texts unceasingly reshaped by the state geostrategic interests, the world geopolitical situation, and the political atmosphere in neighboring territories.

More than a Game: Football and Soft Power in the Gulf

ABSTRACT By hosting spectacular international mega-events such as the 2022 World Cup and investing in the heavyweights of global football such as Paris St. Germain, Newcastle United or Manchester City, the monarchies of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) – in particular Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) – are heavily engaged in ‘football diplomacy’ to gain more leverage in terms of regional and international politics, bolster their global reputation, consolidate power on an internal and external level and promote economic diversification. In doing so, these GCC monarchies instrumentalise football for the projection of soft power with the aim of preserving geostrategic interests, consolidating legitimacy and promoting a respective national ‘football identity’. As such, they are competing for ‘beauty’, ‘brilliance’ and ‘benignity’. In addition, sports (particularly football) are drivers of domestic and international human development, as GCC states such as Qatar are increasingly investing in Sports for Development (S4D) efforts. As sport diplomacy is also at risk of ‘soft disempowerment’, S4D provides an instrument to counter international criticism and promote social cohesion and national identity politics.

NONALIGNED FOREIGN POLICY A DEFENSE DIPLOMACY OF SRI LANKA IN THE INDIAN OCEAN TERRITORY

This article tries to elaborate the strategic position Indian Ocean in the current international relations. This region has become a crucial theatre for the global sea lanes of communication with pivot to Asia policy. As a littoral country in the Indian Ocean, Sri Lanka relies heavily on the SLOCs in the Indian ocean. Against this background, this article also elaborates the implementation of defence diplomacy by Sri Lanka adopting nonalignment as the governing principle of its foreign policy. The thesis presents two possible scenarios: the successful adoption of nonalignment, balancing Sri Lanka’s geostrategic interests with major Indian Ocean Region (IOR) power players to enhance maritime capabilities and confidence-building activities related maritime domain in order to establish maritime security in the region.